Papers by Haruko Wakabayashi
Interdisciplinary Studies of Japanese Buddhism, 2006
Com o objetivo de avaliar a substituição da proteína do farelo de soja (FS) pela proteína do fare... more Com o objetivo de avaliar a substituição da proteína do farelo de soja (FS) pela proteína do farelo de canola (FC) e farelo de algodão (FA), em dietas para alevinos de piavuçu, Leporinus macrocephalus (Characiformes, Anostomidae), realizou-se um experimento com duração de 60 dias, utilizando-se 300 alevinos, com peso inicial médio de 0,10 g distribuídos em um delineamento em blocos casualizados, com seis tratamentos e cinco repetições. As dietas isoprotéicas foram formuladas de forma a terem o FS, FC, FA, FS+FC, FS+FA e FC+FA como fonte protéica. Os alevinos, alimentados com dietas contendo FS e FS+FA, apresentaram valores de peso final e taxa de eficiência protéica superiores (p<0,01) aos alimentados com dietas com FA, FC ou FC+FA. Em relação à conversão alimentar aparente, os alevinos alimentados com dietas com FS, FS+FC e FS+FA tiveram melhores índices que os que receberam dietas com FC. Entretanto, estes não diferiram dos demais tratamentos. A taxa de sobrevivência não foi afetada (p>0,05) pelo uso das diferentes dietas. Observou-se redução linear dos valores de peso final, da taxa de eficiência protéica e aumento linear (p<0,05) dos valores de conversão alimentar aparente dos peixes, com o aumento da substituição da proteína do FS pela do FC. Houve efeito quadrático (p<0,05) dos níveis de substituição da proteína do FS pela do FA, com o peso final, conversão alimentar aparente e taxa de eficiência protéica, apresentando melhores valores em 28,90; 24,51 e 25,74 de substituição da proteína, o que corresponde aos teores de 40,42; 34,23 e 36,00% de inclusão de FA nas dietas, respectivamente. Concluiu-se que o FC e o FA podem ser incluídos em dietas para alevinos de piavuçu, substituindo 50% da proteína do FS. Palavras-chave: farelo de algodão, farelo de canola, fontes protéicas, Leporinus macrocephalus. ABSTRACT. Partial and total replacement of soybean meal protein by canola or cottonseed meal protein in diets of Leporinus macrocephalus (Garavello & Britski, 1988) fingerlings. The effects of soybean meal (SB) protein replacement by canola meal (CN) or cottonseed meal (CT) protein in diets of Leporinus macrocephalus (Characiformes, Anostomidae) fingerlings are provided. Assay was carried out during 60 days. Three hundred fingerlings with mean initial weight of 1.00g were distributed in a block randomized design with six treatments and five replicates. Isoprotein diets contained SB, CN, CT, SB+CN, SB+CT and CN+CT as protein source. Fingerlings fed on diets with SB, SB+CN, SB+CT showed better final mean weight and protein efficiency rate values (p<0.01) than the ones fed on diets with CN. The feed/gain of the fingerlings fed on diets containing FS, FS+FC e FS+FA had better values than the ones fed on CN diets. However, they did not differ from the other diets. Survival rate was not affected (p>0.05) by different diets linear reduction (p<0.05) of final weight and protein efficiency rate and increase of feed/gain of SB protein replacement levels by CN protein in diets were reported. Quadratic effect (p<0.05) of SB protein replacement by CT protein in diets with final weight, feed/gain and efficiency protein rate with best values at 28.90, 24.51 and 25.74% of protein replacement levels, which correspond to 40.42, 34.23 and 36.00% of CT inclusion in diets, respectively, was also recorded. CN and CT may be included in the diets of L. macrocephalus fingerlings, replacing 50.00% of SB protein.
One of the recurring themes depicted in the i engu zoshi, a set of seven scrolls dated 1296，is th... more One of the recurring themes depicted in the i engu zoshi, a set of seven scrolls dated 1296，is the conflict among established temples of Nara and Kyoto. The present article focuses particularly on the dispute between Enryaku-ji (sanmon) and Onjo-ji {jimon) that took place during the thir teenth century as it is depicted in Tengu zoshi. The analysis of the texts, both visual and verbal, reveals that the scrolls are more sympathetic to Onjo-ji than Enryaku-ji. This is evident especially when the verbal texts of the Onjo-ji and Enryaku-ji scrolls are compared. Closer examination of the scrolls also shows that Onjo-ji claims superiority over all other established temples. This study shows how the scrolls reveal the discourse formed by the temples during disputes in the late Kamakura period in order to win sup port from political authorities. Tengu zoshi, therefore, in addition to being-a fine example of medieval art, is also an invaluable source for historical studies of late Kamakura B...
The Kumano kanshin jikkai mandara and the lives of the people in early modern Japan
Visualizing Hungry Ghosts in Heian Japan: Gakizōshi Scrolls as "Translation
Monumenta Nipponica, 2020
This paper focuses on the scenes in Gaki zōshi (Scrolls of the Hungry Ghosts, 12-13th c.) where t... more This paper focuses on the scenes in Gaki zōshi (Scrolls of the Hungry Ghosts, 12-13th c.) where the gaki are placed in the human world, and into a uniquely Heian setting. I examine these scrolls as a translation and transmediation of its source text, Zhengfa nianchu jing, into a “language” that was more familiar and appealing to the Heian elite society and aim to unravel the complexities involved in the process of its visual adaptation.
Tengudō, the Realm of Tengu
The Seven Tengu Scrolls, 2012
Structure and Relationship to Existing Variant Scrolls
The Seven Tengu Scrolls, 2012
Critique of Kamakura Buddhism
The Seven Tengu Scrolls, 2012
From Malign Spirit to Manifestation of Ma
The Seven Tengu Scrolls, 2012
The Definition of Ma
The Seven Tengu Scrolls, 2012
The Onjōji Scroll and the Question of Authorship
The Seven Tengu Scrolls, 2012
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 2004
Disaster in the Making: Taira no Kiyomori’s Move of the Capital to Fukuhara
Monumenta Nipponica, 2015
Then in the sixth month of the fourth year of Jishō [1180], the capital was suddenly moved. This ... more Then in the sixth month of the fourth year of Jishō [1180], the capital was suddenly moved. This was a most unexpected incident. From what I have heard, this capital [Heian] was established during the reign of Emperor Saga, and more than four hundred years have passed since then. [The capital] should not be relocated blithely, without sufficient reason, and therefore, it is not surprising that people were agitated and distressed. Kamo no Chōmei, Hōjōki1
Onj�-ji's Claim for Legitimacy in Tengu z�shi
Nanzan Guide to Japanese Religions
Social Science Japan Journal, 2007
The Journal of Asian Studies, 2005
International Journal of Asian Studies, 2014
, Japan, and the Uses of History" set the stage for his own career (Dower's, that is) as a passio... more , Japan, and the Uses of History" set the stage for his own career (Dower's, that is) as a passionate humanist who would confront mind-boggling horrors (in Dower's case the reality of America's ongoing wars-Vietnam, Iraq, Afghanistan) with the hope that his learned analysis and insights about the past might make for better and more peaceful future action (after all, if historians do not have hope what do we have?). Describing Norman, Dower writes, ".. . throughout his thought there exists the inherent tension of commitment to the basic values of human life and civilized behavior and the confrontation with situations in which violence, the antithesis of these values, may appear to be the only recourse remaining to destroy a system which represses freedom, sacrifices life, and retards the creation of true self-government" (p. 26). In this latest collection, Dower makes clear that he is not retreating.
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, Jul 1, 2009
Takamurayama Chikurinji engi emaki is a two-scroll emaki preserved at Chikurinji, a Shingon templ... more Takamurayama Chikurinji engi emaki is a two-scroll emaki preserved at Chikurinji, a Shingon temple in Nyūno, Hiroshima prefecture, and dated to the Muromachi period. The first scroll of Chikurinji engi begins with the story of the founding of the temple by Gyōki; Ono no Takamura's mysterious birth; and the early stages of Takamura's life as a courtier. This paper focuses on the second of the two scrolls, which recounts the death of Takamura's father-inlaw, his tour through hell, and his encounter there with Takamura, identified as the third of the Ten Kings of Hell. In particular, the paper looks into the development of Takamura's hell-legend, as well as the juxtaposition in the second Chikurinji engi scroll of early medieval motifs of hell with the cult of the Ten Kings. My comparison of the scroll with other medieval Japanese visual and literary sources, such as setsuwa, hell paintings, and sculptures of the Ten Kings and Enma, reveals that the emaki illustrates a representation of the afterworld that is typical of images from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
Japanese journal of religious studies, 2002
One of the recurring themes depicted in the i engu zoshi, a set of seven scrolls dated 1296，is th... more One of the recurring themes depicted in the i engu zoshi, a set of seven scrolls dated 1296，is the conflict among established temples of Nara and Kyoto. The present article focuses particularly on the dispute between Enryaku-ji (sanmon) and Onjo-ji {jimon) that took place during the thir teenth century as it is depicted in Tengu zoshi. The analysis of the texts, both visual and verbal, reveals that the scrolls are more sympathetic to Onjo-ji than Enryaku-ji. This is evident especially when the verbal texts of the Onjo-ji and Enryaku-ji scrolls are compared. Closer examination of the scrolls also shows that Onjo-ji claims superiority over all other established temples. This study shows how the scrolls reveal the discourse formed by the temples during disputes in the late Kamakura period in order to win sup port from political authorities. Tengu zoshi, therefore, in addition to beinga fine example of medieval art, is also an invaluable source for historical studies of late Kamakura Buddmsm.
Then in the sixth month of the fourth year of Jishō [1180], the capital was suddenly moved. This ... more Then in the sixth month of the fourth year of Jishō [1180], the capital was suddenly moved. This was a most unexpected incident. From what I have heard, this capital [Heian] was established during the reign of Emperor Saga, and more than four hundred years have passed since then. [The capi- tal] should not be relocated blithely, without sufficient reason, and therefore, it is not surprising that people were agitated and distressed.
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Papers by Haruko Wakabayashi