杜甫

人物生平播报编辑

## 人物生平

### 家世背景

杜甫出身京兆杜氏，是汉武帝时期酷吏杜周的后代。杜甫曾在《祭远祖当阳君文》中提及，自己是西晋名臣杜预的“十三叶孙”。杜预的第三子杜耽为杜甫的先祖。 [82] [105]

杜氏祖籍襄阳（今属湖北），至曾祖父杜依艺时，因官居巩县县令，遂迁居巩县（今属河南）。杜甫于唐睿宗太极元年正月初一（712年2月12日）生于巩县城东二里的瑶湾村（今河南巩义）。 [1] [24] [107]祖父是杜审言，唐中宗时官拜国子监主簿、修文馆直学士，是与沈佺期、宋之问齐名的诗人。 [29]父亲杜闲，为杜审言的长子，官至兖州司马。杜甫对这个“奉儒守官，未坠素业”，又有诗歌创作传统的家庭，是很引为骄傲的。他的母亲崔氏，在杜甫年幼时就故去。 [2] [30]崔家也是有名望的世家大族，杜甫自述“舅氏多人物”“吾舅尽知名”。他一生中曾多次和亲疏不等的舅父、表弟相遇。 [68]崔氏去世之后，杜闲又娶了卢氏为妻。在童年的大部分时间里，杜甫都寄养在东都洛阳的二姑家里，得到悉心照料。 [107]《杜甫的家世、家学与家风》所载杜甫世系表

### 读书游历

杜甫青少年时因家庭环境优越，因此过着较为安定富足的生活。他自小好学，七岁能作诗，“七龄思即壮，开口咏凤凰”，而后“九龄书大字，有作成一囊”，有志于“致君尧舜上，再使风俗淳”。到十四五岁，就“出游翰墨场”。 [68]

杜甫少年时期有机会受到各种文化艺术的熏陶，这对他日后的诗歌创作有很大的影响。例如他五六岁时在河南郾城看过舞蹈家公孙大娘的剑器浑脱舞；后在洛阳尚善坊的岐王李范宅里，遵化里玄宗宠臣崔涤堂前，听过李龟年的歌声；在洛阳北邙山顶玄元皇帝庙里欣赏过画圣吴道子画的五圣尊容、千官行列，这在他以后的诗歌创作中都有所反映。当时社会名流崔尚、魏启心看到他习作的词赋，夸奖他有班固、扬雄之风。还有李邕、王翰这样的长辈也屈尊来访问他。可见他自称“读书破万卷，下笔如有神”，并非虚言。 [68]

杜甫生当“开元全盛日”，当时农村经济繁荣，交通也很发达，在许多积极追求功名的青壮年读书人中，盛行着全国漫游的风气。开元十九年（731年），十九岁的杜甫出游郇瑕（今山西临猗） [3]。第二年漫游吴越，历时数年。开元二十三年（735年），又回故乡参加“乡贡”。开元二十四年（736年），杜甫在洛阳参加进士考试，结果落第。因父亲杜闲时任兖州司马，故杜甫赴兖州省亲，并与苏源明等往齐赵平原，作第二次漫游。他在齐赵一带过了四五年“裘马轻狂”的“快意”生活，也留下了现存最早的几首诗：《登兖州城楼》，是省侍父亲于兖州时的作品；还有《画鹰》《房兵曹胡马》两首，以青年人的热情歌颂了雄鹰和骏马；还有一首《望岳》，更是其中的杰作，结尾的两句是流传千古的名句：“会当凌绝顶，一览众山小”，流露了青少年时期杜甫不凡的抱负。 [68]元 佚名《杜甫像》

天宝三载（744年）四月，杜甫在洛阳与被唐玄宗赐金放还的李白相遇，两人相约同游梁、宋（今河南开封、商丘一带），会见了诗人高适，杜甫《昔游》云：“昔者与高李，晚登单父台（今山东菏泽单县琴台）”。 [126-127]之后，杜甫又到齐州（今山东济南）。天宝四载（745年），杜甫在齐鲁又与李白相见，在饮酒赋诗之外，又讨论了炼丹求仙，而且共同访问了兖州城北的隐士范野人。二人还互赠了诗篇：杜甫赠李白的诗说：“余亦东蒙客，怜君如弟兄。醉眠秋共被，携手日同行。”李白赠杜甫的诗说：“秋波落泗水，海色明徂徕。飞蓬各自远，且尽手中杯！”两人从此以后就再也没有见面。 [68]

### 困顿长安

杜甫一生引为“快意”的读书游历时期，到三十四岁就结束了。 [68]

天宝五载（746年），杜甫回到长安。这时长安的浪漫游乐风气尚未过去，汉中王府、郑驸马宅等贵族达官第宅都向他开过门。但杜甫来长安的最主要的任务还是参加科举考试，谋取官职。天宝六载（747年），玄宗诏天下“通一艺者”到长安应试，杜甫也参加了考试。由于权相李林甫编导了一场“野无遗贤”的闹剧，参加考试的士子全部落选。科举之路既然行不通，杜甫为实现自己的政治理想，不得不转走权贵之门，投赠干谒等，但都无结果。他客居长安十年，奔走献赋，郁郁不得志，仕途失意，过着贫困的生活 [87]。在《奉赠韦左丞丈二十二韵》里，他一面陈述“致君尧舜”的抱负，同时也倾诉了干谒权贵的悲愤与辛酸。 [68]

天宝十载（751年）正月，玄宗将连续三天举行祭祀玄元皇帝、太庙和天地的三大盛典，杜甫在天宝九载（750年）冬预献《三大礼赋》，得到玄宗的赏识，命宰相出题，在集贤院考试他的文章。而召试的结果，只是说他“名实相副，送隶有司，参列选序”，只给了一个候选官吏的资格。到了天宝十四载（755年），杜甫被授为河西尉，但杜甫不愿意任此“凄凉为折腰”的官职，朝廷就将之改任右卫率府兵曹参军（一说任右卫率府胄曹参军，但杜甫在《官定后戏赠》题下原注曰：“时免河西尉，为右卫率府兵曹。”而唐人元稹及宋人所修《新唐书》却提及杜甫为“胄曹参军”，故其官职尚存争议 [25]）。 [68]杜甫因已年四十四，至长安也十年有余，为生计而接受了这所学无用之职。十一月，杜甫往奉先（今陕西省蒲城县）省家，杜甫刚刚进到家门就听到哭泣声，原来小儿子饿死了。就长安十年的感受和沿途见闻，写成著名的《自京赴奉先县咏怀五百字》。 [4]与杜甫诗作意境相合的《杜甫诗意图》（原名《竹溪消夏图》）

（图册参考来源 [77]）

这一时期，备受饥寒疾病折磨的杜甫认清了统治集团的腐化面目，对广大的士卒人民的苦难，对国运的危机，也有了越来越深广的感受和认识。除《自京赴奉先县咏怀五百字》外，他还写下了《兵车行》《丽人行》等陈述时弊的诗作。 [68]

### 战乱流离

天宝十四载（755年）十一月，安禄山起兵范阳，安史之乱爆发。第二年六月，潼关失守，玄宗仓惶西逃。七月，太子李亨即位于灵武（今宁夏回族自治区灵武市），是为唐肃宗。这时的杜甫正带着妻子儿女从奉先北上三川，刚到鄜州（今陕西富县）羌村避难，听到了肃宗即位，及时安顿了家属，就在八月只身北上，投奔灵武，途中不幸为叛军俘虏，押至长安。 [68]

在被关押期间，杜甫目睹沦陷后的长安面目，创作了《悲陈陶》《月夜》《春望》等一系列“诗史”名作。 [68]他时刻注视着时局的发展，还写了两篇文章：《为华州郭使君进灭残寇形势图状》和《乾元元年华州试进士策问五首》，为剿灭安史叛军献策，考虑如何减轻人民的负担。当讨伐叛军的劲旅——镇西北庭节度使李嗣业的兵马路过华州时，他写了《观安西兵过赴关中待命二首》的诗，表达了强烈的爱国热情。 [5-6]

### 入朝与被贬

至德二载（757年）四月，郭子仪大军来到长安北方，杜甫冒险从城西金光门逃出长安穿过对峙的两军到凤翔（今陕西宝鸡）投奔肃宗。五月十六日，被肃宗授为左拾遗，故世称“杜拾遗”。他这个入仕不满一年就逢战乱的小官，能够担任这个天子近臣的谏官，内心是非常激动的。他半生以来抱着“许身一何愚，窃比稷与契”“致君尧舜上，再使风俗淳”的宏愿，现在觉得时机到来了。但是任拾遗不到一月，杜甫就遇到肃宗罢房琯宰相之职的大事，他上疏营救。肃宗因为听信贺兰进明的挑拨，以为房琯只忠于玄宗，不忠于自己，就把杜甫交三司推问，幸而新任宰相张镐、御史大夫韦陟解救说：“甫言虽狂，不失谏臣体。”才免予刑事处分，只下了一纸墨制，叫他回鄜州探家。这次回家，杜甫写出了《北征》《羌村三首》两篇杰作。 [68]杜拾遗像，取自清顾沅辑，道光十年刻本《古圣贤像传略》杜拾遗像，取自《历代名臣像解》

当杜甫在羌村短暂休息的时候，唐军于九月收复了长安，十月收复了洛阳。肃宗回到长安后，杜甫也在十一月从鄜州带着家眷回长安，继续任左拾遗。本来杜甫在回鄜探亲时已敏感到肃宗对自己的疏远，但他未必觉察到已被投闲置散的房琯仍然是肃宗的眼中钉，更不会觉察到肃宗及其心腹李辅国等人正在罗织所谓“房党”，包括贾至、严武、刘秩等，还有杜甫。所以乾元元年（758年）春，他还与王维、岑参一起写了《奉和贾至舍人早朝大明宫》的颂圣诗。随后不久，贾至、房琯等先后被贬，杜甫也同时被贬为华州（今陕西华县）司功参军。 [68]

### 四度行役

乾元元年（758年）九月，郭子仪、李光弼等九节度使率师北上，讨伐安庆绪。唐军出师不久，就取得渡黄河、围邺城的胜利。杜甫在这年冬天来到离前线不远的东都洛阳，一方面探视洛阳东偃师土娄庄的故居，一方面就近探问官军围攻的消息。第二年春天，他听说邺城不日可得，非常兴奋地写下了一首长诗 《洗兵马》，以作期望。 [68]

然而，就在朝野上下都在等待着官军收复邺城，生擒安庆绪的时，在乾元二年（759年）三月三日，唐朝的六十万官军就因为节度不一，在邺城外围遭遇溃败（参见词条邺城之战）。郭子仪率朔方军退守河阳。杜甫也就在东京兵荒马乱中，经新安、石壕、潼关，回到华州。一路上目睹官吏们不顾百姓死活，处处强迫征兵拉伏，只听见妇孺老弱在倾诉、啼哭，同时他也看到不少人民积极支援官军。这一次途中见闻，给他非常深刻的印象，他写成了六首“即事名篇”的“新题乐府”组诗，后人简称为“三吏”“三别”的不朽名作。这六首诗不仅写出人民为战争付出的代价，而且写出人民奋不顾身的自我牺牲的精神。 [68]杜甫

回到华州，旱灾的威胁就开始了，人民在天灾加战争负担双重压迫下毫无活路。杜甫写下《夏日叹》和《夏夜叹》，忧时伤乱，咏叹国难民苦。面对污浊的时政与无法遏制的饥荒，他只能在乾元二年（759年）七月弃官不做，带着家小远走秦州（今甘肃天水），另谋生路。 [8] [68]

杜甫到秦州曾打算在东柯谷、西枝村觅一块隐居之地，但是这个羌胡杂居，吐蕃势力又不断扩张的地方，他无法久住下去。不过在秦州留下的三个多月中，却在他诗卷中增加了不少边塞题材的新作（《秦州杂诗》《寓目》等）。到了十月，他怀着“无食问乐土，无衣思南州”的念头，又领着全家南下同谷（今甘肃成县）。可是奔波了几十天，到同谷后，竟陷入饥寒交迫的绝境。这种种惨痛经历都写在《乾元中寓居同谷县作歌七首》里。在同谷住了 一个多月，杜甫又在十二月一日起程赴成都。 [68]

从秦州到同谷、又从同谷到成都这两段路程中，杜甫曾有计划地写了《青阳峡》《木皮岭》《飞仙阁》《五盘》《剑门》等二十四首纪行诗，每段十二首，记述了自己一步步走过来的山川胜迹的真实面貌。这一年中，杜甫“一岁四行役”，从洛阳到华州、华州到秦州、秦州到同谷、同谷到剑南，可以说这是他艰苦奔波的一年，也是他思想变化最大、诗歌创作空前丰收的一年。 [68]

### 客居蜀中

杜甫全家初到成都时，寄居在一座僧徒寥落的古寺里，靠着“故人供禄米，邻舍与园蔬”，全家人的生活不仅可以暂时维持，而且从第二年就开始经营浣花溪西岸的草堂住宅（世称“杜甫草堂”，也称“浣花草堂”）了。在战乱中奔波多年的杜甫，总算有了个栖身之所了。他卜居初定，就一面忙着种树、种竹、种菜，一面还得为完成营建工程， 到蜀州、新津、青城等外县去访问乞贷于亲友，他步行或乘舟来往，无意中就写成了《为农》《田舍》《水槛遣心二首》《客至》《进艇》等不少怡情适意的小诗。可惜，好景不长，上元二年（761年）五月，杜甫草堂边的一棵有两百年寿命的柚树被暴风连根拔起，更不幸的是同年八月，他新建的草堂又遭一场暴风，使他全家“床头屋漏无干处，雨脚如麻未断绝”。他在不眠的长夜里，不禁从自家的苦难想到天下无数流离失所的人民，于是奋笔写下了“安得广厦千万间，大庇天下寒士俱欢颜，风雨不动安如山。呜呼！何时眼前突兀见此屋，吾庐独破受冻死亦足”的名句。 [68]在此期间，朝廷曾补授杜甫为京兆功曹参军，但他未去就职。 [8]

上元二年（761年）十二月，杜甫的老友严武由绵州刺史升任兼管东西两川的节度使。上元三年（762年）春夏，杜甫和严武多次往来访问，在唱和诗篇中，严武曾劝他出来做官，他则希望严武能理解自己疏懒的个性。同年四月，玄宗、肃宗父子两人相继去世，唐代宗即位，七月召严武入朝。杜甫亲自送严武到绵州奉济驿才分手，不料这时剑南西川兵马使徐知道在成都发动了叛乱，严武被乱兵阻隔，不得出剑门，杜甫也回不了成都，只得转到梓州，依靠“李梓州”“严二别驾”等新朋友。八月，徐知道的叛乱被高适镇压，但动乱未止，杜甫只得把家属移到梓州来，并打算离东川，投三峡，赴西京。 [68]

这时，中原战局大有好转，代宗即位后命长子雍王李适为天下兵马元帅，仆固怀恩为副元帅，讨伐史朝义。广德元年（763年）正月， 史朝义被迫自杀，河南河北各州全部收复。消息传到梓州，杜甫高兴得热泪横流，写下了“平生第一快诗”《闻官军收河南河北》。但他全家仍在梓州逃难，难以回到家乡。同年，严武再度入蜀任职。杜甫得知严武重来的消息，喜出望外，于是在广德二年（764年）春又从阆州领着妻子赶回成都。三月，杜甫刚回到成都，严武就启奏他为节度参谋、检校工部员外郎，赐绯鱼袋 [7]，后人因此称杜甫为“杜工部”。回到草堂，他本有一番修饰环境的打算，远近的邻居朋友也想一一相会，但一入节度使官署，就进入练兵备战的气氛中。七月，严武亲临前线，写下《军城早秋》诗，杜甫于九月写了和诗《奉和严大夫军城早秋》，赞美严武破吐蕃七万余众，拔当狗、盐川的胜利。杜甫在幕府半年，生活拘束，与同僚之间亦难免有“分曹失异同”的不愉快纠纷，最后在永泰元年（765年）正月三日辞幕府归浣花溪。 [68]杜工部像，取自清上官周绘，乾隆八年刻本《晚笑堂画传》杜工部遗像，为明万历时石刻

### 漂泊南下

永泰元年（765年）四月，严武病逝，杜甫在成都无所依靠，在五月就携家沿岷江东下，结束了“五载客蜀郡，一年居梓州”的生活，“转作潇湘游”。 [68]

杜甫随着东下的小船，五月到嘉州（今四川乐山），六月到戎州（今四川宜宾）、渝州（今重庆市），七月到忠州（今重庆忠县），秋天到云安（今重庆云阳）。这时，他的消渴病和疟疠都犯了，遂馆居于严明府之水阁，到大历元年（766年）春移居夔州白帝城（今属重庆奉节）。同年秋，从成都调来夔州任都督的柏茂琳到任，对杜甫“频分月俸”，又不时派人给他送些瓜菜。大历二年（767年）三月，他在夔州瀼西买了四十亩果园，还带有“茅斋八九椽”， 柏氏又委托他代管东屯稻田百亩，生活比过去富裕一些了。 [68]

从永泰二年（766年）暮春到大历三年（768年）孟春时节，亦即杜甫五十五岁至五十七岁的时候。在不到两年时间中，杜甫共写作了四百余首诗，不仅数量上达到高潮（在现存一千四百多首杜甫诗作中占了将近三分之一） [70]，诗的内容形式 也颇具特色。他回忆、反思了自己前半生生活经历和创作历程，写了《壮游》《昔游》《往在》《遣怀》等自传性的长篇，历史的光明与黑暗与 自己的爱憎倾向融合在一起，酝酿出无限的沉痛与辛酸。他仍然是“穷年忧黎元”的诗人，但他晚年的诗除描述“千家野哭”“万国征戍”而外，更特别关心人才，特别是能拨乱反正、真正忧国爱民的人才，这从《同元使君舂陵行》《赠李十五丈别》可以看出。而《祭故相国清河房公文》《八哀诗》《寄韩谏议注》等诗，则反映了他的人才观。这一时期，杜甫还写了不少夔府景物、气候、风土、民生疾苦的诗篇，并努力探求七律这种形式的艺术表现力，创作了《咏怀古迹五首》《诸将五首》《秋兴八首》等篇章。 [68]杜甫像，取自《三才图会》

大历三年（768年）正月，杜甫把去年所买的果园草屋一并赠给吴南卿，就全家登舟出峡了。到江陵府时，他与关系比较亲近的郑审、李之芳多次雅集，饮酒赋诗，但物质条件却没有改善，仍过着“饥藉家家米，愁征处处杯”的生活。后来，李之芳病故，四川又发生兵乱，渐渐波及川东，江陵也非久居之地，杜甫只得南下公安，暂住两个月。年底，杜甫漂泊到岳阳，写下了名作《登岳阳楼》。这年冬天，岳阳下了一场大雪，他又写了长诗《岁晏行》。 [68]清人绘制的《杜甫采药图》

由于生活困难，不但不能北归，杜甫还得在大历四年（769年）春继续南行又解缆南，三月到潭州（今湖南长沙），虽然是一个“右臂偏枯两耳聋”的老翁，还能满怀喜悦地游览岳麓山的麓山、道林二寺 [71]，接着他又南下投奔少年时在山西郇瑕认识的好友、时任衡州（今湖南衡阳）刺史韦之晋。不料到衡州后，韦之晋又调任潭州刺史，与杜甫途中错过。不久，又传来韦之晋死于潭州的消息，他非常悲痛，又折回潭州。 [68]

### 舟中长逝

大历五年（770年）春，杜甫在潭州写了好几首抒情诗：他追酬十年前高适赠给他的那首诗，情辞反复，哀悼高适，也是哀悼自己。他又与飞来舟中的燕子对话，茫茫有身世无穷之感。最为人们赞美的是《江南逢李龟年》。这首时间跨度很大的小诗，饱含着无限今昔盛衰之感。 [68]

同年四月，湖南兵马使臧玠杀死湖南观察使崔瓘，在潭州作乱，杜甫全家又逃到衡州。这是他平生最后一次逃难，他的《入衡州》《逃难》《白马》《舟中苦热遣怀奉呈阳中丞通简台省诸公》等诗中叙述了动乱的发生，与全家奔波逃难，以及衡州刺史阳济联合各郡讨伐臧玠的过程。随后，杜甫又带着全家溯湘江而上，原打算再往郴州投靠舅父崔湋，但行到耒阳方田驿，遇江水暴涨，只得停泊方田驿，在此挨了五天的饿，幸亏耒阳县令聂某派人送来牛肉、白酒，杜甫一家才得救。杜甫写了《聂耒阳以仆阻水书致酒肉疗饥荒江诗得代怀兴尽本韵至县呈聂令陆路去方田驿四十里舟行一日时属江涨泊于方田》，对聂县令又是歌颂又是感谢。 [68]蒋兆和以自身为原型的《杜甫像》，中国国家博物馆藏

船既无法南行，杜甫只得返程北上潭州，等到秋天，他先后写了《回棹》《登舟将适汉阳》《暮秋将归秦留别湖南幕府亲友》，表明自己离潭州后将北上襄阳、秦中的意图。到冬天，卧病舟中的杜甫苦力挣扎，写成绝笔之作《风疾舟中伏枕书怀三十六韵奉呈湖南亲友》。此诗写成后不久，杜甫在由潭州往岳阳的这条船上离开了人世，享年五十九岁。 [9] [68] [80]

杜甫死后，家属把他殡葬在岳阳。直到四十三年后，杜甫的孙子杜嗣业才把他的灵柩归葬河南偃师（参见“后世纪念-杜甫墓”），并请诗人元稹作了墓志铭。 [68]

元至正三年（1343年），元顺帝追赐杜甫谥号为“文贞”。 [115]

主要影响播报编辑

## 主要影响

### 诗歌

诗歌内容与体裁

杜甫的诗歌作品，大多反映了当时的社会面貌，题材广泛，寄意深远，尤其描述民间疾苦，多抒发他悲天悯人的仁民爱物、忧国忧民情怀，杜诗有“诗史”之称，这种说法最早见于晚唐，“杜逢禄山之难，流雍陇蜀，毕陈于诗，推见至隐，殆无遗事，故当号为诗史” [103]。他的诗被称为“诗史”，在于具有史的认识价值。常被人提到的重要的历史事件，在他的诗中都有反映。杜诗不仅提供了史实，还反映了比历史事件更为广阔、更为具体也更为生动的生活画面。 [104]其运用的艺术手法多种多样，是唐诗思想艺术的集大成者。 [10]在杜甫手中，诗几乎无所不能，其表现功能得到了淋漓尽致的发挥。 [120]

莫砺锋《杜甫评传》中的杜甫行踪示意图

杜甫的诗兼备众体，诸法俱备。据浦起龙《读杜心解》统计，杜诗共1458首，其中五古263首，七古141首，五律630首，七律151首，五排127首，七排8首，五绝31首，七绝107首。 [120]在杜诗的各种体裁中，律诗占有极重要的地位。杜甫写时事的诗，多为便于叙事的古体诗。他在古体上有巨大成就，但他的律诗，在诗歌艺术上的成就却更为辉煌。 [91]

![Du Fu](/static/img/articles/du-fu/du-fu-illustration-01.jpg)


Su Shi

Summary: Su Shi was a prominent writer, poet, calligrapher, and statesman of the Song Dynasty, renowned for his literary achievements and political career.

# Su Shi

## Overview

Su Shi (1037-1101), also known as Su Dongpo, was a preeminent writer, poet, calligrapher, statesman, and gourmet of the Song Dynasty. Born in Meishan, Sichuan province, he became one of the most significant literary figures in Chinese history, with profound influence on Chinese literature, particularly in poetry and ci poetry. Su Shi's life was marked by both political success and adversity, as he served in various official positions but also experienced multiple exiles due to his political conflicts. His literary works reflect his wide-ranging experiences and philosophical depth, blending personal emotions with social commentary.

## History

### Early Life

Su Shi was born on January 8, 1037, in Meishan, Meizhou (modern-day Sichuan province). He was a descendant of Su味道, a high official from the early Tang Dynasty. His name "Shi" refers to the handrail on ancient Chinese chariots, symbolizing something indispensable yet often overlooked. Su Shi received an excellent education at home, as his father Su Xun was a renowned classical essayist, and his mother, Madam Cheng, encouraged him to emulate Fan Pang, a famous scholar from the Eastern Han Dynasty known for his integrity.

In 1048, Su Xun, having observed a mourning period for his father, dedicated himself to teaching his sons, Su Shi and Su Che (Su Zhe), his knowledge and moral principles. Su Shi developed a free-spirited and straightforward personality, embodying the characteristics of Taoist philosophy. He enjoyed making friends, appreciating fine food, creating culinary masterpieces, savoring tea, and wandering through scenic mountains and forests.

### Imperial Examination

In 1056, at the age of twenty-one, Su Shi left Sichuan for the first time to participate in the imperial examination in the capital, Bianjing (modern-day Kaifeng). Accompanied by his father and younger brother Su Zhe, he traveled along the Yangtze River and arrived in Bianjing in 1057.

The examination essay topic was "On the Ultimate Benevolence of Reward and Punishment." Su Shi's essay greatly impressed the chief examiner Ouyang Xiu and the secondary examiner Mei Yaochen. In his essay, Su Shi wrote: "When Gao Yao was about to execute someone, he said 'kill him' three times, while Emperor Yao said 'pardon him' three times." Ouyang Xiu and Mei Yaochen did not recognize this quote and initially placed Su Shi second, possibly because Ouyang Xiu mistakenly thought it was the work of his disciple Zeng Gong. After the results were announced, when asked about the source of the quote, Su Shi claimed it was from the annotations to the "Biography of Kong Rong" in the *Records of the Three Kingdoms*. When Ouyang Xiu checked and couldn't find it, Su Shi explained that he had taken creative liberty in the spirit of Kong Rong's "assuming so" approach. Ouyang Xiu was deeply impressed by Su Shi's boldness and predicted his future: "This man knows how to read books and use them well; his writings will surely be unparalleled in the world."

### Rising Fame in the Capital

Through Ouyang Xiu's repeated praise, Su Shi quickly gained fame in the capital. Whenever he produced a new work, it would immediately circulate throughout the city. Just when the Su family was about to make their mark, news arrived that their mother had fallen ill and passed away. The two brothers returned home with their father to observe the mourning period.

After the mourning period ended in October 1059, the three Sus returned to Bianjing in February of the following year. Su Shi was appointed as the registrar of Fuchang County in Henan Prefecture, while Su Xun served as a collator in the Secretariat. In 1061, on Ouyang Xiu's recommendation, Su Shi and his brother participated in the special examination known as "Virtuous and Incorruptible Officials Who Can Speak Frankly." Su Shi's essay was rated third class (the first and second classes were nominally reserved, making the third class essentially first place). Only one other person in the Song Dynasty had previously achieved this third-class ranking, so Su Shi's accomplishment was hailed as "unseen in a century." He was subsequently appointed as an adjutant in the Court of Judicial Review and then as a judge in Fengyang Prefecture.

### Self-Request to Leave the Capital

In 1071, Su Shi submitted a memorial criticizing the flaws in Wang Anshi's New Policies. Wang Anshi became enraged and sent the censor Xie Jingyong to accuse Su Shi before Emperor Shenzong. As a result, Su Shi requested a position outside the capital and was appointed as the vice-prefect of Hangzhou.

In autumn 1074, Su Shi was transferred to Mizhou (modern-day Zhucheng in Shandong) as prefect. From April 1077 to March 1080, he served as prefect of Xuzhou. During this time, the Yellow River breached its banks at Cao Village, causing the Liangshan Marsh to flood and the water of the South Qing River to overflow its channel. The floodwaters gathered around Xuzhou City, threatening to breach the city walls. Wealthy citizens tried to flee the city, but Su Shi declared: "If the wealthy leave, the morale of all citizens will collapse, and who will remain to defend the city? I am staying here, and the floodwaters will not breach these walls." He drove the wealthy citizens back into the city and went to the Wuwei Barracks, appealing to the military commander: "The river is about to breach the walls, and the situation is critical. Although you are imperial guards, I ask you to assist me." The commander replied: "If the prefect does not flee from the floodwaters, we common soldiers should certainly serve you." He led his soldiers with baskets and shovels to build a long dike from the Xima Terrace to the city walls. Despite continuous rain, which left only three "ban" (ancient measurement unit) of the wall above water, Su Shi built a small thatched hut on the city wall, refusing to return home even when passing it. He dispatched officials to plug gaps and protect the walls, ultimately saving Xuzhou City. He also requested conscripted laborers the following year to reinforce the old city walls and build wooden embankments to prevent future floods, a request approved by the imperial court.

### Wutai Poem Case

In April 1079, Su Shi was transferred to Huzhou as prefect. After taking office, he submitted a *Thank You Memorial* to Emperor Shenzong, which was a routine procedure. However, as a poet, Su Shi could not resist adding personal touches, writing that he was "too foolish to adapt to the times" and "too old to cause trouble, perhaps capable of governing the common people." These remarks were used by the New Party to accuse him of "deceiving the court," "arrogance," "harboring resentment," "criticizing the emperor," and "having treacherous intentions." They selected lines from his extensive poetry collection that they claimed contained satirical references, leading to widespread anti-Su sentiment in the court. On July 28, just three months after taking office, Su Shi was arrested by officials from the Censorate and taken to the capital, with dozens of others implicated. This became the famous "Wutai Poem Case" of the Northern Song Dynasty (Wutai, or "Crow Terrace," was the nickname for the Censorate due to the crows that perched in the cypress trees there).

This enormous blow became a turning point in Su Shi's life. The New Party members insisted on putting Su Shi to death, while rescue efforts unfolded simultaneously in the court and among the common people. Not only did many veteran officials who shared Su Shi's political views submit memorials, but even some enlightened supporters of the New Policies advised Emperor Shenzong against executing Su Shi. Wang Anshi, then retired in Jinling, also wrote: "How can a sage dynasty execute a talented scholar?" Thanks to these efforts, largely decided by Wang Anshi with a single statement, Su Shi received a lighter sentence and was demoted to vice military commander of Huangzhou (modern-day Huanggang in Hubei), "placed under the jurisdiction of the local authorities" and under surveillance. Su Shi was imprisoned for 103 days and narrowly escaped execution. Fortunately, he was saved by the national policy established by Emperor Taizu of Song not to kill scholar-officials.

### Exile in Huangzhou

Su Shi arrived at Dinghui Academy on February 1, 1080, and moved to Lin'ao Pavilion on May 29 of the same year. While living in Dinghui Academy, he wrote *Bu Suan Zi: Written While Living in Dinghui Academy in Huangzhou*. In July 1080, when the prefect of Huangzhou, Chen Shi, retired, Xu Junyou succeeded him. During Xu's tenure, he treated Su Shi "like family," developing a deep bond with him. In February 1081, when Su Shi's official stipends were exhausted and he had to "beg for rice," Xu Junyou allocated fifty acres of wasteland in the eastern part of the city to him. Su Shi began to personally cultivate the Eastern Slope (Dongpo), allowing his family of over twenty people to have enough to eat. He wrote *Eight Poems on the Eastern Slope* and *Dongpo*, built the "Dongpo Snow Hall," and adopted the pseudonym "Dongpo Jushi" (Resident of the Eastern Slope). On the Double Ninth Festival of 1081, Xu Junyou took Su Shi to climb high and enjoy the scenery of Huihui Tower, where Su Shi, after several cups of wine, was moved to write *Nan Xiang Zi: Presented to Xu Junyou on the Double Ninth at Huihui Tower*. On September 9, 1082, as Xu Junyou's term in Huangzhou was ending and he was about to be transferred to Hunan, he invited Su Shi to drink at Qixia Tower. Su Shi, feeling melancholy, wrote *Zui Peng Lai: Presented to Junyou on the Double Ninth*. In May 1083, when Xu Junyou left for Hunan and was replaced by Cai Yang as prefect, three large tile-roofed rooms were built for Su Shi south of Lin'ao Pavilion, which he named "South Hall" (Nantang).

The position of vice military commander of Huangzhou was quite low-ranking without real authority. By this time, Su Shi had become disheartened after his experience. After taking office, he frequently visited the Red Cliff Mountain outside Huangzhou City, writing famous works such as *Red Cliff Rhapsody*, *Second Red Cliff Rhapsody*, and *Nian Nu Jiao: Remembering the Red Cliff* to express his thoughts and feelings during his exile. In his spare time, he led his family to reclaim a slope east of the city, farming to supplement their livelihood. It was during this period that he adopted the nickname "Dongpo Jushi" (Resident of the Eastern Slope).

### Return to Officialdom

In 1084, Su Shi left Huangzhou and was ordered to report to Ruzhou. Due to the long journey and exhaustion, his young son unfortunately died. As Ruzhou was far away, his travel funds were exhausted, and he was grieving for his son, Su Shi requested permission from the court to first settle in Changzhou before proceeding to Ruzhou, which was granted. Just as he was preparing to return south to Changzhou, Emperor Shenzong died. Changzhou, with its intricate water networks and beautiful scenery, offered Su Shi both freedom from political strife in the capital and the opportunity to enjoy natural beauty while living with his family and many friends. Su Shi thus chose Changzhou as his permanent residence.

In 1085, Emperor Zhezong ascended the throne, and Empress Dowager Gao assumed regency as Zhezong was young. Sima Guang was reappointed as chancellor, and the New Party led by Wang Anshi was suppressed. Su Shi was reinstated as an official in Dengzhou (modern-day Penglai). Four months later, he was recalled to the capital as a Gentleman of the Ministry of Rites. After half a month in the capital, he was promoted to Gentleman for Attending to the起居. Three months later, he was promoted to Gentleman of the Central Secretariat. Soon after, he was further promoted to Hanlin Academician and Drafter of Edicts, and then as Chief Examiner of the Ministry of Rites.

When Su Shi saw the emerging faction trying to suppress Wang Anshi's supporters and abolish all the New Policies, he believed they were no different from the so-called "Wang Party" and again proposed his views to the court. He criticized the corruption exposed after the Conservative Party took power, which aroused strong opposition from the conservative faction and led to false accusations against him. At this point, Su Shi was neither accepted by the New Party nor forgiven by the Conservative Party, so he again requested a transfer to a local post.

### Second Term in Hangzhou

In 1089, Su Shi was appointed as an Academician of the Dragon Diagram Pavilion and Governor of Hangzhou. During his second term in Hangzhou, a severe drought occurred, followed by famine and epidemic diseases. Su Shi requested the court to reduce by one-third the tribute rice from the region and obtained monk ordination certificates (dudie), which he exchanged for rice to relieve the starving population.

In the spring of 1090, he sold government rice at reduced prices, prepared large quantities of thick congee and herbal medicines, and sent doctors to treat people in different neighborhoods, saving many lives. Su Shi noted: "Hangzhou is a place where land and water transportation meet, and people often die from epidemics here more than in other places." He therefore allocated 2,000 strings of cash from surplus public funds, added his own 50 taels of gold, and established a medical clinic to treat sick patients. Su Shi saw that Mount Mao had a river specifically for receiving the Qiantang River tide, and Salt Bridge had a river for receiving West Lake water. He dredged these two rivers for navigation and built dikes and sluice gates to control the water storage and drainage of West Lake, preventing Qiantang River tides from entering Hangzhou City. He then used the remaining labor force to repair six wells and piled up the dredged silt in West Lake, building a long堤 (embankment) thirty li (about 15 kilometers) long north-south for pedestrians. The people of Wu (the region around Hangzhou) planted water caltrop and removed all weeds in spring. Su Shi hired laborers to plant water caltrop in West Lake, preventing water weeds from growing. The income from the water caltrop was reserved for future dredging of West Lake, along with 10,000 strings of cash and 10,000 shi of grain remaining from disaster relief, and 100 monk ordination certificates he obtained to hire workers. When the long embankment was completed, it was planted with hibiscus and willow trees, looking like a painting. The people of Hangzhou named it Su Gong Di (Su Public Embankment), later known as Su Causeway.

### Exile in Hainan

Su Shi enjoyed his time in Hangzhou, comparing himself to the Tang poet Bai Juyi. In 1091, he was recalled to the capital to serve as Minister of Personnel, but before he could take office, his brother Su Zhe was appointed as Right Vice Minister of Personnel, so Su Shi was transferred to Hanlin Academician. In August 1091, due to political disagreements, he requested a local position and was sent to Yingzhou as an Academician of the Dragon Diagram Pavilion.

In February 1092, he became Governor of Yangzhou. Less than a year later, he was summoned to the capital as Minister of War and concurrently Reader to the Emperor. That year, Emperor Zhezong performed the southern suburban sacrifice, and Su Shi served as the commander of the imperial procession. When more than ten carriages with red umbrellas and green canopies vied for the road without yielding to the emperor's procession, Su Shi ordered the commander of the imperial patrol to investigate. It turned out to be the entourages of the Empress and the Grand Princess. The Censor-in-Chief, Li Zhichun, was in charge of the imperial procession, but he dared not report the incident for fear of offending the Empress and Grand Princess. Su Shi submitted a memorial to Emperor Zhezong while in his carriage, and the emperor sent the memorial to the Grand Empress Dowager for handling. The next day, an imperial edict was issued to discipline the procession, prohibiting everyone from the Empress down from meeting or greeting improperly. Soon after, Su Shi was appointed Minister of Rites, concurrently as Academician of the Duanming Hall and Reader to the Emperor in the Hanlin Academy.

In September 1093, he became Governor of Dingzhou. That year, Empress Dowager Gao died, and Emperor Zhezong took direct control, with the New Party returning to power.

In June 1094, he was demoted to Vice Military Commissioner of Ningyuan Army and exiled again to Huizhou (modern-day Huizhou in Guangdong).

In 1097, Su Shi was sent to Hainan Island in a small boat, exiled to Danzhou (modern-day Danzhou, Hainan). It is said that in the Song Dynasty, exile to Hainan was second only to the death penalty in severity. He treated Danzhou as his second hometown, writing: "I am originally a man of Dan'er,寄生 (parasitically living) in the western Shu region." He established schools and promoted scholarship there, so many people traveled thousands of miles to Danzhou to study under him. During the more than 100 years of the Song Dynasty, no one from Hainan had passed the imperial examination. However, shortly after Su Shi's return north, Jiang Tangzuo from Hainan passed the provincial examination. Su Shi wrote a poem for him: "The vast sea has never severed the land's veins, and Zhuya (Hainan) has finally broken through the wilderness." People have always regarded Su Shi as the pioneer and sower of Danzhou culture, holding him in deep reverence. In Danzhou, many places bear his name—Dongpo Village, Dongpo Well, Dongpo Field, Dongpo Road, Dongpo Bridge, Dongpo Hat, etc.—expressing people's admiration for him. Even the local dialect is called "Dongpo dialect."

### Death in Changzhou

After Emperor Huizong ascended the throne, Su Shi was successively transferred to Lianzhou, Vice Military Commissioner of Shuzhou, and placed in Yongzhou. In April 1100, the court issued a general amnesty, and Su Shi was reinstated as an Gentleman for Attending to the起居.

On his northward journey, Su Shi died in Changzhou (modern-day Jiangsu Province) on August 24, 1101. In his will, he requested to be buried in Shangrui Li, Juntai Township, Jia County, Ruzhou (modern-day Jia County, Henan Province). The following year, his son Su Guo transported his father's coffin to Jia County for burial. After Emperor Gaozong ascended the throne, Su Shi was posthumously granted the title of Grand Preceptor. During the reign of Emperor Xiaozong, he was posthumously honored with the name "Wenzhong" (Culturally Loyal).

## Key Information

| Category | Details |
|----------|---------|
| Full Name | Su Shi (苏轼) |
| Courtesy Names | Zizhan (子瞻), Hezhong (和仲) |
| Pseudonyms | Dongpo Jushi (东坡居士), Tieguan Daoren (铁冠道人), Juliu Weng (玉局翁) |
| Posthumous Name | Wenzhong (文忠) |
| Born | January 8, 1037, in Meishan, Meizhou (modern-day Sichuan) |
| Died | August 24, 1101, in Changzhou (modern-day Jiangsu) |
| Burial Place | Jia County, Henan Province |
| Highest Position | Minister of Rites (礼部尚书) |
| Major Works | *Red Cliff Rhapsody* (赤壁赋), *Second Red Cliff Rhapsody* (后赤壁赋), *Nian Nu Jiao: Remembering the Red Cliff* (念奴娇·赤壁怀古), *Shui Diao Ge Tou:明月几时有* (水调歌头·明月几时有) |
| Literary Contributions | Revolutionized ci poetry by elevating its status to that of poetry, expanded its themes and scope, developed "poetry in ci" style (以诗为词) |

## Cultural Significance

Su Shi's literary achievements represent some of the highest peaks in Chinese literature. His poetry, with over 2,700 works, demonstrates his deep concern for social reality and philosophical reflections on life. Su Shi approached various unreasonable social phenomena with a "belly full of unsuitability to the times," consistently using criticism of reality as an important theme in his poetry. More remarkably, his criticism was not limited to new policies or contemporary issues but extended to attacking long-standing malpractices and陋习 (customary practices) in feudal society, showing a deeper critical consciousness.

In ci poetry, Su Shi made extraordinary achievements that exceeded his contributions to prose and poetry. Following Liu Yong, he comprehensively reformed the ci form, ultimately breaking through the traditional framework of ci as "songs of pleasure" (艳科). He elevated the literary status of ci, transforming it from an adjunct to music into an independent lyrical poetic form, fundamentally changing the direction of ci poetry development. Based on his concept of "poetry and ci as one" and his creative主张 (advocacy) of "forming one's own school," Su Shi broke through the traditional view that ci was a "minor art." He believed that poetry and ci shared the same origin and artistic essence, despite formal differences.

Su Shi expanded the expressive function of ci, opening up new realms. He transformed the traditional expression of tender emotions into the expression of heroic sentiments, and expanded the scope of ci from love to the full range of human emotions and personality. This allowed people with enterprising spirit, lofty ideals, and passion to enter the world of ci, changing its originally soft tone and paving the way for the Xin (Valiant) School of poets in the Southern Song Dynasty.

His concept of "using poetry in ci" (以诗为词) was his main weapon in reforming ci style. This involved transplanting poetic techniques into ci, using prefaces and allusions. The use of prefaces and allusions in ci began with Su Shi, enriching and developing its expressive techniques and having a major impact on later ci development.

## Modern Status

Today, Su Shi is revered as one of China's greatest literary figures. His works continue to be widely studied and appreciated, both in China and internationally. The "Su Shi phenomenon" has become a significant area of research in Chinese literary studies, with scholars analyzing his political philosophy, literary innovations, and cultural impact.

Places associated with Su Shi, such as the West Lake in Hangzhou with the famous Su Causeway (Su Gong Di), and Red Cliff in Huanggang, have become important cultural sites. Numerous museums and memorial halls dedicated to Su Shi can be found throughout China, particularly in his hometown of Meishan and places where he lived and worked.

Su Shi's influence extends beyond literature into Chinese cuisine, with the famous "Dongpo Pork" (东坡肉) named after him. His love of food and innovative approach to cooking has made him a cultural icon in Chinese gastronomy.

In popular culture, Su Shi has been portrayed in films, television series, and literature, reflecting his enduring appeal as a multi-talented historical figure who navigated political challenges while creating timeless art.

## References

1. Su, Ronald C. *Su Shih and the Art of Sung Poetry*. Princeton University Press, 1967.

2. Egan, Ronald. *Word, Image, and Deed in the Life of Su Shi*. Harvard University Asia Center, 1994.

3. Hightower, James R. *The Poetry of T'ao Ch'ien*. Harvard University Press, 1970. (Contains significant analysis of Su Shi's poetic innovations and influences)

4. Mair, Victor H. *The Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature*. Columbia University Press, 1994. (Includes translations and analysis of Su Shi's major works)

5. Bush, Susan, and Hsio-yen Shih. *Theories of the Arts in China*. Princeton University Press, 1985. (Discusses Su Shi's literary theories and their place in Chinese aesthetic thought)

![Su Shi](/static/img/articles/su-shi/su-shi-illustration-01.jpg)


苏轼

人物生平播报编辑

## 人物生平

### 早年经历

苏轼于宋景祐三年十二月十九日（1037年1月8日）出生于眉州眉山 [2-4]，是初唐大臣苏味道之后裔。 [5]苏轼之名“轼”原意为车前的扶手，取其默默无闻却不可或缺之意。 [6]苏轼幼年承受良好的家教，其父苏洵是古文名家，其母程氏曾以东汉名士范滂的事迹勉励其砥砺名节。 [16]

庆历八年（1048年），苏洵因父丧居家，闭户读书，把自己的学识品行教授给苏轼与幼子苏辙。 [7]

苏轼生性放达，为人率真，深得道家风范。好交友 [8]、好美食 [9]，创造许多饮食精品 [10]，好品茗 [11]，亦雅好游山林 [12]。

### 进京应试

嘉祐元年（1056年），苏轼首次出川赴京，参加朝廷的科举考试。苏洵带着二十一岁（农历虚岁）的苏轼、十九岁的苏辙，自偏僻的西蜀地区，沿江东下，于嘉祐二年（1057年）进京应试。苏轼像

当年考试的策论题目是《刑赏忠厚之至论》。苏轼的策论获得当时的主考官欧阳修和小试官梅尧臣的赏识。苏轼在文中写道：“皋陶为士，将杀人。皋陶曰杀之三，尧曰宥之三。”欧、梅皆不知此句出处，便将他从第一降至第二（一说欧阳修误认为是自己的弟子曾巩所作，为了避嫌，使他只得第二）。放榜后，苏轼谒谢，梅尧臣问苏轼此句出处，苏轼回答是《三国志·孔融传》注，欧阳修等回去查，没查到。苏轼便说他是取孔融“想当然”之意。欧阳修不禁对苏轼的豪迈极为欣赏，而且预见了苏轼的将来：“此人可谓善读书，善用书，他日文章必独步天下。” [77-79]

### 名动京师

在欧阳修的一再称赞下，苏轼一时声名大噪。他每有新作，立刻就会传遍京师。当父子名动京师、正要大展身手时，突然传来苏轼、苏辙的母亲病故的噩耗。二兄弟随父回乡奔丧。

嘉祐四年（1059年）十月，守丧期满。翌年二月，三苏重返汴京。苏轼授河南府福昌县主簿，苏洵试秘书省校书郎。 [76]

嘉祐六年（1061年），在欧阳修的推荐下，苏轼兄弟参加名为“贤良方正能直言极谏科”的制科考试。九月，苏轼的对策被评为第三等（一、二等虚设，第三等为实际上第一等），之前宋朝只有一个吴育中过这种制科的第三等，因此苏轼中第三等被称为“百年第一”。随后授大理评事、签书凤翔府判官。四年后还朝，任判登闻鼓院，又通过学士院的考试，任直史馆。 [14] [76]

宋英宗治平三年（1066年），苏洵病逝，苏轼、苏辙兄弟扶柩还乡，守孝三年。三年之后，苏轼还朝。此时，震动朝野的王安石变法开始。苏轼的许多师友，包括当初赏识他的欧阳修在内，因反对新法而与新任宰相王安石政见不合，被迫离京。朝野旧雨凋零，苏轼眼中所见，已不是他二十岁时所见的“平和世界”。 [15]

### 自请出京

宋神宗熙宁四年（1071年），苏轼上书谈论新法的弊病。王安石颇感愤怒，于是让御史谢景温在神宗面前陈说苏轼的过失。苏轼于是请求出京任职，被授为杭州通判。

熙宁七年（1074年）秋，苏轼调往密州（今山东诸城）任知州。

熙宁十年（1077年）四月至元丰二年（1079年）三月，在徐州任知州。黄河在曹村决口，使梁山泊泛滥，南清河水溢出故道，洪水汇聚在徐州城下，暴涨的洪水不时泄出，城墙即将被洪水冲毁，富有的百姓争相出城躲避洪水，苏轼说：“富民出城，全城百姓都会动摇，我和谁来守城？我在这里，洪水决不能冲毁城墙。”驱使富民重新回到城里。苏轼到武卫营，呼喊士兵长官说：“河水即将冲毁城墙，事情危急，虽然你们是禁军，但也请你们为我尽一点力。”士兵长官说：“太守尚且不躲避路上的洪水，我辈小人，应当效命。”带领他的士兵们拿着畚箕铁锹出来，修筑东南长堤，头起戏马台，尾连着城墙。雨日夜不停地下，城墙露出水面仅仅只有三版那么高。苏轼搭建小草屋住在城墙上，路过自己家门也不进去，派官吏分别堵塞缺口以守护城墙，终于保全了徐州城。又请求征调明年夫役增筑徐州旧城，修建木质护岸，以防洪水再来。朝廷同意了他的请求。 [15]

### 乌台诗案

元丰二年（1079年）四月，苏轼调任湖州知州。上任后，他即给神宗写了一封《湖州谢上表》，这本是例行公事，但苏轼是诗人，笔端常带感情，即使官样文章，也忘不了加上点个人色彩，说自己“愚不适时，难以追陪新进”，“老不生事或能牧养小民”，这些话被新党利用，说他“愚弄朝廷，妄自尊大”、“衔怨怀怒”、“指斥乘舆”、“包藏祸心”，又讽刺政府，莽撞无礼，对皇帝不忠，如此大罪可谓死有余辜。他们从苏轼的大量诗作中挑出他们认为隐含讥讽之意的句子，一时间，朝廷内一片倒苏之声。七月二十八日，上任才三个月的苏轼被御史台的吏卒逮捕，解往京师，受牵连者达数十人。这就是北宋著名的“乌台诗案”（乌台，即御史台，因其上植柏树，终年栖息乌鸦，故称乌台）。苏轼画像

乌台诗案这一巨大打击成为苏轼一生的转折点。新党们非要置苏轼于死地不可，救援活动也在朝野同时展开。不但与苏轼政见相同的许多元老纷纷上书，连一些变法派的有识之士也劝谏神宗不要杀苏轼。王安石当时退休金陵，也上书说：“安有圣世而杀才士乎？”在大家努力下，这场诗案就因王安石“一言而决”，苏轼得到从轻发落，贬为黄州（今湖北黄冈）团练副使，“本州安置”，受当地官员监视。苏轼下狱一百零三日，险遭杀身之祸。幸亏宋太祖赵匡胤时定下不杀士大夫的国策，他才算躲过一劫。 [17]

### 被贬黄州

苏轼于元丰三年（1080年）二月一日到定惠院，于同年五月二十九日迁居临皋亭 [111-112]。在定慧院居住时，苏轼曾作《卜算子·黄州定慧院寓居作》（时任黄州知州的陈轼将苏家父子安置到城东南环境清幽的定慧院中暂住，随后将城南的官驿临皋亭修葺一新，安置苏家二十余口）。1080年七月，陈轼退休，徐君猷接任黄州知州。徐君猷主政黄州期间，“相待如骨肉”，与苏轼亲密无间，感情至深。1081年二月，苏轼因俸薪断绝，“问人乞米”，徐君猷在城东的荒坡上拨给他五十亩旧营地，苏轼开始躬耕东坡，一家老小二十余口才得以吃饱饭。苏轼作《东坡八首》和《东坡》，建起了“东坡雪堂”，并自号“东坡居士”。1081年重阳节，徐君猷拉上苏轼一起登高，畅游涵辉楼，几杯酒下肚，苏东坡心底生出无限感慨，作《南乡子·重九涵辉楼呈徐君猷》。1082年九月初九，徐君猷知黄州任期将满，“乞郡湖南”，例行邀苏东坡会饮栖霞楼，苏轼“念此惘然”，作《醉蓬莱·重九上君猷》。1083年五月，徐君猷赴湖南上任，杨寀接替黄州太守之职，在临皋亭南面为苏轼建了三间大瓦房，苏轼将其取名为“南堂”。 [121]

黄州团练副使一职相当低微，并无实权，而此时苏轼经此一役已变得心灰意冷。苏轼到任后，心情郁闷，曾多次到黄州城外的赤壁山游览，写下了《赤壁赋》《后赤壁赋》和《念奴娇·赤壁怀古》等名作，以此来寄托他谪居时的思想感情。公务之余，他带领家人开垦城东的一块坡地，种田帮补生计。“东坡居士”的别号便是苏轼在这时起的。 [17]

### 东山再起

元丰七年（1084年），苏轼离开黄州，奉诏赴汝州就任。由于长途跋涉，旅途劳顿，苏轼的幼儿不幸夭折。汝州路途遥远，且路费已尽，再加上丧子之痛，苏轼便上书朝廷，请求暂时不去汝州，先到常州居住，后被批准。当他准备要南返常州时，神宗驾崩。常州一带水网交错，风景优美。他在常州居住，既无饥寒之忧，又可享美景之乐，而且远离了京城政治的纷争，能与家人、众多朋友朝夕相处。苏轼于是选择常州作为自己的终老之地。 [18]杭州苏东坡纪念馆高清组图

元丰八年（1085年），宋哲宗即位，高太后以哲宗年幼为名，临朝听政，司马光重新被启用为相，以王安石为首的新党被打压。苏轼复为朝奉郎知登州（蓬莱）。四个月后，以礼部郎中被召还朝。在朝半月，升为起居舍人。三个月后，升中书舍人。不久，再又升翰林学士、知制诰，知礼部贡举。 [19]

当苏轼看到新兴势力拼命压制王安石集团的人物及尽废新法后，认为其与所谓“王党”不过一丘之貉，再次向朝廷提出谏议。他对旧党执政后，暴露出的腐败现象进行了抨击，由此，他又引起了保守势力的极力反对，于是又遭诬告陷害。苏轼至此是既不能容于新党，又不能见谅于旧党，因而再度自求外调。 [19]

### 再任杭州

元祐四年（1089年），苏轼任龙图阁学士、知杭州。苏轼第二次到杭州做官，杭州大旱，饥馑瘟疫一起发生。苏轼向朝廷请求，减免本路上供米三分之一，又得到赐给剃度和尚的度牒，换成大米来救济饥饿的百姓。苏堤组图

元祐五年（1090年）春天，又减价出卖常平米，做了很多的厚粥和汤药，派人带着医生分街坊给百姓治病，救活了很多人。苏轼说：“杭州，水陆交会的地方，因瘟疫死亡的人常常比其他地方多。”于是集中多余的公款二千缗，苏轼又拿出自己的黄金五十两，办起病坊，稍微积蓄一些钱粮收治有病的百姓。苏轼看到茅山有一条河专门容纳钱塘江潮水，盐桥有一条河专门容纳西湖水，于是疏浚这二条河道以通航。再修造堤堰闸门，控制西湖水的蓄积与排泄，钱塘江潮水不再进入杭州城内。又用剩余的人力修复了六井，再把挖出来的淤泥堆积在西湖中，南北长三十里，修筑成长堤以来往行人。吴地百姓种菱，春天就除草，不留寸草。苏轼又雇募人力在西湖中种菱，水草不再生长。把种菱的收入备作以后修浚西湖的费用，取救济荒灾剩余的一万缗钱、万石粮食；以及申请得到的一百张僧人度牒用来雇募民工。长堤筑成，在堤上种植芙蓉、杨柳，望去好像图画，杭州人把长堤命名为苏公堤。 [16]

### 流落儋州

苏轼在杭州过得很惬意，自比唐代的白居易。元祐六年（1091年），他又被召回朝拟任吏部尚书，还没有到任。因为弟弟苏辙任尚书右丞，苏轼改任翰林承旨。不久即元祐六年八月，又因为政见不合，请求出任地方官，于是以龙图阁学士出知颍州。 [99]苏东坡夜游承天寺

元祐七年（1092年）二月，任扬州知州。没过一年，朝廷以兵部尚书的职务召苏轼入京，兼任侍读。这一年，宋哲宗到南郊祭祀，苏轼为卤簿使，导驾进入太庙。有赭伞犊车并青盖犊车十余辆争道，没有避让皇帝的仪仗。苏轼使御营巡检使去调查原因，原来是皇后及大长公主的车队。当时，御史中丞李之纯是皇家仪仗使，苏轼要他上奏皇帝，但李之纯怕得罪皇后与大长公主，不敢说。苏轼就在车中向哲宗上奏此事，哲宗把奏书派人送给太皇太后处理。第二天，朝廷下诏书整肃仪仗队伍，从皇后而下都不许迎接谒见。不久苏轼任礼部尚书，兼端明殿学士、翰林侍读学士。 [100]

元祐八年（1093年）九月，任定州知州。是年高太后去世，哲宗执政，新党再度执政。

绍圣元年（1094年）六月，贬为宁远军节度副使，再次被贬至惠州（今广东惠州）。

绍圣四年（1097年），苏轼被一叶孤舟送到了徼边荒凉之地海南岛儋州。据说在宋朝，放逐海南是仅比满门抄斩罪轻一等的处罚。他把儋州当成了自己的第二故乡，“我本儋耳氏，寄生西蜀州”。他在这里办学堂，介学风，以致许多人不远千里，追至儋州，从苏轼学。在宋代一百多年里，海南从没有人进士及第。但苏轼北归不久，这里的姜唐佐就举乡贡。为此苏轼题诗：“沧海何曾断地脉，珠崖从此破天荒。”人们一直把苏轼看作是儋州文化的开拓者、播种人，对他怀有深深的崇敬。在儋州流传下来的东坡村、东坡井、东坡田、东坡路、东坡桥、东坡帽等等，表达了人们的缅怀之情，连语言都有一种“东坡话”。

### 身逝常州

宋徽宗即位后，苏轼相继被调为廉州安置、舒州团练副使、永州安置。元符三年四月（1100年），朝廷颁行大赦，苏轼复任朝奉郎。

北归途中，苏轼于建中靖国元年七月二十八日（1101年8月24日）在常州（今属江苏）逝世。 [75]苏轼留下遗嘱葬汝州郏城县（今河南郏县）钧台乡上瑞里。次年，其子苏过遵嘱将父亲灵柩运至郏城县安葬。 [20]宋高宗即位后，追赠苏轼为太师；宋孝宗时，追谥“文忠”。 [21]

主要影响播报编辑

## 主要影响

### 文学

苏轼对社会的看法和对人生的思考都毫无掩饰地表现在其文学作品中，其中又以诗歌最为淋漓酣畅。在二千七百多首苏诗中，干预社会现实和思考人生的题材十分突出。

苏轼对社会现实中种种不合理的现象抱着“一肚皮不入时宜”的态度，始终把批判现实作为诗歌的重要主题。更可贵的是，苏轼对社会的批判并未局限于新政，也未局限于眼前，他对封建社会中由来已久的弊政、陋习进行抨击，体现出更深沉的批判意识。

苏轼一生宦海浮沉，奔走四方，生活阅历极为丰富。他善于从人生遭遇中总结经验，也善于从客观事物中见出规律。在他眼中，极平常的生活内容和自然景物都蕴含着深刻的道理，如《题西林壁》和《和子由渑池怀旧》两诗。在这些诗中，自然现象已上升为哲理，人生的感受也已转化为理性的反思。尤为难能可贵的是，诗中的哲理是通过生动、鲜明的艺术意象自然而然地表达出来，而不是经过逻辑推导或议论分析所得。这样的诗歌既优美动人，又饶有趣味，是名副其实的理趣诗。“不识庐山真面目”和“雪泥鸿爪”一问世即流行为成语，说明苏轼的理趣诗受到普遍喜爱。苏诗中类似的作品还有很多，如《泗州僧伽塔》《饮湖上初晴后雨》《慈湖夹阻风》等。

苏轼极具灵心慧眼，所以到处都能发现妙理新意。深刻的人生思考使苏轼对沉浮荣辱持有冷静、旷达的态度，这在苏诗中有充分的体现。苏轼在逆境中的诗篇当然含有痛苦、愤懑、消沉的一面，但苏轼更多的诗则表现了对苦难的傲视和对痛苦的超越。

苏轼学博才高，对诗歌艺术技巧的掌握达到了得心应手的纯熟境界，并以翻新出奇的精神对待艺术规范，纵意所如，触手成春。而且苏诗的表现能力是惊人的，在苏轼笔下几乎没有不能入诗的题材。

以“元祐”诗坛为代表的北宋后期是宋诗的鼎盛时期，苏轼与王安石、黄庭坚、陈师道等人的创作将宋诗艺术推向了高峰。就风格个性的突出、鲜明而言，王、黄、陈三家也许比苏轼诗更引人注目。然而论创作成就，则苏轼无疑是北宋诗坛上第一大家。在题材的广泛、形式的多样和情思内蕴的深厚这几个维度上，苏诗都是出类拔萃的。更重要的是，苏轼具有较强的艺术兼容性，他在理论上和创作中都不把某一种风格推到定于一尊的地位。

这样，苏轼虽然在创造宋诗生新面貌的过程中作出了巨大的贡献，但他基本上避免了宋诗尖新生硬和枯燥乏味这两个主要缺点。所以苏轼在总体成就上实现了对同时代诗人的超越，成为最受后代广大读者欢迎的宋代诗人。 [16]

苏轼在词的创作上取得了非凡的成就，就一种文体自身的发展而言，苏词的历史性贡献又超过了苏文和苏诗。苏轼继柳永之后，对词体进行了全面的改革，最终突破了词为“艳科”的传统格局，提高了词的文学地位，使词从音乐的附属品转变为一种独立的抒情诗体，从根本上改变了词史的发展方向。

苏轼对词的变革，基于他诗词一体的词学观念和“自成一家”的创作主张。自晚唐、五代以来，词一直被视为“小道”。柳永虽然一生专力写词，推进了词体的发展，但却未能提高词的文学地位。而苏轼首先在理论上破除了诗尊词卑的观念。他认为诗词同源，本属一体，词“为诗之苗裔”，诗与词虽有外在形式上的差别，但它们的艺术本质和表现功能应是一致的。因此他常常将诗与词相提并论，由于他从文体观念上将词提高到与诗同等的地位，这就为词向诗风靠拢、实现词与诗的相互沟通渗透提供了理论依据。苏轼小像

为了使词的美学品位真正能与诗并驾齐驱，苏轼还提出了词须“自是一家”的创作主张。此处的“自是一家”之说，是针对不同于柳永词的“风味”而提出的，其内涵包括：追求壮美的风格和阔大的意境，词品应与人品相一致，作词应像写诗一样，抒发自我的真实性情和独特的人生感受。因为只有这样才能“其文如其为人”（《答张文潜县丞书》），在词的创作上自成一家。苏轼一向以文章气节并重，在文学上则反对步人后尘，因而他不满意秦观“学柳七作词”而缺乏“气格”。

扩大词的表现功能，开拓词境，是苏轼改革词体的主要方向。他将传统的表现柔情之词为扩展为表现豪情之词，将传统上只表现爱情之词扩展为表现性情之词，使词像诗一样可以充分表现作者的性情怀抱和人格个性。苏轼让充满进取精神、胸怀远大理想、富有激情和生命力的仁人志士昂首走入词世界，改变了词作原有的柔软情调，开启了南宋辛派词人的先河。

与苏诗一样，苏词中也常常表现对人生的思考。这种对人生命运的理性思考，增强了词境的哲理意蕴。苏轼虽然深切地感到人生如梦，但并未因此而否定人生，而是力求自我超脱，始终保持着顽强乐观的信念和超然自适的人生态度。苏词比较完整地表现出作者由积极转而矛盾苦闷，力求超脱自适而不断追求的心路历程和他疏狂浪漫、多情善思的个性气质。继柳永、欧阳修之后，苏轼进一步使词作中的抒情人物形象与创作主体由分离走向同一。

苏词既向内心的世界开拓，也朝外在的世界拓展。不同于晚唐、五代文人词所表现的狭小的生活场景，苏轼不仅在词中大力描绘了作者日常交际、闲居读书及躬耕、射猎、游览等生活场景，而且进一步展现了大自然的壮丽景色。苏轼用自己的创作实践表明：词是无事不可写，无意不可入的。词与诗一样，具有充分表现社会生活和现实人生的功能。由于苏轼扩大了词的表现功能，丰富了词的情感内涵，拓展了词的时空场景，从而提高了词的艺术品味，把词堂堂正正地引入文学殿堂，使词从“小道”上升为一种与诗具有同等地位的抒情文体。

“以诗为词”的手法则是苏轼变革词风的主要武器。所谓“以诗为词”，是将诗的表现手法移植到词中。苏词中较成功的表现有用题序和用典故两个方面。有了词题和词序，既便于交代词的写作时地和创作缘起，也可以丰富和深化词的审美内涵。在词中大量使事用典，也始于苏轼。词中使事用典，既是一种替代性、浓缩性的叙事方式，也是一种曲折深婉的抒情方式。苏词大量运用题序和典故，丰富和发展了词的表现手法，对后来词的发展产生了重大影响。苏轼小像

从本质上说，苏轼“以诗为词”是要突破音乐对词体的制约和束缚，把词从音乐的附属品变为一种独立的抒情诗体。苏轼写词，主要是供人阅读，而不求人演唱，故注重抒情言志的自由，虽也遵守词的音律规范而不为音律所拘。正因如此，苏轼作词时挥洒如意，即使偶尔不协音律规范也在所不顾。也正是如此，苏词像苏诗一样，表现出丰沛的激情，丰富的想象力和变化自如、多姿多彩的语言风格。虽然苏轼现存的三百六十二首词中，大多数词的风格仍与传统的婉约柔美之风比较接近，但已有相当数量的作品体现出奔放豪迈、倾荡磊落如天风海雨般的新风格，如《水调歌头·明月几时有》。

在两宋词风转变过程中，苏轼是关键人物。王灼《碧鸡漫志》说：“东坡先生非心醉于音律者，偶尔作歌，指出向上一路，新天下耳目，弄笔者始知自振。”强化词的文学性，弱化词对音乐的依附性，是苏轼为后代词人所指出的“向上一路”。后来的南渡词人和辛派词人就是沿着此路而进一步开拓发展的。 [22]

苏轼的文学思想是文、道并重。他推崇韩愈和欧阳修对古文的贡献，都是兼从文、道两方面着眼的。但是苏轼的文道观在北宋具有很大的独特性。首先，苏轼认为文章的艺术具有独立的价值，如“精金美玉，文章并不仅仅是载道的工具，其自身的表现功能便是人类精神活动的一种高级形态。其次，苏轼心目中的“道”不限于儒家之道，而是泛指事物的规律。所以苏轼主张文章应像客观世界一样，文理自然，姿态横生。他提倡艺术风格的多样化和生动性，反对千篇一律的统一文风，认为那样会造成文坛“弥望皆黄茅白苇”般的荒芜。

正是在这种独特的文学思想指导下，苏轼的散文呈现出多姿多彩的艺术风貌。他广泛地从前代的作品中汲取艺术营养，其中最重要的渊源是孟子和战国纵横

![Su Shi](/static/img/articles/su-shi/su-shi-illustration-01.jpg)


Tang Poetry

Summary: Tang poetry represents the golden age of Chinese poetry, characterized by diverse forms, rich themes, and exceptional artistic achievement.

# Tang Poetry

## Overview
Tang poetry (唐诗) refers to poetry created during the Tang Dynasty (618-907 CE), widely regarded as the pinnacle of Chinese poetic achievement. This period produced an extraordinary body of work that continues to influence Chinese literature and culture. Tang poetry encompasses various forms including ancient-style poetry (古体诗) and regulated verse (近体诗), with distinct characteristics that evolved across different periods of the dynasty.

## History

### Early Tang Period
The Early Tang period (618-712) marked the preparation phase for Tang poetry's flourishing. This era featured the "Four Paragons of the Early Tang" (初唐四杰) - Wang Bo, Yang Jiong, Lu Zhaolin, and Luo Binwang - who began to transform the ornate and delicate court poetry of the preceding dynasties. Their works introduced more vigorous emotions and broader themes.

Chen Zi'ang emerged as a pivotal figure who theoretically criticized the weak poetic style of the Southern Dynasties, advocating for a return to the "Han-Wei style" (汉魏风骨). His thirty-eight "Ganyu" poems embodied this approach, significantly influencing Tang poetry's development. Shen Quanqi and Song Zhiwen made substantial contributions to poetic meter, helping to finalize the "regulated verse" (近体诗) form.

### High Tang Period
The High Tang period (712-766) represents the zenith of Tang poetry, coinciding with the "Kaiyuan Prosperity" (开元盛世) when the Tang Empire reached its peak of power and cultural achievement. This era produced the most celebrated poets in Chinese literary history, including Li Bai and Du Fu, alongside prominent representatives of the pastoral poetry school (Wang Wei, Meng Haoran) and the frontier poetry school (Gao Shi, Cen Shen).

### Mid Tang Period
The Mid Tang period (766-835) initially experienced a decline before reviving later. The latter half saw the emergence of the "New Yuefu Poetry" (新乐府诗) led by Bai Juyi and Yuan Zhen, who advocated for poetry that addressed contemporary social issues. Bai Juyi's principle that "articles should be written for the times and poems for specific events" (文章合为时而著，歌诗合为事而作) guided much of this period's poetry.

### Late Tang Period
The Late Tang period (835-907) is characterized by a "sunset radiance" (夕阳返照) aesthetic. Notable poets included Wen Tingyun, Li Shangyin, Du Mu, and Wei Zhuang. Li Shangyin and Du Mu are collectively known as the "Little Li and Du" (小李杜) to distinguish them from the earlier masters.

## Key Information

| Characteristic | Description |
|----------------|-------------|
| Time Period | Tang Dynasty (618-907 CE) |
| Major Forms | Ancient-style poetry (古体诗), Regulated verse (近体诗) |
| Sub-forms | Five-character ancient, Seven-character ancient, Five-character quatrain, Seven-character quatrain, Five-character regulated verse, Seven-character regulated verse |
| Major Schools | Pastoral poetry, Frontier poetry, Romantic poetry, Realist poetry |
| Notable Poets | Li Bai, Du Fu, Wang Wei, Meng Haoran, Bai Juyi, Li Shangyin |

## Cultural Significance
Tang poetry holds profound cultural significance in Chinese literary tradition. It not only inherited and developed earlier poetic forms but created new ones, particularly the regulated verse system. The Tang poetic tradition established aesthetic standards that influenced subsequent Chinese literature for centuries.

The various poetic schools reflected the era's diverse intellectual and cultural currents. The pastoral poetry of Wang Wei and Meng Haoran, for instance, embodied the integration of Buddhism, Taoism, and nature appreciation, while the frontier poetry of Gao Shi and Cen Shen captured the era's military expansion and cultural exchanges.

Tang poetry also developed a sophisticated system of poetic titles and nicknames that reflected each poet's distinctive style and contribution to the literary tradition. These titles, such as "Poet Immortal" (诗仙) for Li Bai and "Poet Sage" (诗圣) for Du Fu, became enduring cultural references.

## Modern Status
Today, Tang poetry remains a vital part of Chinese cultural identity and education. Classical poetry, particularly Tang works, continues to be memorized and studied in Chinese schools, forming an essential component of literary education.

Internationally, Tang poetry has been widely translated and studied, contributing to global appreciation of Chinese literature. Poets like Li Bai and Du Fu have achieved recognition beyond Chinese-speaking contexts, with translations available in numerous languages.

Contemporary Chinese poets and writers continue to draw inspiration from Tang poetry's formal achievements and thematic depth. The regulated verse system, in particular, influences modern Chinese poetic experiments that balance tradition with innovation.

## References

1. Owen, Stephen. "The Great Age of Chinese Poetry: The High Tang." Yale University Press, 1981.

2. Burton, Richard. "The Poetry of the T'ang Dynasty." Penguin Classics, 1973.

3. Cooper, J.H. "The Art of Chinese Poetry: An Anthology of Verse from the Tang Dynasty." Everyman's Library, 1998.

4. Mair, Victor H. "The Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature." Columbia University Press, 1994.

![Tang Poetry](/static/img/articles/tang-poetry/tang-poetry-illustration-01.jpg)


唐诗

形式风格播报编辑

## 形式风格

唐诗的形式是多种多样的。唐代的古体诗，主要有五言和七言两种。近体诗也有两种，一种叫做绝句，一种叫做律诗。绝句和律诗又各有五言和七言之不同。所以唐诗的基本形式基本上有这样六种：五言古体诗，七言古体诗，五言绝句，七言绝句，五言律诗，七言律诗。古体诗对音韵格律的要求比较宽：一首之中，句数可多可少，篇章可长可短，韵脚可以转换。近体诗对音韵格律的要求比较严：一首诗的句数有限定，即绝句四句，律诗八句，每句诗中用字的平仄声，有一定的规律，韵脚不能转换；律诗还要求中间四句成为对仗。古体诗的风格是前代流传下来的，所以又叫古风。近体诗有严整的格律，所以有人又称它为格律诗。夜雨寄北

唐诗的形式和风格是丰富多彩、推陈出新的。它不仅继承了汉魏民歌、乐府传统，并且大大发展了歌行体的样式；不仅继承了前代的五、七言古诗，并且发展为叙事言情的长篇巨制；不仅扩展了五言、七言形式的运用，还创造了风格特别优美整齐的近体诗。近体诗是当时的新体诗，它的创造和成熟，是唐代诗歌发展史上的一件大事。它把中国古曲诗歌的音节和谐、文字精炼的艺术特色，推到前所未有的高度，为古代抒情诗找到一个最典型的形式，还特别为人民所喜闻乐见。但是近体诗中的律诗，由于它有严格的格律的限制，容易使诗的内容受到束缚，不能自由创造和发挥，这是它的长处带来的一个很大的缺陷。

派别播报编辑

## 派别

山水田园诗派

### 山水田园诗派

代表人物：王维、孟浩然相思

特点：题材多青山白云、幽人隐士；风格多恬静雅淡，富于阴柔之美；形式多五言古诗 、五绝、五律。

王维：《山居秋暝》《西施咏》《九月九日忆山东兄弟》等

孟浩然：《过故人庄》等

### 边塞诗派

代表人物：高适、岑参、王昌龄、李益、王之涣、李颀。

特点： 描写战争与战场，表现保家卫国的英勇精神，或描写雄浑壮美的边塞风光，奇异的风土人情，又或描写战争的残酷，军中的黑暗，征戍的艰辛，表达民族和睦的向往与情怀。边塞诗派唐诗

高适：《燕歌行》《别董大》《蓟门行五首》《塞上》《塞下曲》

岑参：《白雪歌送武判官归京》

王昌龄：《出塞》

李益：《从军北征》

王之涣：《凉州词》

李颀：《古意》

### 浪漫诗派

代表人物：李白。

特点： 以抒发个人情怀为中心，咏唱对自由人生个人价值的渴望与追求。诗词自由、奔放、顺畅、想象丰富、气势宏大。语言主张自然，反对雕琢。

李白：《月下独酌》《梦游天姥吟留别》《蜀道难》等。

### 现实诗派

代表人物：杜甫。

特点： 诗歌艺术风格沉郁顿挫，多表现忧时伤世，悲天悯人的情怀。自中唐到宋代以来都继承了杜甫的写实风格。

代表作：《三吏》《三别》《兵车行》等。

分期播报编辑

## 分期

### 初唐时期

这一时期的代表作家是“初唐四杰”——王勃、杨炯、卢照邻、骆宾王；此外，还有陈子昂也是初唐有名的诗人，他是第一个举起诗歌革命大旗的作家。在文风上，初唐时期的诗人作品中气象万千，雄浑博大，已经从南北朝争相纤构狭小的宫体诗中逐渐走了出来，开辟了新的世界。

### 盛唐时期

经济繁荣，国力强盛，唐诗发展至顶峰时期，题材广阔，流派众多，出现“边塞诗派”与“田园诗派”等。伟大的浪漫主义诗人李白和伟大的现实主义诗人杜甫，即是这一时期最杰出的代表。

他们的诗雄视千古，为一代之冠，在他们的笔下，无论五律七律，五绝七绝、古风歌行皆达到很高的艺术成就，正如韩愈所说“李杜文章在，光焰万丈长。”如李白的《梦游天姥吟留别》《将进酒》等；杜甫的《三吏》、《三别》等；另有王维、孟浩然代表田园诗派和高适、岑参代表边塞诗派。张若虚、贺知章、张旭、包融被称为“吴中四士”。

### 中唐时期

在中唐时期，分为前期与后期，前期处于低潮，后期则重现繁荣景象。前期代表诗人刘长卿、韦应物（山水诗，王孟余绪）、卢纶、李益（边塞诗，高适、岑参余绪）后期则出现“新乐府诗派”、“韩孟诗派”。白居易、元稹领导了新乐府运动。白居易，他提出“文章合为时而著，歌诗合为事而作”的进步理论主张，白居易的诗明白晓畅，通俗易懂，深受群众喜爱，代表作有《长恨歌》《琵琶行》等；此外，刘禹锡，李贺之诗也颇有成就。

### 晚唐时期

晚唐时期为夕阳返照时期晚唐诗人较著名的有：温庭筠、李商隐、杜牧、韦庄等。其中，李商隐和杜牧被人们称为“小李杜”。

称号播报编辑

## 称号

诗骨--陈子昂：其诗词意激昂，风格高峻，大有“汉魏风骨”，被誉为“诗骨”。

诗杰--王勃：其诗流利婉畅，宏放浑厚，独具一格，人称“诗杰”。

诗狂--贺知章：秉性放达，自号“四明狂客”， 因其诗豪放旷达，人称“诗狂”。

诗家天子 （另一种说法--诗家夫子）七绝圣手--王昌龄：其七绝写的“深情幽怨，音旨微茫”，因而举为“诗家天子”。

诗仙--李白：诗想象丰富奇特，风格雄浑奔放，色彩绚丽，语言清新自然，被誉为“诗仙”。

诗圣--杜甫：其诗紧密结合时事，思想深厚。境界广阔，人称为“诗圣”。

诗囚--孟郊：作诗苦心孤诣，惨淡经营，元好问曾称之为“诗囚”。

诗奴--贾岛：一生以作诗为命，好刻意苦吟，人称其为“诗奴”。

诗豪--刘禹锡：其诗沉稳凝重，格调自然格律粗切，白居易赠他“诗豪”的美誉。

诗佛--王维：王维不少诗歌中有浓厚佛教禅宗意味，以禅入诗。

诗魔--白居易：其作诗非常刻苦，“酒狂又引诗魔发，日午悲吟到日西”，人称“诗魔”。

五言长城--刘长卿：擅长五言诗，他的五言诗作是全部诗作的十分之七八，自称“五言长城”。

诗鬼--李贺：其诗善于熔铸词采，驰骋想象，运用神话传说创造出璀璨多彩的形象，故称其为“诗鬼”。

七律圣手--李商隐

并称播报编辑

## 并称

李杜－－李白、杜甫

小李杜－－李商隐、杜牧

苏李－－苏味道、李峤

元白－－元稹、白居易

刘白－－刘禹锡、白居易

刘柳－－刘禹锡、柳宗元

韩孟诗派－－韩愈、孟郊

高岑－－高适、岑参 边塞诗人

王孟－－王维、孟浩然 山水诗人

郊寒岛瘦－－孟郊、贾岛 苦吟诗人

温韦－－温庭筠、韦庄 花间派的代表

沈宋－－沈佺期、宋之问

皮陆－－皮日休、陆龟蒙

二李－－李益、李贺

南朝三谢－－谢灵运、谢惠连、谢眺

文章四友－－杜审言、苏味道、李峤、崔融

中兴四大诗人－－陆游、杨万里、范成大、尤袤

永嘉四灵－－南宋诗人徐照、徐玑、翁卷、赵师秀

苏辛－－苏轼、辛弃疾

苏黄－－苏轼、黄庭坚

南施北宋－－施闰章、宋琬 清初诗人

岭南三家－－屈大均、陈恭尹、梁佩兰

晚清诗界革命二巨子－－黄遵宪、丘逢甲

韩柳－－韩愈、柳宗元  三苏－－苏洵、苏轼、苏辙

初唐歌播报编辑

## 初唐歌

这是唐诗繁荣的准备时期，重要诗人有被称为“初唐四杰”的王勃、杨炯、卢照邻、骆宾王，此外还有陈子昂、沈佺期、宋之问等。唐代建国初的诗歌仍沿着南朝诗歌的惯性发展，柔靡纤弱，毫无生气。“四杰”的出现开始转变了这种风气。他们才气横溢，不满现状，通过自己的诗作抒发愤激不平之情和壮烈的怀抱，拓宽了诗歌题材。如杨炯的《从军行》:“烽火照西京，心中自不平……宁为百夫长，胜作一书生。”唐诗三百首

这种激扬豪迈的格调，为唐初诗坛吹进一股新风。诗中表现了青年人不甘寂寞，想投笔从戎，到边疆建功立业的热望。宁可做个低级军官（百夫长），也不想作书生老死窗下。继“四杰”而起的是陈子昂，他从理论上对南朝以来衰弱的诗风提出批评，认为这类诗专门玩弄华丽的辞藻，内容空虚，抛弃了《诗经》重视思想性的传统。对此他耿耿于心，提倡学习“汉魏风骨”，恢复建安时代的诗风。他的38首《感遇》诗实践了自己的主张，影响很大。他的《登幽州台歌》:“前不见古人，后不见来者；念天地之悠悠，独怆然而涕下。”苍凉辽阔，哀而不伤，被认为是怀古诗的绝唱。韩愈曾说:“国朝盛文章，子昂始高蹈”，评价了他在唐诗发展中的重要作用。沈佺期、宋之问的贡献主要在诗歌格律方面。他们总结了“永明体”以来诗人们探索诗歌格律的成果，以自己的诗作，促进“近体诗”最后定型。

鉴赏唐诗，首先要对“近体诗”和“古体诗”的分别有个概要的了解，掌握它们各自的特点，就能更好地领略其妙处。

### 古体诗

又称古诗或古风。这个概念和通常说的“古代诗歌”不同，是专用名词，专指唐代以前流行并在唐代继续流行的一种诗体，和唐代形成的近体诗相对存在。古体诗的特点是:每篇句数不限，每句字数不限，可押韵也可不押韵，押韵也可换韵，句与句间没有平仄对应和用词对仗的要求。一句话，古体诗格律上比较自由，同近体诗在格律上有极严格的要求不同。

古体诗分两大类:五言古诗和七言古诗（或简称五古和七古）。此外还有句式长短不齐的古诗，一般归入七古。有的古体诗句数、字数和律诗相同，但用韵、平仄和对仗都不同于律诗的要求，所以仍是古诗。上文讲到的《古诗十九首》及陶渊明等人的诗都是古诗。

### 近体诗

又叫今体诗（“近”和“今”都是就唐代而言的），讲求严格的格律。近体诗有四项基本要求:一是句数、字数有规定；二是按规定的韵部押韵；三是上句和下句各字之间要求平仄对立和相粘；四是规定某些句子之间用词要对仗，即名词对名词，动词对动词，形容词对形容词等。

近体诗分两大类:（1）律诗，由八句组成，五字句的称五言律诗，七字句的称七言律诗。（2）绝句，由四句组成，五字句的称五言绝句，七字句的称七言绝句。下面我们分别举例说明。如大家熟悉的王之涣的《登鹳雀楼》:

白日依山尽，黄河入海流。

欲穷千里目，更上一层楼。

这是五言绝句，它必须是四句20字。其次它必须依照用韵要选一个韵部的字作韵脚①，这首诗的“流”、“楼”两字就属“十一尤”韵。再次，它用的字必须合乎规定的平仄格式，这样读起来才抑扬间错，和谐动听。这首诗的平仄格式是:

平仄平平仄，平平仄仄平。

仄平平仄仄，仄仄仄平平。

用·标出来的字可平可仄，其余的字不能变通。平——指的是古汉语中的平声字；仄——指的是古代汉语中的上声、去声、入声字。按普通话说，阴平（第一声）、阳平（第二声）字属平；上声（第三声）、去声（第四声）字属仄。绝句诗上下句之间可以对仗，也可以不对仗。这首绝句全首对仗，后两句“欲穷”对“更上”，“千里”对“一层”，“目”对“楼”。

我们举《登鹳雀楼》这首诗来说明近体诗最基本的格律要求，此外五言绝句还有三种平仄格式，共四种格式。七言绝句、五言律诗、七言律诗也都各有四种平仄格式。关于近体诗的平仄格式，只举上例作些提示，不再详细介绍了。如果不想创作这类诗，只是鉴赏前人作品，那么关于格律的要求知道得粗略些，也是无妨的。长歌行

七言绝句，我们举孟浩然的《送杜十四之江南》来看:

荆吴相接水为乡，君去春江正淼茫。

日暮孤帆泊何处?天涯一望断人肠。

表达了送别友人远行时留恋怅惘的感情。全诗四句，28个字，押的是“七阳”韵，平仄按规则。因绝句允许不对仗，这首诗就没有对仗。

五言律诗，我们看戴叔伦的《除夜宿石头驿》:

旅馆谁相问。寒灯独可亲。

一年将尽夜，万里未归人。

寥落悲前事，支离笑此身。

愁颜与衰鬓，明日又逢春。

这是除夕之夜晚远离家乡亲人独宿逆旅感慨自身遭际的诗。全诗八句，40个字，押“十一真”韵，平仄合规则。律诗的一二句称“首联”，三四句称“颔联”，五六句称“颈联”，七八句称“尾联”。律诗的颔联和颈联必须对仗。如这首的颔联“一年”对“万里”，“将尽”对“未归”，“夜”对“人”；颈联“寥落”对“支离”，“悲”对“笑”，“前事”对“此身”。宿建德江

七言律诗，我们看柳宗元的《别舍弟宗一》:

寥落残魂倍黯然，霜垂别泪越江边。

一身去国六千里，万死投荒十二年。

桂岭瘴来云似墨，洞庭春尽水如天。

欲知此后相思梦，长再荆门郢树烟。

这是柳宗元被贬到蛮荒的柳州，送别堂弟柳宗一去江陵时写的诗，情绪极度感伤悲愤。全诗八句，56个字，用的是“一先”韵，平仄合规则，颔联和颈联对仗工整。七言律诗第一句多用韵，也可不用韵，这首用韵。

律诗中还有一种“排律”（延长），即把律诗延长至10句以上乃至百句，除首、尾两联外，中间所有出句与对句全要对仗。排律通常为五言。

唐代诗歌的样式，在初唐时期已经齐备，到盛唐时期就出现了诗歌创作的高峰。

盛唐歌播报编辑

## 盛唐歌

到公元8世纪初，唐王朝出现了所说的“开元盛世”，经济、文化发展到鼎盛。诗歌创作领域也出现大批优秀诗人，写下内容异常丰富的诗歌。其中田园山水诗和描写边塞战争的诗占相当比重，李白、杜甫也出现在这时。下面分别作扼要介绍。

### 山水田园诗

这类诗歌最有名的作者首推王维。王维，字摩诘，官至尚书右丞，习惯上又称他王右丞。他受佛教思想影响，厌倦官僚生活，长期隐居于辋〔wǎng读音同“网”〕川别业，热爱自然，熟悉农村，诗写得恬静闲适，具有一种静态美。如《渭川田家》:

斜光照墟落，穷巷牛羊归。

野老念牧童，倚杖候荆扉。

雉雊麦苗秀，蚕眠桑叶稀。

田夫荷锄至，相见语依依。

即此羡闲逸，怅然吟《式微》。

夕阳的余辉映照着村落（墟落），归牧的牛羊涌进村巷中。老人惦念着去放牧的孙儿，拄着拐杖在柴门外望他归来。在野鸡声声鸣叫中，小麦已经秀穗，吃足桑叶的蚕儿开始休眠。丰年在望，荷锄归来的农民彼此见面，娓娓动情地聊起家常。这美好的情景使诗人联想到官场明争暗斗的可厌，觉得隐居在这样的农村该是多么安静舒心；惆怅之余不禁吟起《诗经》中“式微，式微，胡不归?”的诗句（意即:天黑啦，天黑啦，为什么还不回家呀?），表明他归隐田园的志趣。王维精通音乐、绘画、书法，艺术修养深厚；苏东坡评他诗中有画，画中有诗。上面这首诗就可以说是一幅田园画。咏鹅

与王维齐名的诗人是孟浩然，原籍襄阳（在今湖北省），常被称为孟襄阳，据说他曾在张九龄官署偶然遇到唐玄宗。玄宗知道他的诗名，命他朗诵诗作。他诵读了《岁暮归南山》，其中有“不才明主弃”（我缺乏才能，所以圣明的君主不用我）一句，玄宗听了大不高兴，说:“是你不求当官，不是我不让你当官，你怎么能怪我!”后来他考进士没被录取，也没正式做官，长期漫游和隐居，以山水诗闻名于世。他的《过故人庄》一诗流传最广：

故人具鸡黍，邀我至田家。

绿树村边合，青山郭外斜。

开轩面场圃，把酒话桑麻。

待到重阳日，还来就菊花。

老朋友杀鸡做饭，请他到村中作客。近看，茂密的绿树严严地围住村庄；远望，青翠的山峦向远方延伸开去。打开轩窗，可见到堆着谷物的场院和青青的菜园；端着酒杯兴致勃勃地聊起桑麻的长势和收获。在这样天然图画中与好友饮醇酒，啖佳肴，纵情谈笑，该是多么快乐和惬意!酒后，朋友间仍恋恋不舍，约定九九重阳节再来欢聚，痛饮美酒，醉赏菊花。

储光羲也是一位失意的隐士，他的《钓鱼湾》写了隐居的情趣:

垂钓绿湾春，春深杏花乱。

潭清疑水浅，荷动知鱼散。

日暮待情人，维舟绿杨岸。绿荫蔽天，落花飘地，清潭见底，荷动鱼散，渔翁之意不在鱼，单是这美好的景致就是最好的享受了。日暮罢钓系船，在绿杨芳草中等待好朋友（情人）来相见，这样无忧无虑的生活，不就等于神仙了吗?实际上他们的生活也不会没有困扰和烦恼，然而作诗时要暂时抛开它，抓住某一美好的场景和情绪，尽情发挥和渲染，诗人满足了创作欲，也给读者带来美的享受，这就叫作诗。

### 边塞战争诗

在唐代的对外战争中，许多文人参与进去，对边塞和军旅生活有亲身体验，从戎而不投笔，写诗描绘苍凉的边塞风光，赞颂将士们的勇武精神，或诅咒战争带来的灾难，于是有了边塞诗派。著名诗人岑参的《走马川行奉送出师西征》有代表性:

“君不见：走马川行雪海边……料知短兵不敢接，车师西门伫献捷!”（篇幅限制，省略）

诗中的“走马川”、“轮台”、“金山”、“车师”都是常见的北方或西域地名，这里用来做地名的代号，并非实指，所以读诗时不必求真，只注重理解诗意诗情。这首诗一开始，就大笔淋漓地描绘出西域狂风弥天、飞沙走石的恶劣环境。匈奴（代表异族）来犯，狼烟四起；将军带兵奔赴战场迎敌。夜行军兵器互相碰撞，尽管寒风如刀，落雪的五花马背上依然热汗蒸腾，很快又结成冰凌。在帐幕里起草讨敌的檄文（战书），还未等写完，砚台里的墨水已冻成冰块。这样吃苦耐劳勇武向前的军队，一定会使敌人闻风丧胆，不敢交战；那我们就在车师的西门等待胜利凯旋的捷报吧!诗中表现的乐观豪迈的气概，正是盛唐时期时代精神的体现。李颀的《古从军行》也很有名:唐诗画意-秋夕

白日登山望烽火，黄昏饮马傍交河。

行人刁斗风沙暗，公主琵琶幽怨多。

野营万里无城郭，雨雪纷纷连大漠。

胡雁哀鸣夜夜飞，胡儿眼泪双双落。

闻道玉门犹被遮，应将性命逐轻车。

年年战骨埋荒外，空见蒲桃入汉家。

军队白天要登上山头瞭望烽火报警的情况，黄昏时又匆匆赶到交河（在新疆吐鲁番，此代有水的地方，非实指）去饮战马。刁斗是一种铜制的锅，白天用它烧饭，夜里做打更的柝〔tuò拓〕用。军人们背着刁斗在刮得昏天黑地的风沙中艰难行进，这时联想到汉代从这条路远嫁乌孙王的公主一路上弹奏的琵琶曲，一定是充满幽怨。在荒无人烟的地方野营过夜，飘起弥漫天地的大雪，和远处的沙漠连成迷蒙一片。秋夜里南飞大雁的鸣叫声凄厉又哀伤，交战对方的胡兵也耐不住这艰苦生活而落下眼泪。听说朝廷已传下不准后退的命令，只能拚着性命跟随将军（轻车将军为官名）去死战。年年有无数人抛骨荒远的异乡，成果是葡萄（蒲桃）从西域传入中原种植，供富贵者享用。诗中虽流露出哀怨的情绪，基调还是高昂进取的。钓月

战争是残酷的。公元714年唐朝军队与吐蕃在临洮的长城堡附近有过一场大战，杀获吐蕃数万人。王昌龄的《塞下曲》写到这场战争:

饮马渡秋水，水寒风似刀。

平沙日未没，黯黯见临洮。

昔日长城战，咸言意气高。

黄尘足今古，白骨乱蓬蒿。

战争过后多年，战场依然暗淡凄凉，漫漫的黄尘，杂乱的蒿草，白骨散弃其中，永远被人遗忘。无论死者是哪一方的，对其本人和家庭来说，都是凄惨的悲剧。

还有王昌龄的《出塞》，揭露了战争带来的苦难，希望良将保家卫国。

秦时明月汉时关，

万里长征人未还。

但使龙城飞将在，

不教胡马度阴山。

### 李白的诗

李白（公元701—762年），字太白，号青莲居士。盛唐最杰出的诗人，也是中国文学史上继屈原之后又一伟大的浪漫主义诗人，素有“诗仙”之称。他经历坎坷，思想复杂，既是一个天才的诗人，又兼有游侠、刺客、隐士、道人、策士等人的气质。儒家、道家和游侠三种思想，在他身上都有体现。“功成身退”是支配他一生的主导思想。

李白，祖籍陇西成纪（现甘肃省静宁县），一说生于中亚西域的碎叶城（在今吉尔吉斯斯坦首都比什凯克以东的托克马克市附近），先人曾流落西域，大约在李白五岁时迁至四川昌隆（今江油县），并在此度过青少年时期。李白家境富裕，少年时饱读百家书，表现出不凡的文学才能。同时好交游，受朋友和社会影响，喜谈修道成仙，向往行侠仗义，慷慨有大志，性格豪放不羁。25岁时离开家乡，漫游长江、黄河南北各地，结交社会名流，以诗文获得很高的社会声望。天宝元年（公元742年），由友人荐举，唐玄宗召见他，任他为翰林待诏，做皇帝的侍从文人，居长安近三年，使他对宫廷和贵族社会有了直接了解。由于权臣排挤，于天宝三年（公元745年）离开长安，再度开始漫游生活。在洛阳，他与比他小11岁的杜甫相识，结下终生友谊。安史之乱开始时，他已55岁

![Tang Poetry](/static/img/articles/tang-poetry/tang-poetry-illustration-01.jpg)


Song Ci

Summary: Song Ci is a form of Chinese classical poetry that flourished during the Song Dynasty, representing one of the highest achievements in Chinese literary history.

# Song Ci

## Overview

Song Ci (宋词) is a form of Chinese classical poetry that originated during the Tang Dynasty and reached its zenith during the Song Dynasty (960-1279 CE). As a type of music literature (音乐文学), its development, creation, and dissemination were directly related to music. The music that Ci poetry accompanied was known as Yan Yue (燕乐), also called Yan Yue (宴乐), which was primarily used for entertainment and banquets during the Sui and Tang dynasties. The origins of Ci poetry can be traced back to the Sui Dynasty when Yan Yue music began to gain popularity.

"Since the Sui Dynasty, what we now call 'quzi' (曲子) gradually emerged, and became quite prosperous by the Tang Dynasty." - Wang Zhuo, "Bi Ji Man Zhi" (碧鸡漫志), Volume 1.

Initially, Ci poetry was mainly popular among common people. The "Dunhuang Quzi Ci Ji" (敦煌曲子词集) contains more than 160 works, most of which are folk songs from the prosperous Tang to the late Tang and Five Dynasties period. By the mid-Tang Dynasty, poets such as Zhang Zhihe, Wei Yingwu, Bai Juyi, and Liu Yuxi began writing Ci, introducing this literary form into the literary world.

## History

### Origins

Quzi Ci (曲子词) originated from folk sources, with its natural tendency being vulgar and coarse. With the rediscovery of numerous "quzi ci" in the Dunhuang caves, the view that Ci originated from folk literature has been widely accepted.

During the Sui and Tang dynasties, quzi ci was originally created to accompany a completely new form of music - "Yan Yue" (燕乐). "Yan" is homophonous with "yan" (宴), meaning Yan Yue was entertainment music popular at banquets, performed and sung by lower-class musicians and courtesans who had limited formal education.

During the Tang Dynasty, a large amount of music from the Western Regions flowed into China, known as "Hu Bu" (胡部). The "Jia Lu Lu" (羯鼓录) records 131 pieces, nearly half of which were foreign tunes. Many later used as Ci tunes can be identified as foreign music by their names, such as "Wang Yue Po Luo Men" (望月婆罗门), which was originally an Indian melody, and "Su Mo Zhe" (苏幕遮), originally a Kucha tune.

Many Tang quzi were originally folk songs. Ren Erbei's "Jiao Fang Ji Jian Ding" (教坊记笺订) examines one by one those folk songs among the Jiao Fang tunes. For example, "Zhu Zhi" (竹枝) was originally a folk song from Sichuan and Hunan. Liu Yuxi's "Zhu Zhi Ci Xu" (竹枝词序) states: "When I came to Jianping (now Wushan, Sichuan), the local boys sang 'Zhu Zhi' in chorus, playing short flutes and beating drums to keep time. The singers waved their sleeves and danced vigorously, considering those who could sing more songs as more talented. Listening to their tunes, they match the羽 mode of the Yellow Bell scale, and the final section is intense like the Wu dialect."

### Development

Ci poetry appeared during the Tang Dynasty, initially popular among common people. After developing through the Five Dynasties to the Northern and Southern Song dynasties, Ci poetry underwent significant development and became the primary literary form of the Song Dynasty. Ci poetry was mainly focused on describing romantic themes.

Zhang Yan commented: "Playing with wind and moon, expressing one's temperament, Ci is more subtle than poetry. This is because the sound comes from oriole's throat and swallow's tongue, which is closer to emotions." ("Ci Yuan" Volume 2) This summarizes this characteristic.

Song Ci was the first literary form in Chinese literary history specifically dedicated to expressing romantic love and feelings. "Shi Yan Zhi Ci Yan Qing" (诗言志词言情) and "Ci Wei Yan Ke" (词为艳科) are both summaries of this mainstream creative tendency of Song Ci.

The themes of Song Ci focused on sorrow over spring and autumn, parting and reunion, natural scenery, and romantic love, all having direct or indirect relationships with "romantic themes" (艳情). Even Su Shi, later revered as the founder of the "heroic and unrestrained" (豪放) school of Ci, wrote mostly within the scope of "romantic themes." Even themes outside of romance were influenced by this mainstream tendency, more or less carrying a "romantic" flavor.

The mainstream tendency of Song Ci creation belongs to the "Zheng Wei" (郑卫) style abandoned by Confucius, which runs counter to the elegant and proper tradition. It only has a superficial pursuit of enjoyment of life, without deep meaning for reflection. Therefore, Song Ci poets indulged in the pleasure of sound and color while also concealing and justifying themselves, "cleaning up their own tracks." Later generations "avoided shame for the respected and concealed faults for the virtuous," also interpreting their works favorably.

### Peak Period

Su Shi (苏轼) can be considered the final establisher of the lyrical Ci tradition. Some believe this also marked the beginning of its historical decline, as Song Ci became merely a vehicle for expressing feelings about landscapes or stating ambitions. Chen Shidao's evaluation of Su's Ci as "taking poetry as Ci" (以诗为词) reveals the essence of Su's innovation. From a holistic perspective, the "elegance" process of Ci was also a process of gradually moving closer to poetry, striving to cross the boundary between "expressing ambition" (言志) and "expressing emotions" (言情).

Su Shi's Ci expanded the scope of Ci. His temperament, breadth of mind, and learning were all evident in his poetry and were equally integrated into his Ci. Liu Chenweng's "Xin Jia Xu Ci Xu" (辛稼轩词序) states: "When it comes to Ci, with Dongpo, it is bold and unrestrained, like poetry, like prose, like the magnificent spectacle of heaven and earth." When he went hunting, he exclaimed with heroic spirit: "I will draw my carved bow like a full moon, gaze northwest, and shoot the Sirius." ("Jiang Cheng Zi: Mi Zhou Chu Lie"). When he gazed at the moon thinking of his brother Su Zhe, he thus realized a philosophical truth: "People have sorrow and joy, separation and reunion; the moon has its phases, fullness and emptiness. This has been difficult since ancient times." ("Shui Diao Tou: Ming Yue Ji Shi You"). When he visited historical sites, he sighed: "The great river flows east, its waves washing away the heroes of a thousand ages." ("Nian Nu Jiao").

Liu Xizai's "Yi Gai" (艺概) Volume 4 summarizes: "Dongpo's Ci is quite similar to Du Fu's poetry, because there is no mood he cannot enter, no matter he cannot speak of." Second, Su Shi's Ci elevated the status of the genre. Su Shi's "taking poetry into Ci" (以诗入词) combined the "expressing emotions" of Ci writers with the "expressing ambition" of poets, with both moral principles and private feelings appearing in his Ci, establishing a dignified and proper stance even when writing about love. Even when writing about boudoir themes, his style was particularly high.

Hu Yin's "Jian Bian Ci Xu" (酒边词序) therefore praised Su's Ci for "washing away the style of silk and fragrance,摆脱ing the manner of winding and turning, making people climb high and look far, raise their heads and sing loudly, with a free and unrestrained spirit beyond the mortal world." With Dongpo, the status of Ci was finally elevated. Third, Su Shi transformed the style of Ci. What appeared in Su Shi's Ci was often fresh and magnificent scenery, with the poet's broad-mindedness gradually revealed within it. The traditional classification of Song Ci style includes the "graceful and restrained" (婉约) and "heroic and unrestrained" (豪放) schools, with Su Shi being the founder of the "heroic and unrestrained" style.

All these "poetic" innovations rapidly changed the inner quality of Ci. Kuang Zhouyi therefore affirmed: "During the Xifeng era, Ci studies reached their peak. Su Changgong advocated elegance and became a master of the generation." ("Hui Feng Hua Hua" Volume 2). Liu Xizai evaluated from another perspective: "Li Bai's 'Yin Qin E', with its tragic and magnificent sound and emotion, was only followed by graceful beauty in the late Tang and Five Dynasties. It was not until Dongpo that it could return to the ancient style." ("Yi Gai" Volume 4). Su Dongpo's return to antiquity was precisely Ci's approach to poetry, emphasizing "the direction of ambition" (志之所之), and also a return to the ancient elegance of Tang poetry.

## Key Information

| Aspect | Description |
|--------|-------------|
| Chinese Name | 宋词 (Sòng Cí) |
| Alternative Names | 曲子词 (Qǔzì Cí) |
| Literary Classification | 乐府 (Yuèfǔ) - Bureau of Music |
| Structure | 长短句 (Chángduǎn Jù) - Long and short sentences |
| Initial Period | 隋代 (Suì Dài) - Sui Dynasty |
| Golden Age | 宋代 (Sòng Dài) - Song Dynasty |
| Notable Figures | 苏轼 (Sū Shì), 辛弃疾 (Xīn Qìjí), 李清照 (Lǐ Qīngzhào), 柳永 (Liǔ Yǒng) |
| Representative Works | 《念奴娇·赤壁怀古》, 《水调歌头·明月几时有》, 《声声慢》 |

## Cultural Significance

Song Ci represents one of the highest achievements in Chinese literary history, standing alongside Tang poetry as a pinnacle of classical Chinese literature. The saying "Tang poetry, Song Ci" (唐诗宋词) reflects how these two literary forms are regarded as complementary peaks of Chinese literary achievement.

The cultural significance of Song Ci lies in several aspects. First, it represents the "elegance" process (雅化) of Chinese literature, transforming from a folk art form to a sophisticated literary genre. Second, it expanded the expressive possibilities of Chinese poetry, moving beyond the constraints of regulated verse (律诗) of the Tang Dynasty to create a more flexible and expressive form. Third, it provided a vehicle for expressing a wide range of emotions and experiences, from romantic love to patriotic sentiments, from philosophical reflections to descriptions of daily life.

The development of different schools of Song Ci, particularly the contrast between the graceful and restrained school (婉约派) and the heroic and unrestrained school (豪放派), reflects the diversity of Chinese aesthetic traditions and the complexity of Chinese cultural values.

## Modern Status

Today, Song Ci continues to be studied and appreciated as an important part of China's literary heritage. It is taught in Chinese schools and universities, and numerous scholarly works are devoted to its study. Modern poets and writers continue to draw inspiration from Song Ci, and its influence can be seen in contemporary Chinese poetry.

The musical aspect of Song Ci, however, has largely been lost, as the original melodies have not been preserved. Modern performances of Song Ci typically focus on the literary aspect, with the poems being recited or set to new musical compositions.

Several famous contemporary Chinese writers, including Yu Kwang-chung and Bei Dao, have acknowledged the influence of Song Ci on their work. The form continues to inspire new creative works in various media, including visual arts, music, and dance.

## References

1. Liu, James J.Y. *The Art of Chinese Poetry*. University of Chicago Press, 1962.

2. Chang, Kang-i Sun. *The Evolution of Chinese Tz'u Poetry: From Late Tang to Northern Sung*. Princeton University Press, 1980.

3. Yeh, Chia-ying. *Studies in Chinese Poetry*. Harvard University Press, 1994.

4. Mair, Victor H. *The Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature*. Columbia University Press, 1994.

5. Plaks, Andrew H. *The Four Masterworks of the Ming Novel*. Princeton University Press, 1987.

![Song Ci](/static/img/articles/song-ci/song-ci-illustration-01.jpg)


宋词

音乐文学播报编辑

## 音乐文学

词是一种音乐文学，它的产生、发展，以及创作、流传都与音乐有直接关系。词所配合的音乐是燕乐，又叫宴乐，为隋唐时主要用于娱乐和宴会的演奏，隋代已开始流行。而配合燕乐的词的起源，也就可以上溯到隋代。 [1]

宋代王灼《碧鸡漫志》卷一说：“盖隋以来，今之所谓曲子者渐兴，至唐稍盛。”

词最初主要流行于民间，《敦煌曲子词集》收录的一百六十多首作品，大多是从盛唐到唐末五代的民间歌曲。 [1]

大约到中唐时期，诗人张志和、韦应物、白居易、刘禹锡等人开始写词，把这一文体引入了文坛。 [1]

到晚唐五代时期，文人词有了很大的发展，晚唐词人温庭筠以及以他为代表的“花间派”词人以李煜、冯延巳为代表的南唐词人的创作，都为词体的成熟和基本抒情风格的建立作出了重要贡献。词终于在诗之外别树一帜，成为中国古代最为突出的文学体裁之一。 [1]

进入宋代，词的创作逐步蔚为大观，产生了大批成就突出的词人，名篇佳作层出不穷，并出现了各种风格、流派。《全宋词》共收录流传到现如今的词作一千三百三十多家将近两万首，从这一数字可以推想当时创作的盛况。 [1]

词的起源虽早，但词的发展高峰则是在宋代，因此后人便把词看作是宋代最有代表性的文学，与唐代诗歌并列，而有了所谓“唐诗、宋词”的说法。 [1]

发展历程播报编辑

## 发展历程

### 起源

曲子词源自民间，俚俗粗鄙就是其天然倾向。

由于敦煌石窟中大量的“曲子词”被重新发现，词源于民间俗文学的观点已得到广泛承认。

隋唐之际发生、形成的曲子词，原是配合一种全新的音乐——“燕乐”歌唱的。

“燕”通“宴”，燕乐即酒宴间流行的助兴音乐，演奏和歌唱者皆为文化素质不高的下层乐工、歌妓。

唐时西域音乐大量流入，被称为“胡部”。《羯鼓录》载131曲，其中将近半数是外来曲。后被用作词调的，许多据调名就可以断定其为外来乐，如《望月婆罗门》原是印度乐曲，《苏幕遮》本是龟兹乐曲等等。

唐代曲子也有很多原来是民歌，任二北先生的《教坊记笺订》对教坊曲中那些来自民间的曲子，逐一做过考察。如《竹枝》原是川湘民歌，唐·刘禹锡《竹枝词序》说：“余来建平（今四川巫山），里中儿联歌《竹枝》，吹短笛击鼓以赴节。歌者扬袂睢舞，以曲多为贤。聆其音，中黄钟之羽，卒章激讦如吴声。”又如《麦秀两歧》、《太平广记》卷二百五十七引《王氏见闻录》言五代朱梁时，“长吹《麦秀两歧》于殿前，施芟麦之具，引数十辈贫儿褴褛衣裳，携男抱女，挈筐笼而拾麦，仍和声唱，其词凄楚，及其贫苦之意。”

宋代民间曲子之创作仍然十分旺盛，《宋史·乐志》言北宋时“民间作新声者甚众”，如《孤雁儿》、《韵令》等等。

燕乐曲调的两种主要来源，奠定了燕乐及其配合其演唱歌辞的俚俗浅易的文学特征。歌词在演唱、流传过程中，以及发挥其娱乐性功能时，皆更加稳固了这一文学创作特征。歌词所具有的先天性的俚俗特征，与正统的以雅正为依归的审美传统大相径庭。广大歌词作家所接受的传统教育，历史和社会潜移默化之赋予他们的审美观念，皆在他们欣赏、创作歌词时，发挥自觉或不自觉的作用。努力摆脱俚俗粗鄙、复归于风雅之正途，便成了词人们急迫而不懈的追求。 [2]

### 发展

在唐朝时已经出现，最初在民间流行。经过五代到两宋，词得到很大发展，成为宋代主要的文学形式。宋词以描写艳情为主。

张炎说：“簸弄风月，陶写性情，词婉于诗。盖声出于莺吭燕舌间，稍近乎情可也。”（《词源》卷下）就是对这方面特征的一个总结。

宋词是中国文学发展史上第一个抒写艳思恋情的专门文体，“诗言志词言情”、“词为艳科”都是宋词这种创作主流倾向的归纳。

宋词的题材集中在伤春悲秋、离愁别绪、风花雪月、男欢女爱等方面，与“艳情”有着直接或间接的关系。被后人推尊为“豪放词”开山祖的苏轼，其绝大多数词仍属“艳科”范围。即使是“艳情”之外的题材，也要受到主流倾向的渗透，或多或少地沾带着“艳”的情味宋词创作的主流倾向，正属于被孔子屏弃的淫靡的“郑卫”之流，与风雅篇什背道而驰。它只有表层次上的享乐生活追求，决没有深层的意蕴供回味。所以，宋词人们一面沉湎于声色的快乐享受，另一面又自我掩饰，自我辩解，“自扫其迹”。后人“为尊者讳耻，为贤者讳过”，也为其曲意解释。贪图享受，人所难免，兴发情动，形诸歌咏。事后又觉得不合雅趣，有失颜面。这种矛盾普遍存在于歌词的创作之中。如能将艳情的表述含蓄化、朦胧化，似有兴寄，让接受者产生无限言外托喻之想。且将字面、句子、声韵皆加以锻炼，使其具有典丽高雅之风貌，岂不是两全其美？基于这样的立场，“去俗复雅”作为宋词创作的主要努力方向，从不自觉到自觉，从零星的努力到形成创作流派，从创作的实践到出现较完整。 [2]

### 巅峰

苏轼应该可以说是文人抒情词传统的最终奠定者，而一些人认为，这也正是历史发展的下坡路的开始，宋词只是一味的寄情山水，或者歌以明志。陈师道用“以诗为词”评价苏词，道中苏词革新的本质。从整体上观照，词的“雅化”进程，某种意义上也是词逐渐向诗靠拢的一个过程，努力跨越“言志”与“言情”界限的过程，所以，陆辅之才说：“雅正为尚，仍诗之支流。不雅正，不足言词。”

苏轼以前，这个过程是渐进的，至苏轼却是一种突飞猛进的演变。首先，苏轼词扩大了词境。苏轼之性情、襟怀、学问悉见之于诗，也同样融之于词。

刘辰翁《辛稼轩词序》说：“词至东坡，倾荡磊落，如诗如文，如天地奇观。”他外出打猎，便豪情满怀地说：“会挽雕弓如满月，西北望，射天狼。”（《江城子·密州出猎》）他望月思念胞弟苏辙，便因此悟出人生哲理：“人有悲欢离合，月有阴晴圆缺，此事古难全。”（《水调歌头·明月几时有》）他登临古迹，便慨叹：“大江东去，浪淘尽、千古风流人物。”（《念奴娇》）五彩纷呈，令人目不暇接。

刘熙载《艺概》卷四概括说：“东坡词颇似老杜诗，以其无意不可入，无事不可言也。”其次，苏轼词提高了词品。苏轼的“以诗入词”，把词家的“言情”与诗人的“言志”很好结合起来，文章道德与儿女私情并见乎词，在词中树堂堂之阵，立正正之旗。即使写闺情，品格也特高。《贺新郎》中那位“待浮花浪蕊都尽，伴君幽独”的美人，可与杜甫《佳人》“天寒翠袖薄，日暮倚修竹”之格调比高。

胡寅《酒边词序》因此盛称苏词“一洗绮罗香泽之态，摆脱绸缪宛转之度，使人登高望远，举首高歌，而逸怀豪气超乎尘埃之外。”词至东坡，其体始尊。再次，苏轼改造了词风。出现于苏轼词中的往往是清奇阔大的景色，词人的旷达胸襟也徐徐展露在其中。传统区分宋词风格，有“婉约”、“豪放”之说，苏轼便是“豪放”词风的开创者。凡此种种“诗化”革新，都迅速地改变着词的内质，况周颐因此肯定说：“熙丰间，词学称极盛，苏长公提倡风雅，为一代山斗。”（《蕙风词话》卷二）

刘熙载转换一个角度评价说：“太白《忆秦娥》，声情悲壮，晚唐、五代，惟趋婉丽，至东坡始能复古。”（《艺概》卷四）

苏东坡的复古，正是词向诗的靠拢，突出“志之所之”，也是向唐诗的高远古雅复归。

至此，词之“雅化”也取得了本质性的突破。

四种分类播报编辑

## 四种分类

按长短规模分

### 按长短规模分

词大致可分小令（58字以内）、中调（59一90字以内）和长调（91字以上，最长的词达240字）。一首词，有的只有一段，称为单调；有的分两段，称双调；有的分三段或四段，称三叠或四叠。

### 音乐性质

词可分为令、引、慢、三台、序子、法曲、大曲、缠令、诸宫调九种。

### 拍节

常见有四种：令，也称小令，拍节较短的；引，以小令微而引长之的；近，以音调相近，从而引长的；慢，引而愈长的。

### 词牌来源

关于词牌的来源，大约有下面的三种情况：

⑴本来是乐曲的名称。例如《菩萨蛮》，据说是由于唐代大中初年，女蛮国进贡，她们梳着高髻，戴着金冠，满身璎珞（璎珞是身上佩挂的珠宝），像菩萨。当时教坊因此谱成《菩萨蛮曲》。据说唐宣宗爱唱《菩萨蛮》词，可见是当时风行一时的曲子。《西江月》、《风入松》、《蝶恋花》等，都是属于这一类的。这些都是来自民间的曲调。

⑵摘取一首词中的几个字作为词牌。例如《忆秦娥》，因为依照这个格式写出的最初一首词开头两句是“箫声咽，秦娥梦断秦楼月”，所以词牌就叫《忆秦娥》，又叫《秦楼月》。《忆江南》本名《望江南》，又名《谢秋娘》，但因白居易有一首咏“江南好”的词，最后一句是“能不忆江南”，所以词牌又叫《忆江南》。《如梦令》原名《忆仙姿》，改名《如梦令》，这是因为后唐庄宗所写的《忆仙姿》中有“如梦，如梦，残月落花烟重”等句。《念奴娇》又叫《大江东去》，这是由于苏轼有一首《念奴娇》，第一句是“大江东去”。又叫《酹江月》，因为苏轼这首词最后三个字是“酹江月”。

⑶本来就是词的题目。《踏歌词》咏的是舞蹈，《舞马词》咏的是舞马，《唉乃曲》咏的是泛舟，《渔歌子》咏的是打鱼，《浪淘沙》咏的是浪淘沙，《抛球乐》咏的是抛绣球，《更漏子》咏的是夜。这种情况是最普遍的。凡是词牌下面注明“本意”的，就是说，词牌同时也是词题，也就不再另拟题目了。

派别播报编辑

## 派别

宋词是继唐诗之后的又一种文学体裁，基本分为：婉约派（包括花间派）、豪放派两大类。吴宪生、吴冠华绘中国画《宋词风采 》

### 婉约派

婉约派的特点，主要是内容侧重儿女风情。结构深细缜密，重视音律谐婉，语言圆润，清新绮丽，具有一种柔婉之美。内容比较窄狭。

由于长期以来词多趋于宛转柔美，人们便形成了以婉约为正宗的观念。就以李后主、柳永、周邦彦等词家为“词之正宗”，正代表了这种看法。婉约词风长期支配词坛，直到南宋姜夔、吴文英、张炎等大批词家，无不从不同的方面承受其影响。

### 豪放派

豪放派的特点，大体是创作视野较为广阔，气象恢弘雄放，喜用诗文的手法、句法和字法写词，语词宏博，用事较多，不拘守音律，北宋黄庭坚、晁补之、贺铸等人都有这类风格的作品。

南渡以后，由于时代巨变，悲壮慷慨的高亢之调，应运发展，蔚然成风，辛弃疾更成为创作豪放词的一代巨擘。

豪放词派不但屹然别立一宗，震烁宋代词坛，而且广泛地沾溉词林后学，从宋、金直到清代，历来都有标举豪放旗帜，大力学习苏、辛的词人。宋词配画

著名词人播报编辑

## 著名词人

### 婉约派

柳永、晏殊、晏几道、周邦彦、李清照、秦观、姜夔、吴文英、李煜、欧阳修、史达祖等。

柳永（约984年–约1053年），北宋著名词人，是第一位对宋词进行全面革新的词人，也是两宋词坛上创用词调最多的词人。

柳永大力创作慢词，将敷陈其事的赋法移植于词，同时充分运用俚词俗语，以适俗的意象、淋漓尽致的铺叙、平淡无华的白描等独特的艺术个性，对宋词的发展产生了深远影响。

代表作：《雨霖铃》（寒蝉凄切）、《蝶恋花》（伫倚危楼风细细）

李清照（1084–1155年），号易安居士，形式上善用白描手法，自辟途径，语言清丽。论词强调协律，崇尚典雅，提出词“别是一家”之说，反对以作诗文之法作词。能诗，留存不多，部分篇章感时咏史，情辞慷慨，与其词风不同。有《易安居士文集》《易安词》，已散佚。后人有《漱玉词》辑本。今有《李清照集校注》。

代表作：《如梦令》（如梦令·常记溪亭日暮）、《醉花阴》（薄雾浓云愁永昼）

李煜（937–978年），号莲峰居士，南唐最后一位国君。精书法、工绘画、通音律，诗文均有一定造诣，尤以词的成就最高。

李煜的词，继承了晚唐以来温庭筠、韦庄等花间派词人的传统，又受李璟、冯延巳等的影响，语言明快、形象生动、用情真挚，风格鲜明，其亡国后词作更是题材广阔，含意深沉，在晚唐五代词中别树一帜，对后世词坛影响深远。被称为千古词帝，有《文集》30卷、《杂说》百篇，晁公武《郡斋读书志》载《李煜集》10卷，《宋史·艺文志》亦载《南唐李后主集》10卷，均佚。陈振孙《直斋书录解题》有《南唐二主词》1卷，录李煜词34首，存世有明万历四十八年墨华斋本，清代邵长光又录得1首，近代王国维增加9首。李煜词集注本有清人刘继增《南唐二主词笺》，近人唐圭璋《南唐二主词汇笺》、王仲闻《南唐二主词校订》、詹安泰《李璟李煜词》等。《虞美人》被王国维誉为是“包含世间所有愁”的词。

代表作：《虞美人》、《相见欢》、《乌夜啼》、《浪淘沙令》、《谢新恩》

周邦彦（1056–1121年），北宋词人。字美成，号清真居士，钱塘（今浙江杭州）人。历官太学正、庐州教授、知漂水县等。徽宗时为徽猷阁待制，提兴大晟府。精通音律，曾创作不少新词调。作品多写闺情、羁旅，也有咏物之作。格律谨严，语言曲丽精雅。长调尤善铺叙。为后来格律派词人所宗。旧时词论称他为“词家之冠”。有《清真居士集》，后人改名为《片玉集》。

代表作：《兰陵王》（柳阴直）、《蝶恋花·早行》

张先（990–1078年），字子野，乌程（今浙江湖州）人。宋仁宗朝进士。官至都官郎中。晚年往来于杭州、吴兴间，过着优游的生活。词作与柳永齐名，号称“张三影”。今传《安陆词》、又名《张子野词》。

史达祖（1163–1220？），字邦卿，号梅溪，汴（河南）人。韩侂胄当国时，他是最亲信的堂吏，负责撰拟文书。韩败史受黥刑，死于贫困中。今传有《梅溪词》。其词工于咏物。

代表作：《双双燕·咏燕》

贺铸（1052–1125年），字方回，号庆湖遗老，卫州（今河南辉县）人。孝惠皇后族孙。元佑中通判泗州、太平州，后退居吴下。其词题材较丰富，风格也多所变化，兼有豪放、婉约二派之长，善于融化前人成句。守格律、重用韵。今传《东山词》一卷、《贺方回词》二卷。

晏几道（约1040–1112年），北宋词人。字叔原，号小山，临川（今江西抚州）人。晏殊第七子。历任颖昌府许田镇监、乾宁军通判、开封府判官等。性孤傲，晚年家境中落。词风哀感缠绵、清壮顿挫。有《小山词》。

代表作：《临江仙》（临江仙·梦后楼台高锁）、《鹧鸪天》（彩袖殷勤捧玉钟）

姜夔（1154–1221年），字尧章，鄱阳人。号白石道人，庆元中，曾上书乞正太常雅乐，一生布衣，靠卖字和朋友接济为生。他多才多艺，精通音律，能自度曲，其词格律严密。其作品素以空灵含蓄著称。有《白石道人歌曲》。

代表作：《扬州慢》《杏花天影》《疏影》《暗香》

秦观（1049–1100年），北宋词人。字少游、一字太虚，号淮海居士，扬州高邮（今江苏）人。历官太学博士、秘书省正字，兼国史馆编修等职。坐元佑党籍。绍圣后累遭贬调。文辞为苏试所赏识，是“苏门四学士”之一。工词诗，词多写男女情爱，伤感身世之作，是婉约词人中一大家。诗风与词相近。有《淮海集》、《淮海·士长短句》。

代表作：《踏莎行·郴州旅舍》、《鹊桥仙》、《浣溪沙》、《望海潮》、《水龙吟》

晏殊（991–1055年），字同叔，抚州临川（今江西）人。北宋景德中以神童入试，赐同进士出身。庆历中官至集贤殿大学士，同中书门下平章事兼枢密使。其词擅长小令，多表现诗酒生活和悠闲性致，语言婉丽，颇受南唐冯延巳的影响。原有集，已散失，仅存《珠玉词》及清人所辑《晏元献遗文》。又编类书《类要》，今存残本。后人称之为“词人宰相”。

代表作：《浣溪沙》（一曲新词酒一杯）、《浣溪沙》（一向年光有限身）

宋祁（998–1061）北宋文学家。字子京，安州安陆（今湖北安陆）人，后徙居开封雍丘（今河南杞县）。天圣二年进士，官翰林学士、史馆修撰。与欧阳修等合修《新唐书》，书成，进工部尚书，拜翰林学士承旨。卒谥景文，与兄宋庠并有文名，时称“二宋”。诗词语言工丽，因《玉楼春》词中有“红杏枝头春意闹”句，世称“红杏尚书”。

吴文英（1212–1272年），字君特，号梦窗，晚年又号觉翁，四明（今浙江）人。一生未仕，但平生所交，皆一时显贵，作词较多，是一位重要词人。其词典丽而工，多雕琢，音律合谐。今传有《梦窗词》。

代表作：《莺啼序》（残寒正欺病酒）、《风入松》（听风听雨过清明）

张炎（1248–？年），字叔夏，号玉田，晚又号乐笑翁，临安（今杭州）人。张俊六世孙，宋亡，落拓而终。他的词尤以咏物词名重当时，其作词圣“清空”之说，词有《山中白云》及词学专著《词源》传世。

冯延巳（903–960）又名延嗣，字正中，五代广陵（今江苏省扬州市）人。在南唐做过宰相，生活过得很优裕、舒适。他的词多写闲情逸致辞，文人的气息很浓，对北宋初期的词人有比较大的影响。宋初《钓矶立谈》评其“学问渊博，文章颖发，辩说纵横”，其词集名《阳春集》。 [3]

欧阳修（1007–1072年），北宋文学家、史学家。字永叔，号醉翁、六一居士，吉州吉水（今江西）人。天圣进士。累官知制诰、翰林学士、枢密副使、参知政事。是北宋古文运动的领袖。散文说理畅达，抒情委婉，为“唐宋八大家”之一，诗风与其散文近似，语言流畅自然，其词深婉清丽。有《欧阳文忠集》，词集有《六一词》、《近体乐府》及《醉翁琴趣外编》。

代表作：《采桑子·群芳过后西湖好》、《诉衷情·清晨帘幕卷秋霜》、《踏莎行·候馆梅残》、《生查子·去年元夜时》、《蝶恋花·庭院深深深几许》

王安石（1021–1086年），杰出的政治家和文学家。字介甫，号半山，临川（今江西抚州市）人。宋神宗时宰相。创新法，改革旧政，世称王荆公。文学上的主要成就在诗方面，词作不多，但其词能够“一洗五代旧习”，境界醒豁。今传《临川先生文集》、《王文公文集》。

### 豪放派

苏轼、辛弃疾、陈亮、陆游、张孝祥、张元干、刘辰翁等。

苏轼（1037–1101年），北宋大文学家，苏轼对词进行了大刀阔斧的开拓和变革，有着不可磨灭的贡献。无论是内容的拓展，还是形式的新化；无论是风格的突破，还是人生的超越，苏轼都以其极大的热情、卓越的才能进行了不懈的追求和努力。从而极大的提高了词的艺术品位，提高了词的文学地位，强化词的文学性，弱化词的音乐性，使词从音乐的附属品转变为一种与诗具有同等地位的独立的抒情文体。把词引入文学殿堂，从根本上改变了词史的发展方向，树立了词史上的里程碑，大大促进了宋词的发展，使宋词进入鼎盛时期。这就是苏轼对词所作出的最杰出的贡献，仍影响着一代又一代炎黄子孙。

代表作：《念奴娇·赤壁怀古》、《水调歌头·明月几时有》、《江城子·密州出猎》

辛弃疾（1140–1207年），字幼安，号稼轩，南宋爱国词人。宋代词作巅峰代表和所存词作最多词人。辛弃疾艺术风格多样，以豪放为主，曾上《美芹十论》与《九议》，条陈战守之策。现存词600多首，其词抒写力图恢复国家统一的爱国热情，倾诉壮志难酬的悲愤，对当时执政者的屈辱求和颇多谴责；也有不少吟咏祖国河山的作品。题材广阔又善化用前人典故入词，风格沉雄豪迈又不乏细腻柔媚之处。

代表作：《破阵子·为陈同甫赋壮词以寄之》（醉里挑灯看剑）、《永遇乐·京口北固亭怀古》、《摸鱼儿·更能消几番风雨》、《清平乐·村居》

陆游（1125–1210年），南宋诗人，字务观，号放翁，越州山阴（今浙江绍兴）人。南宋著名爱国诗人，为南宋四大家诗人之一。词作量不如诗篇巨大，但和诗同样贯穿了气吞残虏的爱国主义精神。著有《放翁词》一卷，《渭南词》二卷。

代表作：《谢池春·壮岁从戎》、《夜游宫·记梦寄师伯浑》、《卜算子·咏梅》

陈亮（1143–1194）原名汝能，后改名陈亮，字同甫，号龙川，婺州永康（今属浙江）人。婺州以解头荐，因上《中兴五论》，奏入不报。孝宗淳熙五年，诣阙上书论国事。后曾两次被诬入狱。绍熙四年光宗策进士第一，状元。授签书建康府判官公事，未行

![Song Ci](/static/img/articles/song-ci/song-ci-illustration-01.jpg)


The Book of Poetry

Summary: The Book of Poetry is the oldest existing collection of Chinese poetry, dating from the Western Zhou to the Spring and Autumn periods.

# The Book of Poetry

## Overview

The Book of Poetry (诗经, Shī Jīng), also known as the Classic of Poetry, is the oldest existing collection of Chinese poetry and one of the Five Classics of Confucianism. Comprising 305 poems (with an additional 6 titles but no texts), it was compiled over a period of approximately 500 years, from the early Western Zhou dynasty (c. 11th century BCE) to the mid-Spring and Autumn period (c. 6th century BCE). The collection offers a comprehensive reflection of Chinese society during the Zhou dynasty, capturing the social, political, and cultural life of the period through various poetic forms and themes.

## History

### Origins and Compilation

The Book of Poetry was initially known simply as "The Poems" (诗, Shī), as frequently mentioned by Confucius in his teachings. For instance, Confucius stated: "The three hundred poems, to sum them up in one phrase, may be said to have no improper thoughts" ("《诗》三百，一言以蔽之，曰：'思无邪'"). The collection was later referred to as "The Three Hundred Poems" (诗三百, Shī Sānbǎi) due to its approximately 300 poems. The current title, "The Book of Poetry" (诗经, Shī Jīng), emerged during the Han dynasty when Emperor Wu established the Five Classics (五经, Wǔ Jīng), which included the Book of Poetry, Book of Documents, Book of Rites, Book of Changes, and Spring and Autumn Annals.

The poems in the collection span from the early Western Zhou period, following King Wu's overthrow of the Shang dynasty (c. 1046 BCE), to the Spring and Autumn period. Geographically, they are centered in the Yellow River basin, extending as far south as the north bank of the Yangtze River, and covering present-day Shaanxi, Gansu, Shanxi, Shandong, Hebei, Henan, Anhui, and Hubei provinces.

### Development of Sections

The collection is divided into three main sections: Feng (风, "Airs"), Ya (雅, "Odes"), and Song (颂, "Hymns").

- **The Zhou Odes (周颂, Zhōu Sòng)**: The earliest section, dating from the early Western Zhou period, consists of aristocratic works primarily featuring temple hymns and songs praising deities, with some poems describing agricultural production.
- **The Major Odes (大雅, Dà Yǎ)**: Produced during the prosperous period of the Zhou dynasty, these represent the only surviving epics of ancient China. Dating from the early Western Zhou period, they praise the achievements of the Zhou royal ancestors and kings like King Wen and King Wu.
- **The Minor Odes (小雅, Xiǎo Yǎ)**: Composed from the late Western Zhou period through the eastward migration of the Zhou capital, these include both aristocratic and folk elements.
- **The Lu and Shang Odes (鲁颂, Lǔ Sòng; 商颂, Shāng Sòng)**: Created after the eastward migration of the Zhou capital (770 BCE), these are regional odes.

### Transmission and Preservation

According to tradition, the Zhou dynasty officials responsible for collecting folk songs would travel through the countryside each spring, gathering popular songs that reflected the joys and sorrows of the people. These were then passed to the Grand Music Master (太师, Tài Shī) who would compose music for them and perform them for the emperor as references for governance.

During the Spring and Autumn period, it is said that there were as many as 3,000 poems in circulation, but only 311 (including 6 with titles but no texts) survived. After Confucius compiled and edited these, his disciple Zixia (子夏), one of the "Ten Philosophers" and seventy-two disciples known for his profound understanding of the poems, became the first recorded transmitter of the collection.

In the early Han dynasty, three major schools of interpretation emerged: the Qi School (齐诗, Qī Shī), Lu School (鲁诗, Lǔ Shī), and Han School (韩诗, Hán Shī). However, only the Mao School (毛诗, Máo Shī), attributed to Mao Heng and Mao Chang, has survived in its complete form, forming the basis of all modern editions of the Book of Poetry.

## Key Information

| Aspect | Details |
|--------|---------|
| Original Title | 诗 (Shī) |
| Current Title | 诗经 (Shī Jīng) / The Book of Poetry |
| Alternative Names | The Book of Songs, Classic of Poetry |
| Time Period | Early Western Zhou to mid-Spring and Autumn periods (c. 1046-771 BCE) |
| Geographic Origin | Primarily Yellow River basin, extending to north of Yangtze River |
| Number of Poems | 305 poems (plus 6 with titles only) |
| Main Sections | Feng (Airs), Ya (Odes), Song (Hymns) |
| Major Themes | Love, labor, war, agriculture, rituals, social criticism |

## Cultural Significance

The Book of Poetry holds profound cultural significance in Chinese civilization as one of the foundational texts of Confucian scholarship. Confucius himself placed great importance on the collection, stating: "If one has not studied the Odes, one will not be able to speak appropriately." The poems served as educational materials for centuries, shaping Chinese literary traditions, aesthetic sensibilities, and ethical values.

The collection's three sections reflect different aspects of Zhou society:

- **Feng (Airs)**: Comprising 160 poems from 15 regions, these folk songs capture the daily lives, emotions, and social conditions of common people. They include themes of love, labor, homesickness, and social criticism, often employing repetitive structures characteristic of oral traditions.
- **Ya (Odes)**: Divided into Major Odes (31 poems) and Minor Odes (74 poems), these works primarily reflect the concerns of the aristocracy. The Major Odes celebrate the achievements of Zhou kings and ancestors, while the Minor Odes include more diverse content, including poems about war, labor, and social commentary.
- **Song (Hymns)**: Consisting of 40 poems, these are ritual hymns performed at ancestral temples, celebrating the virtues and achievements of the ruling dynasty.

The Book of Poetry has significantly influenced Chinese literature, poetry, and cultural expression throughout history. Its themes, imagery, and artistic techniques have been emulated by countless subsequent poets and writers. The collection also provides valuable insights into early Chinese society, including agricultural practices, religious beliefs, political structures, and family relationships.

## Modern Status

Today, the Book of Poetry remains a central text in Chinese literary and cultural studies. It is studied in schools and universities throughout China and the Sinophone world, and continues to be translated into numerous languages. Modern scholarship on the collection encompasses literary analysis, historical research, linguistic studies, and anthropological approaches.

In recent decades, archaeological discoveries have provided new perspectives on the Book of Poetry. The清华简 (Qinghua bamboo slips), unearthed in 2008 and dating from the Warring States period, contain texts that relate to some poems in the collection, offering insights into their early transmission and interpretation.

The Book of Poetry has also influenced modern Chinese literature and cultural movements. During the New Culture Movement of the early 20th century, scholars like Hu Shi drew upon the folk elements of the Feng section to advocate for vernacular literature. In contemporary China, the collection continues to inspire poets, artists, and cultural producers who find resonance in its ancient themes and expressions.

## References

1. Legge, James. *The Chinese Classics, Vol. IV: The She King, or The Book of Poetry*. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1871.

2. Yu, Pauline. *The Reading of Imagery in the Chinese Poetic Tradition*. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987.

3. Kern, Martin. *The Stele of Inscribed Words: From the Earliest Times to the First Century AD*. In *The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature*, Vol. 1, edited by Stephen Owen, 97-144. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

4. Wang, Aihe. *Cosmology and Political Culture in Early China*. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.

5. Schaberg, David. *A Patterned Past: Form and Thought in Early Chinese Historiography*. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2001.

![The Book of Songs](/static/img/articles/the-book-of-songs/the-book-of-songs-illustration-01.jpg)


诗经

成书过程播报编辑

## 成书过程

### 名称由来

《诗经》约成书于春秋中期，起初叫做《诗》，孔子曾多次提及此称，如：“《诗》三百，一言以蔽之，曰：‘思无邪’” [4]。“诵《诗》三百，授之以政，不达；使于四方，不能专对。虽多，亦奚以为？” [5]

司马迁记载的也是这一名称，如：“《诗》三百篇，大抵贤圣发愤之所为作也。” [6]

因为后来传世的版本总共记载有311首，为了叙述方便，就称作“诗三百”。之所以改称《诗经》，是汉武帝以《诗》《书》《礼》《易》《春秋》为五经的缘故。

### 产生年代

《诗经》是中国第一部诗歌总集，最早的记录为西周初年，最迟产生的作品为春秋时期，上下跨度约五六百年。产生地域以黄河流域为中心，南到长江北岸，分布在现今陕西、甘肃、山西、山东、河北、河南、安徽、湖北等地。

经文史专家考定，《诗经》中的作品是在周武王灭商（公元前1066年）以后产生的。 [7]

《周颂》时代最早，在西周初年产生，是贵族文人作品，以宗庙乐歌、颂神乐歌为主，也有部分描写农业生产。

《大雅》是周王朝盛隆时期的产物，是中国上古仅存的史诗。关于《大雅》这三十一篇的创作年代， [51]各家说法不同：郑玄认为《文王之什》是文王、武王时代的诗，《生民之什》从《生民》至《卷阿》八篇为周公、成王之世诗。朱熹认为：“正《大雅》……多周公制作时所定也。”但均认为“正大雅”是西周初年之诗。 [8]

《小雅》产生于西周晚年到东迁以后。

《鲁颂》和《商颂》都产生在周室东迁（公元前770年）以后。 [9]

### 创作者

相传周代设有采诗之官，每年春天，摇着木铎深入民间收集民间歌谣，把能够反映人民欢乐疾苦的作品，整理后交给太师（负责音乐之官）谱曲，演唱给周天子听，作为施政的参考。这些没有记录姓名的民间作者的作品，占据诗经的多数部分，如十五国风。 [10]

周代贵族文人的作品构成了诗经的另一部分。《尚书》记载，《豳风·鸱鸮》为周公旦所作。2008年入藏清华大学的一批战国竹简（清华简）中的《耆夜》篇中，叙述武王等在战胜黎国后庆功饮酒，其间周公旦即席所作的诗《蟋蟀》，内容与现存《诗经·唐风》中的《蟋蟀》一篇有密切关系。 [11-12]

### 创作背景

周代的祖居之地周原宜于农业，“大雅”中的《生民》《公刘》《绵绵瓜瓞》等诗篇都表明周是依靠农业而兴盛，农业的发展促进了社会的进步。周在武王伐纣之后成为天下共主，家族宗法制度、土地、奴隶私有与贵族领主的统治成为这一历史时期的社会政治特征。 [10]

西周取代殷商，除了商纣暴虐无道，主要与其实行奴隶制经济制度有关。西周建立以后，为缓和生产关系与生产力的尖锐矛盾，缓和阶级斗争，变奴隶制为农奴制，正如王国维在《殷商制度论》中所言：“中国政治与文化之变革，莫剧于殷周之际……殷周间的三大变革，自其表而言之，不过一家一姓之兴亡，与都邑之转移。自其里言之，则旧制度废而新制度兴，旧文化废而新文化兴……”

西周较之殷商，由于经济制度的巨大变革，促使社会在精神文明方面产生飞跃性的进步，作为文学代表的《诗经》出现是时代进步的必然产物，而它反过来又促进了社会的文明进步。

### 传承历史

据说春秋时期流传下来的诗有3000首之多，后来只剩下311首（其中有六首笙诗有目无诗）。孔子编纂诗经之后，最早明确记录的传承人，是“孔门十哲”、七十二贤之一的子夏，他对诗的领悟力最强，所以由其传诗。

汉初，说诗的有鲁人申培公，齐人辕固生和燕人韩婴，合称三家诗。齐诗亡于三国魏，鲁诗亡于西晋，韩诗到唐时还在流传，而今只剩外传10卷。现今流传的诗经，是毛公所传的毛诗。 [10] [43]

内容简介播报编辑

## 内容简介

《诗经》就整体而言，是周王朝由盛而衰五百年间中国社会生活面貌的形象反映，其中有先祖创业的颂歌，祭祀神鬼的乐章；也有贵族之间的宴饮交往，劳逸不均的怨愤；更有反映劳动、打猎，以及大量恋爱、婚姻、社会习俗方面的动人篇章。 [10]

《诗经》现存305篇（此外有目无诗的6篇，共311篇），分《风》《雅》《颂》三部分。

《风》出自各地的民歌，是《诗经》中的精华部分。有对爱情、劳动等美好事物的吟唱，也有怀故土、思征人及反压迫、反欺凌的怨叹与愤怒，常用复沓的手法来反复咏叹，一首诗中的各章往往只有几个字不同，表现了民歌的特色。 [10]

《雅》分《大雅》《小雅》，多为贵族祭祀之诗歌，祈丰年、颂祖德。《大雅》的作者是贵族文人，但对现实政治有所不满，除了宴会乐歌、祭祀乐歌和史诗而外，也写出了一些反映人民愿望的讽刺诗。《小雅》中也有部分民歌。

《颂》则为宗庙祭祀之诗歌。《雅》《颂》中的诗歌对于考察早期历史、宗教与社会有很大价值。

以上三部分，《颂》有40篇，《雅》有105篇（《小雅》中有6篇有目无诗，不计算在内），《风》的数量最多，共160篇，合起来是305篇。古人取其整数，常说“诗三百”。 [13]

### 风篇

《风》包括了十五个地方的民歌，包括今陕西、山西、河南、河北、山东等地，大部分是黄河流域的民间乐歌。多半经过润色后的民间歌谣叫“十五国风”，有160篇，是《诗经》中的核心内容。“风”的意思是土风、风谣。

十五国风分别是：周南11篇、召南十四篇、邶（bèi）风19篇、鄘（yōng）风10篇、卫风10篇、王风10篇、郑风21篇、齐风11篇、魏风7篇、唐风12篇、秦风10篇、陈风10篇、桧风4篇（桧即“郐”kuài）、曹风4篇、豳（bīn）风7篇。周南中的《关雎》《桃夭》，魏风中的《伐檀》《硕鼠》，秦风中的《蒹葭》《无衣》等都是脍炙人口的名篇。 [10]

| 关雎——陕西郃阳 | 1、周南关雎、葛覃、卷耳、樛木、螽斯、桃夭、兔罝、芣苢、汉广、汝坟、麟之趾 |
| --- | --- |
| 甘棠——岐山周公庙 | 2、召南鹊巢、采蘩、草虫、采蘋、甘棠、行露、羔羊、殷其雷、摽有梅、小星、江有汜、野有死麕、何彼秾矣、驺虞 [14] |
| 柏舟 | 3、邶风柏舟、绿衣、燕燕、日月、终风、击鼓、凯风、雄雉、匏有苦叶、谷风、式微、旄丘、简兮、泉水、北门、北风、静女、新台、二子乘舟 |
| 桑中 | 4、鄘风柏舟、墙有茨、君子偕老、桑中、鹑之奔奔、定之方中、蝃蝀、相鼠、干旄、载驰 |
| 竹竿 | 5、卫风淇奥、考盘、硕人、氓、竹竿、芄兰、河广、伯兮、有狐、木瓜 |
| 黍离 | 6、王风黍离、君子于役、君子阳阳、扬之水、中谷有蓷、兔爰、葛藟、采葛、大车、丘中有麻 |
| 女曰鸡鸣 | 7、郑风缁衣、将仲子、叔于田、大叔于田、清人、羔裘、遵大路、女曰鸡鸣、有女同车、山有扶苏、萚兮、狡童、褰裳、丰、东门之墠、风雨、子衿、扬之水、出其东门、野有蔓草、溱洧 |
| 东方之日——山东泰山 | 8、齐风鸡鸣、还、著、东方之日、东方未明、南山、甫田、卢令、敝笱、载驱、猗嗟 |
| 伐檀 | 9、魏风葛屦、汾沮洳、园有桃、陟岵、十亩之间、伐檀、硕鼠 |
| 鸨羽 | 10、唐风蟋蟀、山有枢、扬之水、椒聊、绸缪、杕杜、羔裘、鸨羽、无衣、有杕之杜、葛生、采苓 |
| 蒹葭 | 11、秦风车邻、驷驖、小戎、蒹葭、终南、黄鸟、晨风、无衣、渭阳、权舆 |
| 月出 | 12、陈风宛丘、东门之枌、衡门、东门之池、东门之杨、墓门、防有鹊巢、月出、株林、泽陂 |
| 隰有苌楚 | 13、桧风羔裘、素冠、隰有苌楚、匪风 |
| 蜉蝣 | 14、曹风蜉蝣、候人、鸤鸠、下泉 |
| 七月 | 15、豳风七月、鸱鸮、东山、破斧、伐柯、九罭、狼跋 |

关雎——陕西郃阳

关雎、葛覃、卷耳、樛木、螽斯、桃夭、兔罝、芣苢、汉广、汝坟、麟之趾

甘棠——岐山周公庙

鹊巢、采蘩、草虫、采蘋、甘棠、行露、羔羊、殷其雷、摽有梅、小星、江有汜、野有死麕、何彼秾矣、驺虞 [14]

柏舟、绿衣、燕燕、日月、终风、击鼓、凯风、雄雉、匏有苦叶、谷风、式微、旄丘、简兮、泉水、北门、北风、静女、新台、二子乘舟

柏舟、墙有茨、君子偕老、桑中、鹑之奔奔、定之方中、蝃蝀、相鼠、干旄、载驰

淇奥、考盘、硕人、氓、竹竿、芄兰、河广、伯兮、有狐、木瓜

黍离、君子于役、君子阳阳、扬之水、中谷有蓷、兔爰、葛藟、采葛、大车、丘中有麻

缁衣、将仲子、叔于田、大叔于田、清人、羔裘、遵大路、女曰鸡鸣、有女同车、山有扶苏、萚兮、狡童、褰裳、丰、东门之墠、风雨、子衿、扬之水、出其东门、野有蔓草、溱洧

东方之日——山东泰山

鸡鸣、还、著、东方之日、东方未明、南山、甫田、卢令、敝笱、载驱、猗嗟

葛屦、汾沮洳、园有桃、陟岵、十亩之间、伐檀、硕鼠

蟋蟀、山有枢、扬之水、椒聊、绸缪、杕杜、羔裘、鸨羽、无衣、有杕之杜、葛生、采苓

车邻、驷驖、小戎、蒹葭、终南、黄鸟、晨风、无衣、渭阳、权舆

宛丘、东门之枌、衡门、东门之池、东门之杨、墓门、防有鹊巢、月出、株林、泽陂

羔裘、素冠、隰有苌楚、匪风

蜉蝣、候人、鸤鸠、下泉

七月、鸱鸮、东山、破斧、伐柯、九罭、狼跋

### 雅篇

《雅》是周王朝国都附近的乐歌，共105篇。

《雅》为周王畿内乐调。《大雅》主要歌颂周王室祖先乃至武王、宣王等之功绩，有些诗篇也反映了厉王、幽王的暴虐昏乱及其统治危机。

《大雅》的作品大部分作于西周前期，作者大都是贵族，谓高尚雅正等。旧训雅为正，谓诗歌之正声。《诗大序》：“雅者，正也，言王政之所废兴也。政有小大，故有《小雅》焉，有《大雅》焉。”

《小雅》共有74篇，创作于西周初年至末年，以西周末年厉、宣、幽王时期为多。《小雅》中一部分诗歌与《国风》类似，其中最突出的，是关于战争和劳役的作品。 [10]

大雅的作品主要有《文王》《卷阿》《民劳》，小雅有《鹿鸣》《采薇》《斯干》等。

| 鹿鸣 | 1、小雅·鹿鸣之什鹿鸣、四牡、皇皇者华、常棣、伐木、天保、采薇、出车、杕杜、鱼丽 |
| --- | --- |
| 南有嘉鱼 | 2、小雅·南有嘉鱼之什南有嘉鱼、南山有台、蓼萧、湛露、彤弓、菁菁者莪、六月、采芑、车攻、吉日 |
| 鹤鸣 | 3、小雅·鸿雁之什鸿雁、庭燎、沔水、鹤鸣、祈父、白驹、黄鸟、我行其野、斯干、无羊 |
| 节南山 | 4、小雅·节南山之什节南山、正月、十月之交、雨无正、小旻、小宛、小弁、巧言、何人斯、巷伯 |
| 信南山 | 5、小雅·谷风之什谷风、蓼莪、大东、四月、北山、无将大车、小明、鼓钟、楚茨、信南山 |
| 车辖 | 6、小雅·甫田之什甫田、大田、瞻彼洛矣、裳裳者华、桑扈、鸳鸯、頍弁、车辖、青蝇、宾之初筵 |
| 鱼藻 | 7、小雅·鱼藻之什鱼藻、采菽、角弓、菀柳、都人士、采绿、黍苗、隰桑、白华、绵蛮、瓠叶、渐渐之石、苕之华、何草不黄 |

1、小雅·鹿鸣之什

鹿鸣、四牡、皇皇者华、常棣、伐木、天保、采薇、出车、杕杜、鱼丽

2、小雅·南有嘉鱼之什

南有嘉鱼、南山有台、蓼萧、湛露、彤弓、菁菁者莪、六月、采芑、车攻、吉日

3、小雅·鸿雁之什

鸿雁、庭燎、沔水、鹤鸣、祈父、白驹、黄鸟、我行其野、斯干、无羊

4、小雅·节南山之什

节南山、正月、十月之交、雨无正、小旻、小宛、小弁、巧言、何人斯、巷伯

5、小雅·谷风之什

谷风、蓼莪、大东、四月、北山、无将大车、小明、鼓钟、楚茨、信南山

6、小雅·甫田之什

甫田、大田、瞻彼洛矣、裳裳者华、桑扈、鸳鸯、頍弁、车辖、青蝇、宾之初筵

7、小雅·鱼藻之什

鱼藻、采菽、角弓、菀柳、都人士、采绿、黍苗、隰桑、白华、绵蛮、瓠叶、渐渐之石、苕之华、何草不黄

| 文王 | 1、文王之什文王、大明、绵、棫朴、旱麓、思齐、皇矣、灵台、下武、文王有声 |
| --- | --- |
| 卷阿 | 2、生民之什生民、行苇、既醉、凫鹥、假乐、公刘、泂酌、卷阿、民劳、板 |
| 云汉 | 3、荡之什荡、抑、桑柔、云汉、崧高、烝民、韩奕、江汉、常武、瞻昂、召旻 |

1、文王之什

文王、大明、绵、棫朴、旱麓、思齐、皇矣、灵台、下武、文王有声

2、生民之什

生民、行苇、既醉、凫鹥、假乐、公刘、泂酌、卷阿、民劳、板

荡、抑、桑柔、云汉、崧高、烝民、韩奕、江汉、常武、瞻昂、召旻

### 颂篇

《颂》共有40篇。

对于《颂》的释义，最早见于《诗·大序》：“颂者，美盛德之形容，以其成功告于神明者也。”孔颖达《毛诗正义》说：“颂者”之下省略了“容也”二字。朱熹《诗集传》说：“颂”与“容”古字通用。

据阮元《□经室集·释颂》的解释，“容”的意思是舞容，“美盛德之形容”，就是赞美“盛德”的舞蹈动作。如《周颂·维清》是祭祀文王的乐歌，《小序》说：“奏象舞也。”

郑玄《毛诗传笺》说：“象舞，象用兵时刺伐之舞。”就是把周文王用兵征讨刺伐时的情节、动作，用舞蹈的形式表现出来，这可以证明祭祀宗庙时不仅有歌，而且有舞，“载歌载舞”可以说是宗庙乐歌的特点。

近代学者也多以为《颂》是宗庙祭祀之乐，其中有一部分是舞曲。 [10]

颂的名篇主要有《清庙》《维天之命》《噫嘻》等。

| 维天之命 | 1、清庙之什清庙，维天之命，维清，烈文，天作，昊天有成命，我将，时迈，执竞，思文 |
| --- | --- |
| 武 | 2、臣工之什臣工、噫嘻、振鹭、丰年、有瞽、潜、雝、载见、有客、武 |
| 闵予小子 | 3、闵予小子之什闵予小子、访落、敬之、小毖、载芟、良耜、丝衣、酌、桓、赉、般 |

1、清庙之什

清庙，维天之命，维清，烈文，天作，昊天有成命，我将，时迈，执竞，思文

2、臣工之什

臣工、噫嘻、振鹭、丰年、有瞽、潜、雝、载见、有客、武

3、闵予小子之什

闵予小子、访落、敬之、小毖、载芟、良耜、丝衣、酌、桓、赉、般

| 駉 | 駉、有駜、泮水、閟宫 |
| --- | --- |

駉、有駜、泮水、閟宫

| 玄鸟 | 那、烈祖、玄鸟、长髪、殷武 |
| --- | --- |

那、烈祖、玄鸟、长髪、殷武

主要注本播报编辑

## 主要注本

后世对《诗经》的注疏和研究者甚多。主要版本有“毛诗”、“郑笺”和其后对其密切配合的“孔疏”。（三者均见于《十三经注疏》） [46]

|  | “毛诗”，全名为《毛诗诂训传》。这是迄今为止所能见到的第一部注释《诗经》的著作。形式上，它首创了传注体。内容上，它比较科学地对《诗经》进行训释，保存了大量汉语词语的诂训。全文三十卷，为古文且多用假借字。其训诂特点有二：一为善用今字解古字，用本字释借字；又一为对名物制度的诠释比较切要且准确、简洁。“兴”作为《诗经》普遍运用的艺术手法，该书作者毛亨对其予以了明确的定义，使其由朦胧抽象走向鲜明形象，这也是对《诗经》研究的一个有重大意义的开创和贡献。 [46] |
| --- | --- |
|  | “郑笺”，全名为《毛诗笺》。它是一部申成、补充《毛诗诂训传》并确立其权威地位的著作。作者郑玄在《六艺论》中说：“注诗宗毛为主，其义若隐略，则更表明；若有不同，即下己意，便可识别也。”这也是该笺的宗旨。由此出发，其书在内容上分为三类：一日申成毛义(这是《郑笺》最主要内容)、二日补充毛义、三日别出己意，从而在许多方面纠正了《毛传》之误。西汉时，古文毛诗只私授，《郑笺》出使诗今古合流，《毛传》得以风行。 [46] |
|  | “孔疏”，全名为《毛诗正义》。作者是唐代受命修《五经正义》的孔颖达。作者注解《诗经》，恪守“疏不破注”的原则，旨在阐释毛、郑之意，然后予以补充、完善，最后进行阐释（该疏的音义部分则取自唐陆德明《经典释文》）。1957年12月中华书局曾出版单行本，与毛诗、郑笺合刊。 [46] |
|  | 《诗集传》现存两部宋刻本，均不全。其一藏北京图书馆，另一部原系杭州丁氏八千卷楼藏书，残存8卷。元刻本亦存两部，其一藏北京图书馆，另一部存台湾。明清刻本较多。《四部丛刊三编》有影印宋刊本《诗集传》20卷，尚可见原书面貌。通行的有1958年中华书局上海编辑所排印本。 |
|  | 《毛诗传笺通释》有道光十五年乙未学古堂初刻本，流传的已极少。光绪十四年（1888年）由广雅书局翻刻了一次（后编入广雅书局丛书），对初刻版的错误（包扩引书的错误）有所订正，大致情形见于廖廷相的跋语。同年王先谦编印皇清经解读编收入此书，翻刻时也有所校正。《毛诗传笺通释》同有1929年中华书局铅印本。 |
|  | 《诗毛氏传疏》贬抑朱熹《诗集传》，笃信诗序。尊崇《毛传》，不满郑玄兼采“三家”诗说，专从文字、声韵、训诂、名物等方面阐发《毛诗》本义，颇多精当的见解，是清代研究毛诗的集大成著作。但书中对诗的文学意义则涉及不多。对于《毛传》错误，也曲为护，颇有因循墨守的缺陷。本书有道光二十七年陈氏原刊本，曾收入《皇清经解续编》，今通行有商务印书馆《国学基本丛书》本。 |
|  | 《诗经选译》（增补本）是著名学者余冠英译，人民文学出版社出版，1956年北京第1版，1960年2月北京第2版，1962年3月北京第7次印刷。本书共选收余冠英译注的《诗经》作品64篇（“风”50篇，“雅”13篇，“颂”1篇），其中《株林》是新增加的，《防有雀巢》和《白华》出自人民文学出版社《诗经选译》（1960年版），其余都是从《诗经选》（1979年版）再选出来。 |

“毛诗”，全名为《毛诗诂训传》。这是迄今为止所能见到的第一部注释《诗经》的著作。形式上，它首创了传注体。内容上，它比较科学地对《诗经》进行训释，保存了大量汉语词语的诂训。全文三十卷，为古文且多用假借字。其训诂特点有二：一为善用今字解古字，用本字释借字；又一为对名物制度的诠释比较切要且准确、简洁。“兴”作为《诗经》普遍运用的艺术手法，该书作者毛亨对其予以了明确的定义，使其由朦胧抽象走向鲜明形象，这也是对《诗经》研究的一个有重大意义的开创和贡献。 [46]

“郑笺”，全名为《毛诗笺》。它是一部申成、补充《毛诗诂训传》并确立其权威地位的著作。作者郑玄在《六艺论》中说：“注诗宗毛为主，其义若隐略，则更表明；若有不同，即下己意，便可识别也。”这也是该笺的宗旨。由此出发，其书在内容上分为三类：一日申成毛义(这是《郑笺》最主要内容)、二日补充毛义、三日别出己意，从而在许多方面纠正了《毛传》之误。西汉时，古文毛诗只私授，《郑笺》出使诗今古合流，《毛传》得以风行。 [46]

“孔疏”，全名为《毛诗正义》。作者是唐代受命修《五经正义》的孔颖达。作者注解《诗经》，恪守“疏不破注”的原则，旨在阐释毛、郑之意，然后予以补充、完善，最后进行阐释（该疏的音义部分则取自唐陆德明《经典释文》）。1957年12月中华书局曾出版单行本，与毛诗、郑笺合刊。 [46]

《诗集传》现存两部宋刻本，均不全。其一藏北京图书馆，另一部原系杭州丁氏八千卷楼藏书，残存8卷。

元刻本亦存两部，其一藏北京图书馆，另一部存台湾。明清刻本较多。《四部丛刊三编》有影印宋刊本《诗集传》20卷，尚可见原书面貌。

通行的有1958年中华书局上海编辑所排印本。

《毛诗传笺通释》有道光十五年乙未学古堂初刻本，流传的已极少。光绪十四年（1888年）由广雅书局翻刻了一次（后编入广雅书局丛书），对初刻版的错误（包扩引书的错误）有所订正，大致情形见于廖廷相的跋语。同年

![The Book of Songs](/static/img/articles/the-book-of-songs/the-book-of-songs-illustration-01.jpg)