Branded Content

BRANDED CONTENT This is a critical study of the changing relationship between media and marketing commu- nications in the digital age. It examines the growth of content funded by brands, including brands’ own media, native advertising, and the integration of branded content across film, television, journalism and publishing, online, mobile, and social media. This ambitious historical, empirical, and theoretical study examines industry practices, policies, and ‘problems’, advancing a framework for analysis of communications govern- ance. Featuring examples from the UK, US, EU, Asia, and other regions, it illustrates and explains industry practices, forms, and formats and their relationship with changing market conditions, policies, and regulation. The book provides a wide-ranging and incisive guide to contemporary advertising and media practices, to different arguments and perspectives on these practices arising in industry, policy, and academic contexts, and to the contribu- tion made by critical scholarship, past and present. It also offers a critical review of industry, regulatory, societal, and academic literatures. Jonathan Hardy examines the erosion of the principle of separating advertising and media and calls for a new framework for distinguishing marketing communications across 21st-century communications. With a focus on key issues in industry, policy, and academic contexts, this is essential reading for students of media industries, advertising, marketing, and digital media. Jonathan Hardy is Professor of Communications and Media at the University of the Arts London. He writes and comments on media industries, media and advertising, communica- tions regulation, and international media systems. His books include Critical Political Economy of the Media (2014), Cross-Media Promotion (2010), and Western Media Systems (2008). He is co- editor of The Advertising Handbook (2018) and is series editor of Routledge Critical Advertising Studies. He is a member of the editorial boards of Digital Journalism, Political Economy of Com- munication, Mediterranean Journal of Communication, and TripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. BRANDED CONTENT The Fateful Merging of Media and Marketing Jonathan Hardy First published 2022 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2022 Jonathan Hardy The right of Jonathan Hardy to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Hardy, Jonathan, 1963- author. Title: Branded content : the fateful merging of media and marketing / Jonathan Hardy. Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2022. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2021008966 (print) | LCCN 2021008967 (ebook) | ISBN 9781138190412 (hardback) | ISBN 9781138190429 (paperback) | ISBN 9781315641065 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Product placement in mass media. | Branding (Marketing) | Internet marketing. | Internet advertising. | Marketing–Technological innovations. | Advertising–Technological innovations. | Marketing–Moral and ethical aspects. | Advertising–Moral and ethical aspects. Classification: LCC HF6146.P78 H39 2022 (print) | LCC HF6146.P78 (ebook) | DDC 658.8/27–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021008966 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021008967 ISBN: 978-1-138-19041-2 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-138-19042-9 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-64106-5 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781315641065 Typeset in Bembo by Taylor & Francis Books CONTENTS List of tables vi Acknowledgements vii PART I Practices 1 1 Advertising and media: Separation and integration 3 2 News media and marketing 35 3 Branded entertainment and product integration 68 4 Brand content direct to you: Marketers’ ‘owned’ media 85 5 Going native in digital media 100 6 Media as marketers 125 PART II Policies and problems 141 7 Regulating convergent media and marketing communications 143 8 Lobbying, liberalisation, normalisation, and contestation 169 9 Communication gains and losses: Economic, cultural, and societal 206 10 Media and marketing critiques: Renewing the radical tradition 229 11 Advertising and media (reprise): Contesting normalisation 242 Index 272 TABLES 8.1 UK newspaper labelling 181 8.2 The antimonies of branded content 191 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book is the outcome of discussions dating from 2012, and so there are many people, not all named below, I wish to thank. In 2016–17, I was Principal Investigator for the Branded Content Research Network, funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council, which ran seminars in London, at the University of Bournemouth, and held an international conference at the University of East London (UEL). This work has benefited from funding and other support from UEL and the UBEL ESRC Doctoral Training Partnership, Business Boost Funding. I am very grateful for the welcome and support I have received since I joined the University of the Arts London (UAL) in 2020, from Steve Cross, Pratap Rughani, Zoetanya Sujon, and all my new colleagues. I am the co-ordinator for the newly created Branded Content Research Hub at UAL, which I hope will provide valuable resources and support for interested readers of this book and build on the Branded Content Research Network. That network grew to bring together academic researchers from the UK and Europe, developing a partnership with the then Temporary Advertising Working Group in the European Communication Research and Education Association (ECREA), and researchers from across six continents. The network, and research hub, have brought together industry practitioners and trade bodies, academics at all stages of careers, students, regulators and policy actors, media trade unions, and other civil society interests. This book explores and advances critical perspectives, yet seeks to do so through understanding and appreciation of the expertise, practices, and perspectives of practitioners. The tensions between celebrants and critics of branded content have been ever-present, but I have learnt two key things. First, the domains of knowledge interact dynamically, and academics should resist retreating to haughty hierarchies of knowledge and instead engage with all sources of knowledge production to try to understand these phenomena. Second, ‘knowledge exchange’ needs precious (and hard to achieve) skills in listening to needs and interests, and responding, to build mutual trust and value. While few of the viii Acknowledgements marketing practitioners listed below would agree with all of my recommendations, and no one listed has in any way endorsed the arguments made, the willingness to engage, reflect, debate, and so generously support my own work, and the wider research initiative, has been a source of great comfort and encouragement for which I am immensely grateful. There is an ever-present debate on remedying policy pro- blems by ‘piecemeal’ versus deeper structural reform, by self-regulation versus publicly accountable, enforceable regulation. This book argues for both, but I want to acknowledge how much I have learned through this collaborative project about the potential to advance better industry self-governance through advocacy and exchange. While self-governance is insufficient to address the problems this book examines, it is nevertheless a necessary component, on which much can be built. For industry, I wish to thank Andrew Canter, Global CEO of the Branded Content Marketing Association, and Vince Medeiros, Chair of the Content Mar- keting Association, both of whom have been committed to expanding research and education to benefit students and industry. Through the BCMA, CMA, and wider networks, I wish to thank Neil Boorman, Lazar Dzamic, Pete Fergusson, Gordon Glenister, David Gray, Scott Guthrie, Matt Hay, Justin Kirby, Catherine Maskell, Luke Southern, Greg Turzynski, and Stephen Whelan. For policy and civil society, I wish to thank Mary Fitzgerald, Adam Ramsey, and James Cusick at open- Democracy, Michelle Stanistreet and Sarah Kavanagh at the NUJ, Bernie Corbett, WGGB, Paul Evans and Morag Livingstone at Bectu, all my colleagues in the Media Reform Coalition, and the Campaign for Press and Broadcasting Freedom. I thank Jonathan Heawood, Impress, and Julian Coles, Internet Commission. All UK regulators (Ofcom, ASA, CMA, IPSO, Impress) have participated in BCRN events and activities. I thank Peter Jukes at Byline for inviting me to contribute to the annual Bad Press Award, to help select the worst sponsored content. Having chosen articles read out by John Cleese, Joanna Scanlan, and others was the most terrifying and exhilarating taste of being a comedy writer. For academia, I want to thank my co-researchers on branded content governance, Iain MacRury and Patricia Núñez-Gómez, and Gloria Dagnino who helped develop this nascent project. I thank, merely by listing but with deep appreciation, the fol- lowing. UK: Rula M. Al Abdulrazak, Bjoern Asmussen, Anne Cronin, Nick Coul- dry, Des Freedman, Chris Frost, Christian Fuchs, Paul Grainge, Chris Hackley, Dan Jackson, Stephanie Janes, Catherine Johnson, Sonia Livingstone, Dario Lolli, Liz McFall, Stephen Maddison, Leslie Meier, Martin Moore, Andrew McStay, Helen Powell, Agnes Rocamorra, Paul Springer, Damian Tambini, and Hyunsun Yoon. Europe: Sandra Arrivé, Petra Audyova, Nils Borchers, Ágnes Buvar, Jose Fernández- Cavia, Simone Krouwer, Lluis Mas Manchón, Neil O’Boyd, Steve Paulussen, Kar- olien Poels, Tim Smits, Kirsten Sparre, Niina Uusitalo, and Guido Zurstiege. North America and rest of the world: Ilhem Allagui, Michelle Amazeen, Arturo Arriagada, Anat Balint, Mara Einstein, James Hamilton, Susie Khamis, Matthew McAllis- ter, John Sinclair, Joseph Turow, Anne Waade, Janet Wasko, and Bartosz Wojdynski. I thank my fellow officers and colleagues in Meccsa Policy Network, Phil Ramsey, Maria Michalis, and Paul Reilly; the editorial board and all the Acknowledgements ix authors of the Routledge book series I edit (Critical Advertising Studies), Wayne Hope, Peter Thompson, and Benedetta Brevini at Political Economy of Com- munication, and Oscar Westlund, editorial board and reviewers at Digital Journalism. This book includes material fully revised from previous articles and chapters: ‘Meeting the Challenges of Media and Marketing Convergence’ in Paul McDonald (ed.) The Routledge Companion to Media Industries (2021); ‘Branded Content: Practices and Governance’ in Lluis Mas Manchón (ed.) Current Issues in Advertising and Branding Research, Routledge (2020); ‘Marketers’ Influence on Media: Renewing the radical tradition for the digital age’ in James F. Hamilton, Robert Bodle, and Ezequiel Korin (eds) Explorations in Critical Studies of Advertising, Routledge (2019); chapters on bran- ded content and advertising regulation in Hardy, Powell, and MacRury (eds) The Advertising Handbook, 4th Edition, Routledge (2018); ‘Commentary: Branded Content and Media-Marketing Convergence’, The Political Economy of Communication, 5 (1) 81– 7 (2017). The research for this book includes documentation analysis of policy, industry, trade media, general media, and civil society documents. This includes analysis of daily Google alerts for reporting on branded content, native advertising, and cross-media promotion from 2010, analysis using Nexis, ProQuest, Ebsco, and other databases, analysis of all academic journal outputs relating to brand sponsored content, and ana- lysis of branded content and other search terms across publishers’ and general academic research databases. This book is informed by extensive discussions with all those listed above, but I want to thank all those who were formally interviewed for the book: Andrew Canter, BCMA; Jo Farmer, Cliff Fluet, Lewis Silkin; Catherine Maskell, Vince Medeiros, CMA; Luke Southern, DRUM; and Jonathan Heawood, Lexie Kirkconnell-Kawana, Impress. This book would not exist without the support and guidance of Margaret Farrelly and Priscille Biehlmann at Routledge, and earlier encouragement from Mary Savigar. I am deeply grateful to my partner Gill and all my family for support. I want to dedicate this book, and pledge to support, everyone who is motivated to investigate, discuss, share, promote, and create a better co-existence between advertising and communications. PART I Practices 1 ADVERTISING AND MEDIA Separation and integration Your Facebook feed says ‘Sponsored’. Your online magazine says, ‘Paid content’, another in BuzzFeed (2015) lists KFC as ‘Brand Publisher’ for an article, ‘11 Things All Busy Families Should Make Time For’, including KFC’s Popcorn Nuggets. You read a powerful series of articles on hunger in America, but it is labelled ‘paid programme’, produced by the Wall Street Journal (2016) Custom Studios in colla- boration with Mini, and includes such branded wisdom as ‘Mini owners are all different. There’s no one person that Mini drivers look like. It’s the same with food insecurity. It’s all walks of life.’ You see an Instagram post for Cocoa Brown tan with the hashtag #brandambassador (ASA, 2019). From product placement in films and TV to mobile news feeds and social media influencer endorsements, brands are burrowing into media content. The relationships between media and advertising are changing profoundly as they converge across digital platforms. Increasingly, brands are involved in the production of media content. This branded content takes various forms, from material that is self- published by brands, through to ‘publisher-hosted’ content, where brands supply or fund material carried by third-party publishers. Some of this is so-called native adver- tising, advertising that blends into the editorial or content environment in which it appears, merging brand messages with entertainment or informational content. Taken together, such non-traditional advertising, which blends brand messages with enter- tainment or information, grew at twice the rate of traditional advertising worldwide in 2017, surpassing $100 billion (PQ Media, 2018). Branded content has grown rapidly, becoming a major focus for marketers during the last decade. In the UK, content and native advertising grew to £509m. in 2014, accounting for 22 per cent of all display ad spending (Internet Advertising Bureau [IAB UK], 2015). Spending on non-traditional, native advertising has been rising in recent years and is expected to occupy an important, if not central, posi- tion in advertising strategy and expenditure into the future. DOI: 10.4324/9781315641065-2 4 Practices Eight million signed into YouTube in 2012 to watch an event called Stratos in which Felix Baumgartner fell from high altitude space to earth in eight minutes (Swatman, 2015). Viewers watched the Red Bull logo throughout, on Baumgartner’s space suit, on the space pod, and on the clothing of crew and spectators below, although ‘the camera never lingers on these symbols’ (Einstein, 2016: 2). Welcome to the world of branded content. Red Bull’s promotions illustrate the expansion of a brand’s use of its own media, so-called ‘owned media’, using its websites, and social and mobile apps to communicate directly with audiences. Red Bull’s Media House produces TV shows, including Baumgartner’s jump, for its Red Bull TV channel, and licensed to the Discovery Channel, Netflix, and others, while Stratos also secured worldwide publicity in news coverage as ‘earned’ media. Red Bull is now a fully functioning media company, whose Media House also creates art and photography books, a lifestyle magazine, Red Bulletin, amongst a host of music and extreme sports content that features branding but rarely includes the energy drink itself. In keeping with much so-called content marketing, the benefits or attributes of the product are not mentioned in Stratos. Baumgartner’s successful jump did, though, fit perfectly with the brand’s tagline: ‘Red Bull gives you wings’. The integration of media and advertising is not new but it is intensifying. Branded content is occurring in different forms across news media, entertainment and social media. The creation of entertaining or informational media content controlled by brand owners (‘owned media’) is one kind of branded content. Another is brand commu- nications that appear within independently owned, ‘third-party’ media publications, channels, platforms, and social media spaces that are subject to control by parties other than brands. Increasingly brands are sponsoring, co-creating, sharing control, or exercising full control over content in these media. In fact, marketer control over the content, timing, publication, and dissemination of communications is key to understanding the shift to branded content and the forms and practices favoured in ever-changing environments. Media and marketing communications are merging. Marketers like Red Bull and action camera tech company GoPro are becoming broadcasters and publishers, while media increasingly incorporate brand-created or brand-sponsored content. In entertainment media, marketing integration includes advertiser-financed television, product placement, virtual advertising, and advergames. Boundaries between media and advertising are being tested, crossed, redefined, and erased. Pressures on marketers to find effective ways to reach prospective purchasers and pressures on media to attract advertising finance and accommodate marketers are occurring in contexts of disruption and change in markets, in policy, and in creative communications practices and use. Within the overall convergence of media and communications industries and cultures, the convergence of media and marketing is gathering pace across the various dimensions of ownership, work practices and values, cultural forms, and user engagements. The emergence of new forms and practices of integrated advertising raise a host of issues ranging from consumer awareness and acceptance of advertising to the consequences for the media’s editorial independence and creative autonomy. Advertising and media 5 Branded Content advances the critical study of the changing relationship between media and marketing communications in the digital age. This book examines the forms, evolution, and implications of branded content practices, ranging from brands’ own media to sponsored content and programmatic native advertising. The ways in which marketers are adopting branded content is explored in the context of the ongoing convergence of paid, owned, earned, and shared media. While it focuses on forms of integration (native advertising, product placement), the book also examines how these have developed alongside the disaggregation of media and advertising and the growth of online behavioural advertising and marketers’ ‘owned’ media. This book considers: (i) what is happening; (ii) what the problems are; and (iii) what the prospects are for those problems being addressed. It describes industry practices and their relationship with changing policies. It considers how emergent practices have been ‘normalised’ and it examines where and how pro- blems have been articulated and critiques developed. Before proceeding further, it is important to justify the book’s focus, in the context of a broad-ranging debate, and much scepticism, about what branded content encompasses and what significance it has within existing and emergent marketing communications practice. One response when branded content is discussed is to say that this is nothing new. It is now nearly two decades since Scott Donaton (2004) described the merging of advertising and entertainment in his book Madison & Vine, based on an Advertising Age newsletter that ran from 2002. I like it when people say this since they are inviting us to pay attention to the history of branded content; but, of course, I don’t agree that this subject has been fully discussed, that the cartographers have safely mapped the terrain. Instead, I want to contribute to the excavation and re-evaluation of the his- torical formations through which branded content has developed and been under- stood. And, as we will see, branded content can be traced back far beyond the last two decades to the early formation of public communications, if not the birth of human symbolic communication. The integration of paid advertising and publishers’ ‘editor- ial’ content includes 19th-century ‘reading notices’, and 20th-century advertorials in print publishing. Product placement is coterminous with the birth of cinema, while now extending across entertainment, news, games, post-production virtual placement (Dagnino, 2020), and on to influencer marketing by (micro)celebrities and AI-assis- tants (Yesiloglu and Costello, 2020). As well as being long-standing, another, contrary, charge is that branded content represents relatively fleeting and ephemeral phenomena. Branded content, native advertising, and associated terms tend to be overhyped, presented by interested parties as solutions to problems marketers face, where the framing of problems and solutions is partial and contestable. Another line of argument acknowledges the growth of bran- ded content but argues it is a short-lived, transitional stage, indicative of more pro- found changes underway that a focus on ‘branded content’ is apt to misrecognise and misread. By 2007, Scott Donaton (2007) cautioned, ‘We’ve moved past the age of interruption, and even past the age of embedded content and into a model of engagement’. One way to resolve these contradictions is to acknowledge that there are 6 Practices different temporalities relevant to the discussion and analysis of branded content, across myriad diverse practices. A 2014 review of how far ‘Madison Avenue’ (the New York avenue synonymous with advertising) and ‘Vine Street’ (in Hollywood, representing media and entertainment) had actually merged reported a mixed picture, in which ‘the partnership between advertising and entertainment has become just as imperative and pervasive […] But in other ways, it’s shocking how little has changed’ (Sebastian, 2014). These are important sets of debates that demand clarity, support, and reflexivity in considering the status and significance of branded content practices. Put another way, the debate demands resources from key domains of knowledge, from industry analysis and expertise, from the qualities and resources of academic scholarship and, as this book will emphasise, from a wider range of voices and perspectives across civil society. For now, I offer the reassurance that this book aims to consider how branded content is constituted and constructed across discourses and practices, not assume the status of the object a priori. Yet, it is the argument of this book that a profound convergence is underway between media and marketing. How to understand and assess that convergence is the challenge and focus of this work. Donaton (2004) asserts that the alliance of advertising and entertainment media is a means to repair the damaged business models of both. Branded entertainment is vital to save the media and marketing communication industries. We are witnessing, says Donaton, a fundamental transformation of the business of marketing communications from an intrusion-based marketing economy to an invitation-based model. This represents a shift of power from communicators to consumers. Empowered consumers can bypass advertising messages. The central claim is of a power shift from producers to consumers as the driver of innovation. Donaton (2004: 3–4) writes: ‘innovators who respect the transfer of control and invite consumers to interact with brands on their own terms will survive. Resisters will be trampled.’ I invite you to keep in mind that set of claims throughout, as this book is, in part, an extended review of their merits. Whether we are indeed witnessing a profound shift of power from communication producers to users is among the critical issues this book seeks to assess. Branded content: Main forms Branded content covers three main areas. The first is brands’ own content (so-called ‘owned’ media) appearing on marketers’ websites, Instagram, Facebook pages, You- Tube channels, publications, podcasts, apps, and so on. Some restrict the term content marketing to refer only to brands’ owned media content ‘posted on your own or other unpaid platform’ (Pulizzi, 2015). Next is the ‘native’ distribution of marketers’ paid content: ads integrated into web pages, apps, and news feeds in social media. Much of this is programmatic, part of the increasing automation of advertising buying, selling, and placement (see Chapter 6). One way we encounter this is the sponsored stories on publishers’ websites, assembled by content recommendation companies like Outbrain and Taboola. Native Distribution Ad Units refer to the automated assem- bling of advertising in online media that is ‘native’ to the environment in which it Advertising and media 7 appears, such as promoted posts that appear alongside regular posts. There are various types of native formats, including in-app and in-feed advertising; ‘These are ad formats which receive content components such as headlines, images, videos, body texts etc., which are usually formed into real-time within ad units designed to fit within a pub- lisher’s overall style and layout’ (IAB [Interactive Advertising Bureau], 2013). The third kind of branded content is material hosted by, or made by, publishers. This includes advertorials in news media and magazines, advertising-funded program- ming (AFP) on broadcast or non-linear TV, and promoted or sponsored posts on social media like Facebook, Twitter, TikTok, and Instagram. The term ‘native advertising’ is used to cover both the second and third types of branded content and has been defined as ‘paid advertising where the ad matches the form, feel and function of the content of the media on which it appears’ (Native Advertising Institute, 2015). More broadly, ‘“native” advertising is content that has been designed so it doesn’t look out of place in the habitat within which it’s being viewed’ (ASA, 2020). That term captures the increasing variety of ways in which advertising is intermingled with con- tent in online, mobile, and social media. The aim is to get users to engage with advertiser-sponsored content as readily as they would non-sponsored editorial content. Of these three main types, the first is brands’ own media; the second and third are forms of paid advertising. However, while native is increasingly used to describe digital advertising formats where the marketer exercises control over the communications, in type three, marketers may pay for content without exercising full editorial control. This is then closer to practices, and regulatory definitions, of sponsorship than adver- tising. For both type two and three, it is the blurring of advertising with editorial, and the confusion about where control over content lies, that generated much of the controversies surrounding branded content. The changing relationship between advertising and media Digital media is at the apex of two key trends: towards the disaggregation of advertis- ing and media and towards their integration. The characteristic relationship of media and advertising in mid-20th-century media was integration with separation. Advertis- ing was integrated in the sense that it was physically combined with the media pro- duct. In newspapers and magazines, adverts appeared alongside editorial; in linear television, spot (or block) advertising appeared in designated breaks within or between programmes. While advertisers controlled their commercial communications, media firms controlled the packaging and distribution of the ad-carrying media. Media and advertising were kept separate on the whole. It may be argued, as we will consider further, that this was, in fact, a short-lived period, between the advertiser-sponsored broadcasting of the early 20th century and the growth of integrated content, such as ad-financed television, from the 1990s. Yet integration with separation reflected norms that ‘advertising – as the major funding system of the mass media – should not unduly influence the non-advertising content’ (McAllister, 2000: 101). There have always been opportunities and pressures to integrate, but the prin- ciples of separation were generally upheld by journalists, and by creative 8 Practices professionals in television, supported by managers, underpinned by self-regulatory codes of conduct in both media and advertising, and subject to stronger statutory regulation in some sectors, such as UK broadcasting. In both ad-dependent print media and television, there was an institutionalised effort to capture the benefits of ad finance while protecting the quality, integrity, and independence of media speech. This drew on a combination of values derived from democratic, consumer welfare, artistic, and cultural concerns. Media and advertising should be separated to ensure that consumers know when they are in a selling environment and to ensure that advertisers should not be the principal arbiters of media content and provision. Media and advertising integration is by no means a new phenomenon and has a long history across all media forms. Yet, arguably the most profound change in the 21st century is that the commercial digital environment has brought increased pres- sures from marketers met with increased accommodation by media. The emergent relationship is integration without separation. The integration of media and advertising takes various forms, many with long histories, such as product placement, coterminous with the birth of cinema. However, the opportunities and challenges of convergence and digitalisation, not least the struggles to finance an enormous expansion of media, has brought increased pressures from marketers and increased accommodation by media. Product placement, branded entertainment, advergames and infomercials are the most familiar outcomes (Lehu, 2007; Hardy, 2010; 2013). The emergent forms, then, are integration without separation, but this co-exists with trends towards dis- aggregation of media and advertising. Like integration, disaggregation of media and advertising takes various forms with different consequences. The most challenging feature is that advertising is much less dependent on media vehicles as in traditional models. Advertisers can link advertising to search and users’ activity online so that advertising follows people’s profiles rather than being bundled with media content. The greater range of opportunities to profile, track, and target consumers also dimin- ishes the value and exclusivity of mass media vehicles. Content matters, since it attracts the consumers whom advertisers seek to reach. However, marketers have much greater opportunity to reach consumers without subsidising or accommodating media content providers. The intermediary role of media creating an audience to sell to advertisers is being undermined, in part because the production and distribution of physical goods are expensive ways to reach audiences, and in part because of the advantages of new ways to reach target consumers. When brands can track valued users across their web browsing to whatever pages they load, those marketers have less need and less incentive to consider the editorial context and may instead see benefits in reaching those users in the cheapest spaces on offer, which may be those of clickbait providers rather than prestige publications. As search illustrates, advertising can be connected to media content but flow to search engines. This highlights the decoupling of media production and distribution and the fragmented way in which content is accessed. As Turow (2011: 117) states ‘consumers no longer typically confront media products as unified branded products or programming flows. Many read individual newspapers articles, listen to individual Advertising and media 9 songs and view individual program episodes unmoored from a “channel” that has been constructed by the content-creating firms.’ So, marketers are less dependent on the intermediary role of media. The affordances of digital communications and tar- geting are driving marketers to demand that they pay only the actual costs of deliver- ing an advert onto a selected platform (Turow, 2011). The traditional subsidy supporting the news, information, or entertainment surrounding advertisements is diminishing, with profound consequences for communication resources, public media, and cultural pluralism (Couldry and Turow, 2014). While these trends are in some senses diametrically opposed, they both reflect a new shift towards marketer power in an era of increased competition for and dependence on advertising finance. Marketers speak of four main ways organisations communicate and present them- selves. PESO stands for paid, earned, shared, and owned media. Traditional advertising means paying to insert advertisements into media vehicles or other advertising spaces (paid). Earned media describes public relations activities to generate editorial coverage. The third area, owned media, refers to marketers’ own content, and here exponential growth has occurred across digital publishing and the production of branded content for online and mobile platforms, which has the effect of also increasing pressures on media for greater accommodation in paid and earned media. Finally, shared media refers to the circulation of marketing communications across social media and online as messages are created, shared, and adapted between users of various kinds, from pro- fessional to amateur, including ‘influencers’ like vloggers who can be encouraged to act on behalf of brands along a spectrum overlapping with paid media. The PESO model originates in the work of Don Bartholomew, vice president of digital research at Fleishman Hillard, who developed a metrics matrix for the agency (Yaxley, 2020). PESO was further developed in a blog post by Gini Dietrich (2013) and gained wider recognition through her book Spin Sucks in 2014, with an updated model adding more contemporary media channels and marketing practices (SpinSucks, 2020). PESO is displayed as four overlapping circles, showing the separation, and integration, of paid (advertising), earned (public relations), shared (social media), and owned media (Die- trich, 2013). The model is useful in considering the features of payment, ownership, and control that distinguish each mode, as well as the blurring and convergence occurring between them. Branded content occurs in each PESO circle as well as in converged, hybrid forms where they overlap, and occurs, too, within different grada- tions of brand control over content, form, dissemination, and context of display. A key limitation of PESO, however, is that it lacks a historical dimension, presenting the modes as a perpetual present. We need to reincorporate history, and consider changes in the rules and regulations governing marketing communications, in order to grasp why the expansion of branded content generates a host of critical concerns from some, as well as enthusiastic support from others. Media and marketing integration in historical perspective Branded content is old, not new, but it has intensified in the digital era. The phenomena explored in this book have become more significant in scope, reach, 10 Practices and impact in recent years, and many practices originated only in digital media, but all can be traced to practices with much longer histories. Neither the production of media by brands nor the integration of brands into media are new in themselves. In 1895, the agricultural hardware manufacturer John Deere published The Furrow, ‘a journal for the American farmer’, lauded as a pioneer in brand magazine produc- tion a century before content marketing became a buzzword (Gardiner, 2013). In 1900, French tyre company Michelin produced the first Michelin Guide, providing instructions and travel information for motorists: branded content. Expanding its restaurant guide section in the 1920s, Michelin’s three-star rating system has grown to become one of the most highly prized international awards in the industry. Brands associated with specific products have often created, or licensed, other branded products, which in more contemporary terminology is branded content. For instance, the drinks company Guinness launched The Guinness Book of Records in 1955, a Christmas bestselling annual publication for decades afterwards. The tobacco brand Marlboro extended the brand into clothing, shortly before tobacco commercials in US broadcast media were banned in 1971, when the Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act came into effect. Brands have also sponsored media and paid or bartered to feature within or around programmes. Procter & Gamble and Colgate Palmolive sponsored radio shows (from which the term ‘soap operas’ is derived) from the late 1920s as radio became America’s mass audience medium, and then sponsored television shows (Smulyan, 1994). For the TV shows in the 1950s, the soap brand names were announced prominently at the start and end of episodes, accompanied by regular airings of advertising spots negotiated as part of the sponsorship arrangements. Branded content has been described as the ‘re-initiation of long-standing prac- tices such as advertiser-funded programming and product placement’ (Grainge and Johnson, 2015: 38). US radio and TV shows were made by ad agencies such as J. Walter Thompson, which produced 60 hours of programming per week by the 1930s (Kretchmer, 2004: 41). Gillan (2015) examines what she calls ‘content pro- motion hybrids’ in mid-20th century American television involving product inte- gration and sponsored content. Product placement in movies can be traced back to the Lumière films of the 1890s and was well established in the Hollywood studio system by the 1920s (Newell et al., 2006). The Hollywood studios extracted commercial fees for product promotion and endorsement in movies from the early years of the 20th century. This intensified from the 1930s when studios sent scripts and identified potential promotional opportunities for marketers (Grainge and Johnson, 2015: 38). Donaton (2007) identified the merging of entertainment media and advertising in the 2000s as ‘a return to the product placements and program sponsorships that in fact were the hallmarks of the earliest days of American radio and television’. By the 1930s top advertising agencies produced national radio shows such as Kraft Music Hall (1933–49) by J. Walter Thompson, Show Boat (1932–37) sponsored by Maxwell House Coffee; and The Jack Benny Show (1935– 44) produced by Young & Rubicam for General Foods (Meyers, 2011). With increasing academic attention to promotional industries, the rich histories of Advertising and media 11 promotional communications continue to be recovered and re-appraised. One example from the UK is the promotional films made by the GPO (General Post Office) film unit, most famously Night Mail (1936), the only GPO film to be sold for release in commercial cinemas. This 24-minute film ends with a verse com- mentary written by the poet W.H. Auden to an accompanying score by the composer Benjamin Britten (Grainge and Johnson, 2015: 49). History and development of branded content: 1990s–2010s So, branded content is old, not new, and subsequent chapters discuss in more detail the antecedent forms and arrangements with traceable lineage to contemporary formats. Yet here the phase of growth of ‘contemporary’ branded content, from the late 20th century, is traced in broad outline, before examining in more detail the key explanatory factors. Branded content sits within the broader histories of modern and especially digital communications. The first online advert appeared in 1993 (Oberoi, 2013). Sponsored search dates from 1998 (Jansen, 2008). An oft-cited originary moment is BMW’s web series of eight ‘mini’ feature films, The Hire, in 2001 and 2002 (Lehu, 2007: 213). Developed by Fallon advertising agency, the series was produced by David Fincher’s production company Anonymous Content at an estimated cost of $25 million (Leibowitz, 2020). With separate directors for each short film, around ten minutes each, the series engaged leading directors and producers, including Ridley and Tony Scott, Ang Lee, John Woo, and Guy Richie, with star actors such as Clive Owen, Gary Oldman, Madonna, Mickey Rourke, Forest Whitaker, and Don Cheadle. The Hire has been described as ‘the first modern branded content campaign’ (Derda, cited in Dzamic and Kirby, 2018: 115) and the ‘first venture in branded entertainment to make concerted use of mobile video technology’ (Grainge and Johnson, 2015: 49). For Donaton (2007), this ‘groundbreaking’ partnership: flipped the traditional marketing model upside down, with the automaker spending the bulk of its budget on production and a fraction of it on the media buy. It also created a form of advertising that consumers would actually have to seek out and download, and then spend 10 minutes or more with. Imagine the boldness of that! Viewed an estimated 45 million times by June 2003, this content strategy required a marketing effort to encourage users to locate and view the films on BMW’s website, and download them, usually overnight on dial-up modems, as broadband access was generally restricted to the affluent in advanced economies and streaming was not yet available (Sebastian, 2014). The return on investment for the strategy is unpublished and, as Donaton (2007) notes, ‘There have always been those who doubted the return on the investment of that deal, but it was a brilliantly bold move and it did happen to coincide with a record sales year for BMW’. Andrew Canter, Global CEO of the Branded Content Marketing Association, describes how he and others saw the opportunities ahead but also the threats. With the rise of the internet, ad-skipping technologies such as TiVo, the commercial television 12 Practices industry, and TV ads with it, appeared set to follow the music industry into crisis. As Holt (2016) comments, ‘The rise of new technologies that allowed audiences to opt out of ads – from cable networks to DVRs and then the internet – made it much harder for brands to buy fame. Now they had to compete directly with real entertainment.’ BMW’s The Hire was not only a strategic response to ad-skipping but one of the first brand part- nerships with TiVo as part of an innovative distribution strategy that included the BMW Channel on DirectTV (Leibowitz, 2020). In 1999, then an advertising executive, Canter (2017; 2018) describes how television production companies began to pitch ideas and seek to work with agency clients. He worked on what became a series of four three- minute films funded by Microsoft called Living in an E World with branding (‘brought to you by Microsoft’) at the beginning and end. Made in 2000, the films were pitched to publisher-broadcaster Channel Four who featured them in The Slot, a short primetime segment, during National Science Week. Costing £100,000, far below the prevailing costs for TV ad campaigns, Canter was encouraged to offer further content solutions to brands, such as a series of films highlighting the visitor-advice role of concierges for Intercontinental hotels (Canter, 2017). New types of communicators started to appear: content marketers. These emerged from positions within advertising agencies, public relations, media production com- panies, and from brands’ own marketing departments and services. Such origins shaped practices and identities, as different domains of knowledge vied for ascendency in the rapidly converging space of brand marketing and storytelling. This included what cri- tical figures within marketing saw as hype-generation, rebadging (video producers becoming ‘rich content creators’), re-presentation, and stretching out beyond existing expertise and practices (Dzamic and Kirby, 2018: 5–6; Velocity Partners, 2013). Nevertheless, new practices reshaped businesses. Media production companies, such as the independent Somethin’ Else (2020), moved from radio and TV into branded content. Public relations practitioners, skilled in corporate communications, writing news releases, features, and other storytelling, now vied with others to manage brands’ communication channels and offer creative content production and marketing solu- tions. Both PR and advertising disciplines were already competing in the emerging space of digital media and social media communications, where blatant promotional content and ‘push’ marketing was seen as increasingly ineffective. Reorganisation to facilitate branded content was occurring across marketer clients, agencies, and media from the early 2000s. For instance, in 2004, Channel Five tele- vision (UK) created a ‘specialist, client-facing commercial development division, within the overall sales department … to explore revenue opportunities outside tra- ditional spot advertising’ (Channel Five n.d.). Set up in response to an increasingly fragmented and diversified broadcasting marketplace, this was developed to explore the emerging markets of sponsorship and mobile to integrate into Five’s core business. We will examine definitions further below but the rise of buzzwords associated with ‘content’ takes off from the 2000s, and by the 2010s ‘content’ was ‘becoming the industry descriptor of choice’ (Bryant, cited in Grainge and Johnson, 2015: 23) and ‘the dreaded buzzword’ (Weise, 2011). The UK branch of Mindshare held its annual meeting on ‘the future of content’ in November 2012. The ‘institutional’ organisation Advertising and media 13 of branded content occurs from the early 2000s. The Branded Content Marketing Association (BCMA) was established in 2002 in the UK. The Content Marketing Association (UK) was created in 2012 as a rebranding of the Association of Publishing Agencies. In 2013 the New York Times ran its first native ad. Alongside the practices (e.g. industrial organisation), discursive (e.g. trade media), and wider institutional (e.g. trade and professional body) formation of branded content was the role of competition and award ceremonies. The most prestigious international award event for advertising, Cannes Lions, introduced its ‘Branded Content & Entertainment’ category in 2012. By 2016, the growth of that award category led to its replacement by an entire sub-festival, Cannes Lions Entertain- ment. In 2015, the first Brand Film Festival was held in New York. Now an annual event, the festival showcases branded content films, from YouTube videos to long-form documentaries, and is organised by the publisher Haymarket Media. The Interactive Advertising Bureau (IAB), a US-headquartered organisation with national and regional subsidiaries, published the Native Advertising Playbook in 2013 and a revised version in May 2019 (IAB [Interactive Advertising Bureau], 2013; 2019). As well as updating native ad format classifications, the 2019 report took stock of changes. In 2013 only a ‘few dozen’ publishers invested in native while in 2019 ‘nearly every publisher’ had a dedicated content studio for native advertising. In 2013 there were no industry specifications and only a handful of operators involved in program- matic native advertising. Paid advertising on social media was a mere 10 per cent of total digital ad revenues, with most brands producing for their own organic (non-paid) posts: ‘Publishers could distribute content for free and garner significant engagement’ (IAB [Interactive Advertising Bureau], 2019: 4). By 2019, paid social was 25 per cent. Definitions Branded content has been hailed as the future for marketing communications. More accurately, branded content is one of a multiplying number of terms associated with a set of claims about the future for marketing and media. These include content marketing, native advertising, programmatic native, brand journalism, sponsored content, paid con- tent, and other terms whose definition and usage we will examine. All these buzzwords refer to informational and/or entertainment content that is sponsored by marketers. Yet these terms lack precision; they have been used in a variety of ways amid ongoing debates about their meaning and usefulness, with some deriding the term ‘content’ as hopelessly vague and all-encompassing. Nevertheless, content marketing was voted word of the year for 2015 by the US National Association of Advertisers (ANA, 2015), followed by programmatic and storytelling. Content marketing is ‘the discipline of creating quality branded editorial content across all media channels and platforms to deliver engaging relationships, consumer value and measurable success for brands’ (Content Marketing Association, 2017). It has also been described as ‘a straightforward sounding – yet truly vague – way to describe the means through which advertisers get people to spend time watching or reading “content” that has been paid for by an advertiser’ (Einstein, 2016: 2). Let us start with some definitions. 14 Practices Branded content A research initiative by the Branded Content Marketing Association, IPSOS Mori, and academics (Asmussen et al., 2016: 34) led to this definition: From a managerial perspective, branded content is any output fully/partly funded or at least endorsed by the legal owner of the brand which promotes the owner’s brand values, and makes audiences choose to engage with the brand based on a pull logic due to its entertainment, information and/or education value. A simple definition is content that is produced or funded by brands. Branded content is a broad and encompassing term covering activities including advertiser- funded programmes, advertorials, advergames, branded entertainment, custom publishing, events, experience, native advertising, product placement, and spon- sorship. Branded content encompasses all types of media: audio, audiovisual, visual arts, music, theatre, and performance. Content marketing The Content Marketing Institute (CMI) defines content marketing as: ‘a strategic marketing technique of creating and distributing valuable, relevant, and consistent content to attract and acquire a clearly defined audience – with the objective of driving profitable customer action by changing or enhancing consumer behaviour’ (Pulizzi, 2015). A key distinction is made between content on brands’ owned media (content marketing) and content that is paid communication in third-party media (native advertising). ‘With content marketing, [your] stories are found on your owned media properties. With native advertising, you pay vendors to dis- tribute your stories across channels they own and manage’ (Shiao, 2019). CMI founder Joe Pulizzi (2015) describes content marketing as the provision of content that ‘is valuable and relevant, designed to attract a clearly defined audience, and posted on your own or other unpaid platform’. However, having distinguished this from paid advertising [including native advertising], Pulizzi then reincorporates payment within content marketing: ‘Now, this doesn’t mean you shouldn’t pay to promote your content as part of your content marketing strategy. If you don’t have an audience that is subscribed to receive your content, you should look into paid media as a way to reach a targeted audience’. So payment can occur within a content marketing strategy, rendering the demarcation indistinct. The main effort is to associate content marketing with owned media and native with paid: ‘Content marketing is an ongoing process that is best integrated into an overall marketing strategy. It focuses on owning media, not renting it. In content marketing, the brand owns the media’. Despite the CMI’s efforts, content marketing is widely used to cover both brands’ own and paid communications, with definitions offered that are indis- tinguishable for other terms such as native advertising. For instance, consumer content marketing is defined by PQ Media (2018) as ‘Paid marketing messages developed to Advertising and media 15 simulate a news story or entertainment program that is cohesive with the media’s content structure, including assimilated design that is consistent with the media platform’. Native advertising A core definition of native advertising is as follows (IAB [Interactive Advertising Bureau], 2019): Native advertising is a concept encompassing both an aspiration as well as a suite of ad products. It is clear that most advertisers and publishers aspire to deliver paid ads that are: so cohesive with the page content, assimilated into the design, and consistent with the platform behavior … that the viewer feels the ads belong there. The description itself is identical to the 2013 version apart from a subtle but sig- nificant change. The 2013 version reads ‘[so] that the viewer simply feels that they belong’ (IAB [Interactive Advertising Bureau], 2013: 3). The 2019 version emphasizes viewer recognition and acknowledgement of the ad status of native ‘feels the ads belong there’. This reflects an overhaul of the approach to demon- strate full compliance with Federal Trade Commission (FTC) requirements on the disclosure of native advertising (Chapter 7). Sharethrough (n.d.) defines native advertising as ‘a form of paid media where the ad experience follows the natural form and function of the user experience in which it is placed’. The definition combines form (‘Native ads match the visual design of the experience they live within, and look and feel like natural content’) and function (‘Native ads must behave consistently with the native user experience, and function just like natural content’). The IAB [Interactive Advertising Bureau] (2019: 14, 5) now presents ‘Branded/Native Content’ as the category term for ‘a core native ad type’, incorporating ‘brand content’, ‘sponsored content’, and ‘custom content’: Branded/Native Content is paid content from a brand that is published in the same format as full editorial on a publisher’s site, generally in conjunction with the publisher’s content teams themselves. The content itself is, therefore, part of the native ad buy and should be considered as a native ad type. Around these core terms are myriad other terms, some adding specialisms, others com- peting terms for the same or overlapping practices. Branded entertainment is defined by PQ Media (2018) as ‘Non-traditional marketing that blends brand messages with enter- tainment or information to engage consumers, build brand awareness and create positive brand associations to drive consumer sales’. A more recent addition is the term unbranded 16 Practices content, used to describe paid communications by brands that are devoid of any apparent branding. Advertising with little or no evident branding can take ‘many different forms, including putting out unbranded content that has no discernible link back to the adver- tiser, to “prime” online and consumer conversations’ (Roxburgh, 2016). Branded content is associated with advertising and para-advertising communica- tions, and that is the main focus of this book, but we will also identify the breadth of practices that are or can be encompassed, not least as these affect the under- standing and evaluation of branded content. Forrester Research (2016) identifies two types of approaches in content mar- keting: one that supports brand advertising goals (media-led), and one that supports direct-response goals (customer-led). For Dzamic and Kirby (2018: 44) this approach risks undervaluing the enormity of a ‘client-driven shift from marketing to customer experience’. They emphasise connections between ‘content’ and stra- tegies of Consumer Experience Management (CEM or CXM) defined by Gartner (n.d.) as: ‘the practice of designing and reacting to customer interactions to meet or exceed customer expectations and, thus, increase customer satisfaction, loyalty and advocacy’. Drawing upon concepts of user-experience (UX) and ‘attention econ- omy’ (Davenport and Beck, 2002), as well as CEM strategies, they highlight the development of a ‘more human-centered experience design “mindset” based around time that helps distinguish Content as an approach from more interruptive marketing communications such as advertising’. Dzamic and Kirby (2018) discuss the evolution of brands’ own content, from post- sales brand publishing, such as loyalty magazines published directly by brands or con- tract publishers, to brand communications right across customers’ ‘journeys’, including pre-purchase engagements, and with the product experience no longer the required focus in such engagements. This perspective is vital, not least to expand the historical account of branded content to encompass the breadth of brand marketing and com- munications. Print was a relatively cost-effective way to deliver a post-sales experience to an audience marketers knew how to reach, with permission. In the digital era, ‘brands can now reach, engage and subscribe audiences pre-purchase too’ (Dzamic and Kirby, 2018: 52). However, this is a broader focus on brand marketing and the com- munication dimension inherent across all forms of marketing. It is the intersection of brand communications with non-brand communication channels that is the distinctive feature of branded content that raises critical concerns, and is the focus of this book. However, while communications is always a dimension, branded content encompasses brands’ association with events and experiences. The phenomena of branded content cannot be fully understood through a media-centric account alone, and this book addresses event and experiential content strategies that have their own range of defi- nitions (PQ Media, 2018). Definitional debates Changing definitions of the emerging forms of branded content reflect not only the technological development of new forms but also the reconfiguration of Advertising and media 17 industry practices, cultures, and values, and, crucially, sensitivities about the pre- sentation of practices and values to stakeholders. Usually, definitions are developed to serve industry stakeholders, in particular the sellers and buyers of services, although which industry sectors and identifications are addressed always matters. Definitions can also reflect the influence of other stakeholders and seek to promote to or assuage concerns from other industry sectors and actors, those with influence over governance, and directly or indirectly consumers/users. Definitional debates show competitive struggles for definitional advantage; pro- motion of valued knowledge and capabilities by individuals, firms, professional bodies, and other groupings; tensions and antagonisms between different actors, values and professional arrangements; exasperation, including at imprecision, misuse, serviceability, influence, and usage of definitions. For example, Joe Pulizzi (2015), founder of the Content Marketing Institute, describes branded content as ‘a word created by the world of paid media … by advertisers, agencies and media planners … Simply put, branded content looks and feels like advertising. If it looks like a duck and walks like a duck, well …’ (cited in Dzamic and Kirby, 2018: 44) The most contentious term of all in this context is probably ‘content’. Critics argue variously that the term is vague, vacuous, empty of, well, content. It is considered as a term that disguises the persistence of older marketing practices (hype 1). For one marketer, ‘Today we are buried in the broadest possible interpretation of “content” with little clue to the motivation behind its creation. Much of it is nothing more than thinly-veiled traditional market messaging delivered through a new channel’ (Con- ticchio, 2017). It is associated with being ‘dressed up’, making more grandiose claims than are warranted (hype 2). One analyst warns, ‘Some marketers avoid – even loathe – the term “branded content” because it “gives agencies permission to keep talking about themselves, adding a bit of storytelling to product pitches”’ (Johnston, 2018). Another key charge is that it is an effort to transfer to marketing communica- tions the higher value qualities associated with media (hype 3). It is an effort to present advertising as something grander, more relevant and appealing, with the same qualities as entertainment or news and information associated with media. Donaton (2007) considered the phrase ‘branded entertainment’ began to be used from around 2002 but subsequently ‘has been ill-defined and abused beyond recog- nition’, either unduly narrow and referring only to product placement, or broadened to encompass any form of entertainment marketing, including promotional tie-in merchandising. However, he argues the lack of clear boundaries has helped to provide the necessary flexibility for rapidly evolving media and marketing conditions, even while giving ‘ammunition to those skeptical of its legitimacy, its accountability and its role in the marketing mix’. For PQ Media (2018), ‘Branded entertainment aims to capture the consumer’s attention and elevate a brand’s image by associating it with popular personalities, media brands, organizations or events, such as TV characters, news outlets, sports teams, and activation. All branded entertainment is aimed at con- sumers, not business-to-business end users.’ So, it is not surprising there have been efforts to foster greater definitional pre- cision by naming and differentiating specific practices. Ogilvy CEO Miles Young 18 Practices in 2011 divided branded content into four main categories (cited in Grainge and Johnson, 2015: 39): Leveraged content; Sponsored content; Partnered content; Originated content. The BCMA (Canter, 2012) identified six variants: Branded entertainment; Advertiser-funded programming; Short or long form branded vignettes; Brand storytelling; Branded content partnerships; Brand integration. Alternatively, there are strong defences made for terms that can encompass the range and fluidity of practices and can be used to refer to qualities and values over fixed forms. Native is a philosophy, not just format, argues Verizon (2019: 4), US telecoms company and online content publisher in its State of Native report: It’s a philosophy. A belief that ads shouldn’t sit still. There’s no single defini- tion of native advertising, and that’s what makes it so unique. Native is fluid, taking many forms from sponsored articles and videos to in-feed posts to more dynamic ad experiences. Native has the ability to transform your existing assets into thousands of unique ads – perfectly adapted for the way we experience content. Its versatility allows it to change and adapt over time to match what people want in specific moments of intention. The report does, however, offer a standard definition, too: ‘the biggest differentiator between native ads and standard ads is the ability of native to follow the natural form and function of the environment in which it is placed’ (Verizon, 2019: 4). Against that expansive and positive gloss, it can be argued that ‘native’ serves as a more palatable substitute for advertising. Even though this is predominantly located in inter-industry discourse, the account offered also serves messaging aimed at users, policy networks, and/or non-industry stakeholders. ‘Native’ suggests an industry that is repositioned to be fitting, responsive, and welcomed by consumers. The term ‘native advertising’ has expanded to the point that it has become a substitute for ‘display advertising’. It is used to describe (and calculate) advertising formats on mobile and social media. In such usage, the ad formats that share space on digital apps and platforms are regarded as ‘native’ by type. This indicates how the label native has become a more palatable, in some contexts essential, way to signal non- interruptive advertising. It also erases differences in the form and quality of adverting and so displaces the characteristics of ‘interruption’ that remain all too present across mobile and social advertising. The massive growth attributed to native includes online ad formats, the vast majority of which have more ‘ad-like’ features than ones that are genuinely ‘native’ and blended into the format. There is a claim that ads appearing in mobile are intrinsically native, fitting the flow of dynamic content. Yet, included in this much more overarching label native are numerous varieties of ‘push’ advertising (Chapter 5). These may lead to further content being pulled, but they are as pushed, placed, and uninvited as the advertising formats they are hailed as replacing. In this con- text, there is a useful definitional delimiting offered by the IAB in their distinction between items that promote content, which they describe as ‘native’, and the content itself, which they describe as ‘sponsored content’ (Adshead et al., 2019). Advertising and media 19 Accordingly, the various forms of advertising that direct users are ‘native’, defined as ‘Advertising integrated into the surrounding content, predominantly in-feed advertising such as promoted posts in social feeds or paid-for recommendations on webpages’ (Adshead et al., 2019: 6). Such ads direct users to sponsored content which is defined as ‘Advertiser-sponsored content on a webpage or app such as in ad-features/advertorials’ (Adshead et al., 2019: 6). The rise of branded content: Factors and explanations Like most complex phenomena, branded content practices are multifactorial. Fur- ther, although there are commonalities, branded content is the umbrella term for highly diverse relationships between marketing finance and marketing purposes with communications and activities that themselves take diverse forms. Different practices occurring across different platforms, different market conditions, and dif- ferent histories of institutional arrangements mean that in each instance there are multiple, common, and specific factors influencing outcomes. Yet, underlying the growth of branded content are the opportunities and challenges arising from transformations in digital communications. The migration of users from legacy media to new digital sites and activities has continued to disrupt all marketing communications and pose a rapidly shifting mix of challenges and opportunities. The opportunities have included the cost efficiencies and marketing effectiveness associated with the creation and dissemination of both owned and paid (native) media and the associated user data. The key challenge, and a driver for brands shifting spending to branded content, has been the increased opportunities for users to avoid traditional advertising formats. The fear of ad avoidance for television viewers began long before digitalisation, with the TV remote control allowing zapping and channel-hopping, and videocassette players allowing viewers greater control (McAllister, 1996). In the 1990s the creation of set-top boxes such as TiVo and the rising use of digital video recorders (DVRs) stoked fears of more far-reaching ad-skipping, prompting greater attention to product placement and embedding ads in content, advertiser-financed productions, and audiovisual branded content. Yet, the subsequent shift from the 2000s to online viewing reduced opportunities for interruptive ads in programme breaks. In the pre-digital world, the model for much media publishing and commercial free-to-air (FTA) television and radio was one in which media offered content that could attract audiences, with access to those audiences sold to advertisers via advertising agencies (Sinclair, 2015: 43). What has occurred is a series of pressures on those traditional, ‘legacy’ media as vehicles to carry advertisements. In each case, there are different pressures and responses but the common feature is weakening of the pre-digital advertising carriage model. In television, there has been a deeper shift of revenue from advertiser-funded free- to-air TV towards pay subscription. In most advanced economies, pay TV revenues are now greater than advertising revenue for FTA channels. In Spain, for example, pay TV revenue (including advertising) is now just ahead: Pay TV brought in €564 mil- lion, with free-to air TV earning €560 million in the fourth quarter of 2017 20 Practices (Advanced Television, 2018). This shift has been accompanied by a further rise in brand presence within programmes, notably product placement (PP). Consumers increasingly expect to view video without adverts when they pay for video services like Netflix and Amazon Prime Video, but marketers can use product placements. Research shows that 100 per cent of Amazon’s original programming contains brand integrations, 91 per cent of Hulu originals, and 74 per cent of Netflix originals (Tran, 2018). For filmed entertainment, the rise of home entertainment cut into profits from cinema exhibition while film production and marketing costs soared. Donaton (2007) writes: the ad business and the entertainment business, which decades ago established outposts on separate coasts of the U.S. and mostly operated independently of each other since then were suddenly compelled towards each other. They realized that they had the potential to help each other out. If nothing else, the advertisers had the money and the entertainment companies had the creativity and the attention of audiences. According to PQ Media president Patrick Quinn (PQ Media, 2018): The continued growth of branded entertainment marketing is in sharp contrast to the weaker growth of traditional advertising and marketing platforms, such as live television, newspapers and direct marketing. […] younger demographics are moving away from traditional media platforms, while major brands are proactively seeking alternative media channels to engage these more mobile, tech-savvy younger audiences. PQ Media (2018) predicts that ‘strong desire to gain brand awareness among target consumers, create positive brand associations and, ultimately, produce sales lift will con- tinue to favor branded entertainment marketing worldwide over the next five years’. Television remains the dominant market for advertising in most national markets, but ad-funded linear TV, as opposed to on-demand, is slowing or declining in most advanced economies. As well as driving integrated PP advertising, there has been a more recent rise in over-the-top (OTT) advertising, usually short 30-second-or-less ads inserted into video content (Swan, 2020). Overall, the share of advertising is shifting to the internet and mobile platforms and the advertising types with strongest growth are branded content: mobile and online programmatic native advertising, and video. Integrating advertising is also integral to the business models of the major social media platforms (Fuchs, 2014). Social media allows brands to have direct commu- nication with consumers, often at a fraction of the costs associated with TV cam- paigns, and in formats that are much more immediate to produce, test, amend, and publish to encourage engagement and sharing. Native is suitable for mobile, social media, and video contexts. The latter includes short and longer form content for Advertising and media 21 brands’ owned media and for in-stream video ad formats. Nick Hugh, vice pre- sident of EMEA, Yahoo contends native advertising is ‘a creative and measurable format which works effectively on smaller screens […] a scalable solution for pub- lishers and importantly provides a contextual and relevant experience for con- sumers’ (Hammett, 2016). In publishing, the decline in print readership, especially among the young, has reduced the value and effectiveness of display advertising. With digital advertising required to subsidise commercial journalism, the poor performance of some ad formats has been a problem for both publishers and marketers alike. Declining click-through rates and ‘banner blindness’ encouraged advertisers to test other for- mats, such as pop-ups and interstitials, and then animated advertisements, pre-roll, and other video formats. These formats, though, have also generated negative responses from consumers and ad avoidance strategies, most notably ad-blocking. This has been amongst the factors leading to a rise in advertising integrated into content and ‘disguised’ or ‘camouflaged’ to blend into editorial environments. In digital media, so-called banner blindness and the notoriously low click-through rates for banner ads prompted efforts to develop more attractive and effective ad formats. These were also responses to the practices and implications of the growing adoption of ad-blocking. According to the Internet Advertising Bureau [IAB UK] (2019: 4), the topic of ad-blocking ‘exploded in 2015–16’, leading to investment in ‘ad formats that put the consumer experience first, including LEAN/DEAL ads and more emphasis on non- intrusive storytelling experiences (native)’. In publishing, ad-blocking contributed to already well-established patterns of decline in advertising revenue. As the managing director of the Association for Online Publishers (AOP), Richard Reeves notes: ‘As the loss of publisher revenue continues to increase due to ad blocking, there has been a growing demand for engaging and interactive ads that don’t disrupt the user experience, which content marketing and native formats can provide’ (Internet Advertising Bureau [IAB UK], 2018). Branded content, in its contemporary digital forms, also originates in brands’ owned media, from the publishing and page model of the early internet from 1994, and dubbed Web 1.0, through to the more interactive architecture associated with Web 2.0 and beyond. As Conticchio (2017) writes, ‘A great deal of what we now call “content marketing” can be traced back to basic business blogging where a brand built audiences by attracting informed search to valuable, relevant content. It created a limited, but specialized and highly-engaged inbound market where relationships were built based on trust and shared interest.’ So, branded content is a response to problems of reaching target audiences. It is also a response to changing audience behaviour. And here Donaton (2004) and others are right to describe growing user resistance to advertising and in particular interruption advertising. A survey by branded content marketing firm the McCar- thy Group (2014) found that 84 per cent of millennials don’t like or trust tradi- tional marketing. Verizon (2019) conducted survey research in 2017 which found that 86 per cent of respondents found digital advertising intrusive. The report goes on (Verizon, 2019: 2): 22 Practices There is one ad experience that continues to break the mold: native. Designed for change, native has the unique ability to evolve at the pace of the internet and redefine the ad experience while matching the look and feel of its surrounding content. We will investigate these claims further but the presentation of consumer resistance to traditional advertising as the driver for more effective strategies including branded content is broadly shared by industry and academics alike. Industry commentators expressed, as fear and then increasingly as common sense, that the era of ‘interruption’ advertising was becoming unviable. Users had greater control over their communica- tions than ever before, and ever-increasing choice of content and activity online, so that the power of advertisers to ‘interrupt’ media consumers was evaporating. For instance, research by IPG Mediabrands found 65 per cent of US consumers skip online video advertisements, of whom 76 per cent skip out if habit, with people, on average, watching 5.5 seconds of a 15-second ad (Handley, 2017). Such fears only increased with the seemingly ready adoption of ad-blocking software solutions. Branded content has developed in response to an actual, and perceived, crisis of effectiveness in advertising, as established forms fail to hold people’s attention, with skipping, blocking, banner-blindness, cynicism, and resistance to persuasion, and the relocation of audiences to communication spaces where ad formats are eschewed in various ways (Sullivan, 2013; Donaton, 2004). ‘Branded content has emerged as an effective means for marketers to reach audiences not only at scale but also while they are in an engaged state of mind and more receptive to brand messages’ (Fulgoni et al., 2017: 363). So, branded content has developed, in part, in response to changes in user behaviour, attitudes, and media consumption affecting advertising effectiveness. The attractions of branded content for marketers include providing relevant, valued mes- sages, increasing consumer engagement, building awareness, and generating buzz. For the US Association of National Advertisers (ANA, 2015): The main benefit of native adverting is the ability to create extremely relevant associations between the brand and consumer via content. Given today’s media landscape, where consumers can avoid ads more than ever, advertisers are looking for new ways to get their messages noticed and acted upon. Disarming resistance underpins, and is used to explain, strategies to win consent, either by being welcomed and valued, or by being embedded or disguised. This is the focus of Serazio’s (2013) groundbreaking study of the turn towards guerrilla marketing and other critical academic work we will examine, as well as the invo- cations of an immense volume of affirmative business literature, including Dona- ton, which can be summarised as follows. Marketers must learn to be invited. A variety of terms signal this shift from ‘push’ to ‘pull’ marketing, and from outbound to inbound. For Donaton, we are moving into ‘a world where the audience will determine what, whether and where they will interact with any form of content’ (Dzamic and Kirby, 2018: 118). According to this widely endorsed view, the Advertising and media 23 power to control access to advertising has shifted from content providers to content receivers. The latter are increasingly impatient of or alienated by ‘interruptive’ advertising, and future success depends on providing content and services in forms that people will willingly select and engage with. In industry jargon, ‘Inbound marketing is a marketing methodology that is designed to draw visitors and potential customers in, rather than outwardly pushing a brand, product or service onto prospects in the hope of generating leads or customers’ (Optimizely, n.d.). ‘Often the growth in native advertising is negatively depicted solely as a con- sequence of the rapid decline in effectiveness of traditional banner ads’, argues Chris Payne of the World Federation of Advertisers. What is often forgotten is that this is itself a consequence of a shift in consumer demand from advertisers, driven by the proliferation of social media and other online platforms. It is this change in demand which the industry is reacting to; in the future minimal disruption and maximum engagement will be key. (International Chamber of Commerce, 2014) For Donaton (2007), ‘branded entertainment’ was born out of fear of ad avoid- ance, but has subsequently developed ‘a more confident and more creative posi- tion’, which he dubs ‘Branded Entertainment 2.0’: ‘one based on the concept that consumers will accept good content from any source so long as it is transparent, entertaining or informative, and relevant’. According to Andrew Mole (2016), strategy director at native advertising firm Platform 360: Audiences these days, especially younger Millennials, are super adept at seeing through cheap efforts to sell to them. If brands want to engage they need to be authentic and subtle. […] Bespoke native allows brands to create a positive, informative and interesting experience for the consumer without being force- ful. When people see that a brand has given them credibility by creating a great experience, they repay that trust with their attention. For the US Association of National Advertisers, ‘The main benefit of native adverting is the ability to create extremely relevant associations between the brand and consumer via content. Given today’s media landscape, where consumers can avoid ads more than ever, advertisers are looking for new ways to get their mes- sages noticed and acted upon’ (ANA, 2015). In social media, brands seek to con- nect in similar ways to the way users connect and share with friends – one way in which brands seek incorporation into daily life (Serazio, 2013). User-generated content and social media usage contributed to the declining audiences for and effectiveness of traditional advertising. In various ways, these were spaces that could reflect, amplify, and benefit from the distrust of advertising that was part of their appeal. Yet, like the internet overall, they were colonised by commercial forces and became vehicles for both digital advertising and branded content. Here, the rise of branded content in the communications of social media 24 Practices influencers follows core insights from public relations on the value of trusted ‘third- party’ endorsement over brands’ direct claims (advertising). People are more likely to take recommendations from someone they trust – a friend, celebrity, thought leader, or anyone perceived to be able to offer valued experience, knowledge, or expertise. As one marketer describes: Users are far less likely to follow a product on social media than they are to follow a celebrity. But if an influencer just so happens to be using my product in his/her feed, then you’ve skipped the middleman altogether. Fans trust their idols, so seeing stars aligning themselves with a particular brand is the ultimate in product placement success. (Pfund, 2018) The use of third-party endorsement to inform and persuade, a classic definition of public relations (Tench and Yeomans, 2017: 272), has been turbo-charged as the vehicle for brand communications by social media influencers. Influencers can offer the most persuasive, personable endorsement for brands and do so across the blur- red lines from paid promotions and product placement, to so-called organic men- tions, opinions, or image endorsements that are ‘freely’ given. Just as brand spending to reach younger demographics has shifted from legacy media vehicles to social, so too the orientation of branded content practitioners. The embedding of brand talk and image with influencer communications that have qualities of trust, authenticity, and independence engages all the problems outlined above, with added features. Not only is the nature of the communication less clear, but so too are the responsibilities. In professional ‘mass communication’ environments, there are expectations and cultures of compliance with relevant rules. In the pro-am world of influencers such arrangements are less assured. The relative confusion over rule adherence, compliance, and accountability is also exploited for strategic pur- poses in an emergent sector that ranges from professional influencers supported by staff team, agents, and advisers, to individual vloggers, building up the followers to attract platform and marketers’ attention. A key challenge and tension, which runs throughout branded content, is when paid communications risks undermining trusted communications. ‘If a consumer knows the influencer’s motivation for endorsing a product is at least partially motivated by cash or getting free stuff, the consumer may not take a recommen- dation the same way as if it was given out of the endorser’s pure adoration of the product’ (Mathes, 2018). Yet as we will examine, there is plenty to reassure mar- keters as well as their critics. There are technological factors and their related institutional and practice-based aspects. It is now much easier to assemble marketing content, test it, and respond and adapt it. Formatting ‘native’ ads to match the surrounding content, or reas- sembling programmatic native ads based on response data, is increasingly easy, inexpensive, and automated. Marketers can manage processes through program- matic advertising, real-time billing, and automated market transactions, aiding both Advertising and media 25 in-house marketing teams and agencies. This is advertising that allows interaction with users in real time. Native ad formats can also evade the increasingly main- stream use of adblocking software used to block banner ads, pre-roll video, and other formats. Adblocking software has proved particularly popular with mobile users annoyed by advertising slowing page load times and affecting charges for those on fixed data tariffs, as well as those objecting to being tracked for marketing purposes (Fuchs, 2014). A final key factor has been shifts in governance, occurring across formal regula- tion and professional norms (Chapters 7, 8). The expansion of branded content, then, is multifactorial, within and across diverse communication sectors, and these factors mutually interact in dynamic ways to influence specific practices. To provide a full explanation of branded content, we need a political economic analysis. So far, some of the economic dimensions have been outlined, namely the reorganisation of businesses and institutional arrange- ments in response to market pressures and imperatives of capitalist growth. The political dimensions are also vital. What are often perceived as ‘natural’ market forces are the outcome of decisions and arrangements that enable and constrain how market actors behave and interact. Branded content is conducted within a regulatory environment that is subject to political control and influence. The critical political economy approaches on which this book draws, does not see the economic and political as separate spheres but as intertwined and mutually constitutive. Digitalisation and internetisation The development of branded content can only be understood in the context of the interface and dynamic interaction of technological innovation and affordances with the conditions in which they developed and their co-development. Those conditions are powerfully shaped, if never solely determined, by the political economy, under- stood as the organisation and influence of political and economic forces. These poli- tical and economic forces are always influential and involved in social, cultural, institutional, regulatory arrangements and processes, but the latter are not reducible to explanations derived from political and economic forces alone. From the expansion of the commercial internet, browser interfaces and domestic access after 1993, the main features of digitalisation and internetisation have been the growth of digital advertising; shifts of ad spending and ad formats from traditional advertising formats; marketers seeking to follow (or lead) users to new ad-carrying channels; the evolution of new kinds of automated advertising production and placement; the erosion of ad revenues for legacy media; and the shifts of ad revenue to platforms. The shifts in the production of advertising online is rightly a major focus. However, arguably the greater impact of internetisation has arisen from the expansion of marketer-controlled media, of brands’ ‘owned’ media. Here, the patterns of growth of branded content map onto broader changes in internet architecture and services identified, and espoused, in the nomenclature of Web 1.0, 2.0, 3.0, and beyond. In Web 1.0 from the early to late 1990s, brands started to 26 Practices develop a web presence of owned media. The push content of Web 1.0 ‘pages’ then incorporated the interactivity of wikis and early social media in Web 2.0, a term devised by a marketing practitioner seeking to reboot confidence in web investment after the dot.com stock crisis (Hardy, 2014: 131–2). Industry (re)organisation Branded content needs to be understood in the context of evolving political econo- mies affecting relations between advertisers, marketing agencies, media publishers, and platforms (Sinclair, 2020). Later chapters examine changing industrial arrangements in greater detail, but here some broader features can be identified. A core triad of actor types remain: marketers, marketing agencies, and media, around which an expanding range of intermediary actors provide specialised services, and where activities from the triad are combined. Marketers are conducting more marketing in-house and con- necting with the advertising networks and services provided by increasingly dominant platforms, both of which are squeezing and reshaping the activities of marketing agencies, alongside a host of competitive pressures. Creative content production, and its interconnections with brands, agencies, and media, is now carried out by an ever- increasing range of actors, from Instagram influencers to brands’ own content studios. Further, the core actors themselves incorporate hybridity by offering services histori- cally associated with other institutionally constituted actors. Finally, all processes are affected by automation so that there is a proliferation of actor-types, services, and interactions. This includes the rise of adtech and the firms involved in programmatic advertising buying, selling, creation, distribution, and promotion. The rise of auto- mation, algorithms, and other computer-based processes require that deeply entren- ched ways of identifying and discussing actors need to be questioned and reconsidered. The challenge of mapping the emerging media–marketing ecology is to trace what has replaced the more settled relationships between marketers, agencies, and media today. The integration of media and marketing is occurring across corporate ownership and networks, operations and practices, forms and formats, and user engagements. The interaction and competition between creative advertising agencies, media agencies, PR and various digital agencies is a key locus for the birth and development of branded content (Chapter 6). Yet, while these battles churned up the sedimented institutional identities, histories, and practices of different actor-groups, there has been mounting disruption from new digital actors – the platforms. This is most starkly demonstrated by the dominance of Google and Facebook across digital advertising, taking an enormous share of revenue from the fastest-growing advertising forms. Together, Google and Facebook took more than half of the total global internet advertising revenue in 2018 (Sinclair, 2020). These companies now control and manage the marketplace itself. They control the architecture and provide the services for the market to function; they own the advertising exchanges that control ad buying and selling (Chapter 5). Moreover, they are expanding into all parts of the value chain, from creation of communications to user purchase. They control the data that drive targeting and monetisation. They control the ratings systems. They each offer rival Advertising and media 27 proprietary standards but oversee an oligopolistic market so far ahead of rivals that for more than half of the total market they rule as duopolists. Summary So, the rise of branded content is multifactorial. There are multiple drivers, as seismic shifts towards digital communications, and ad-avoidance, have created opportunities and obligations for marketers and media alike. Marketers have sought to offer ‘non-inter- ruptive’, engaging content that users will spend time with and share, influencing brand recommendations. The prevailing view across communications industries is that branded content is a necessary response to ad evasion that, ‘done well’, can provide targeted and valued content to consumers. It is certainly on the rise. According to PQ Media (2015), content marketing worldwide grew by 13 per cent in 2014 to $26.5 billion. For the broader category of branded entertainment, the global market increased by 8 per cent in 2017 to $106 billion, growing at twice the overall rate of advertising and marketing rev- enues (PQ Media, 2018). The rate of growth has also been remarkable. There was a 50 per cent growth in native advertising spending in the US between 2016 and 2017 (Ster- ling, 2018). However, it is important to distinguish the varieties of marketer spending carefully. Sponsored content accounted for £124 million out of total digital display expenditure of £4.1 billion in the UK in 2017 – 3 per cent (Adshead et al., 2019: 38). The common explanatory factors, suitable at least approximately across Euro- America, can be summarised as follows. Media and marketing businesses ‘Crisis’ for ad-financed publishing; increased dependency on advertising opportunities for marketers; reorganisation of marketing services to platform management and control. Publishers: way to distinguish their ad offering in highly competitive internet ad markets; finance media; monetise users. Advertisers and agencies: ‘more bang for their buck’ – native seen as more effective than traditional ad formats (and can evade ad-blocking). Consumers/users: Changing media habits and attitudes, communication consump- tion/use, and ad avoidance create challenges (and opportunities) for marketers; response to changes in media consumption affecting advertising effectiveness. Technical: increasingly easy and inexpensive to format ads to match the sur- rounding content. Regulation and professional norms: more permissive (Chapters 3, 7–11). Media and marketing convergence Media and marketing communications are merging and converging. Branded content in all its forms is part of that ongoing convergence and it is a reconfiguration with enor- mous significance for communications. Yet even this is very far from the totality of 28 Practices media or marketing communications, as the linked trends towards disaggregation and integration of media and marketing illustrate. Branded content, as outlined, has a long history. Moreover, attention to historical origins and developments, and to continuities and discontinuities, is vital both for understanding and for assessing the scope for effective policy action. Such a long-range historical approach is espoused within critical political economy of media approaches, against tendencies to presentism within both academic and industry discourses. The common formula in business books provides highly trun- cated histories as part of a narrative arc to show those operating old ways are hopelessly ill-equipped to tackle new conditions, and must change fast or face decline. Yet, while some digital marketing discourse fits this description, it is far from uncommon for the long history of branded content to be acknowledged (Dzamic and Kirby, 2018). And here what can occur is an ideological mobilisation that does not rely on either presentism or truncated historical perspectives but instead reaches back over a longer historical span to find continuities that normalise the novel. Branded content is positioned as continuity. The historical appropriation of branded content forms part of a complex and contradictory set of readings and mobilisations in which any analysis is unavoidably implicated. The route forward, which this book will attempt, is to engage reflex- ively with the selectivity and mobilisations that inform all accounts, including this one, but which can provide a basis for critical evaluation. There is a choice of narratives, which offer different temporalities and different topic selections to situ- ate branded content. Such differences can be illuminating, as they put into question what arrangements are regarded as the stasis from which change and disruption occur. Discourses that normalise branded content as a continuity of reciprocal brand and media engagements displace or downplay the periods in which formal and informal regulation upheld norms of separation between advertising and media content. We need to trace both the range of historical connections between brand promotions and media communications, and the ways in which these have been subject to regulation, normativity, and debate. That can provide a means to better understand both historical legacies and potential mobilisations going forward. Approach of this book The book is organised around three main interlinked topics: practices, policies, and problems. It describes industry practices and their relationship with changing policies. It considers how emergent practices have been ‘normalised’, and it examines where and how problems have been articulated and critiques developed. Part I examines the changing practices of branded content across publishing, audiovisual, mobile, and social media. Part II examines policies, and the broader governance of branded content, and develops the discussion of problems. The book’s arrangement fits and serves core argu- ments. We need to evaluate and critique aspects of branded content but do so from a perspective that seeks to understand practices and practitioner attitudes. Any such cri- tique needs to engage with the adequacy of existing mechanisms and resources of governance and build proposals for reform out of that analysis and engagement with Advertising and media 29 stakeholders, all those affected by and engaged in shaping how media and marketing communications are conducted. The relationship between media and advertising is overlaid by a deeper set of divisions between art, culture, and creativity on the one hand, and commerce and commerciali- sation on the other. Following Hesmondhalgh (2019: 465), I consider that the ‘protec- tion’ for culture was never complete, that commodification and culture were and remain entwined, that as ‘the opportunities for profiting from culture have grown, the lines drawn around culture have been pushed back’. The argument of this book is not to mourn, ahistorically, or advocate a ‘pure’ cultural space unsullied by commercialism, but instead to embrace and seek to understand the dynamics of those tensions in the changing practices, values, motivations of participants, and the structures built up around them across media and marketing industries and institutions of governance. This book does not advocate either the integration or removal of advertising but rather the importance of understanding, evaluating, and then advocating for ways of balancing media and adver- tising in the 21st century so that the values of democratic, diverse, and accountable communications can be realised. This book seeks to advance a contemporary critical political economy approach. In media and communication studies, critical political economy approaches are char- acterized by a central claim: that different ways of organising and financing commu- nications have implications for the range and features of media content, and the ways in which these are consumed and used (Hardy, 2014; Mosco, 2009). Critical political economy refers to approaches that examine the unequal distribution of power and resources across societies and are critical of arrangements whereby such inequalities are sustained and reproduced, including by, and within, media industries. This approach calls for attention to the interplay between the symbolic and economic dimensions of the production of meaning. One direction of enquiry leads from media production arrangements to meaning-making and consumption; another considers the relationship of media and communication systems to wider forces and processes in society. In exploring these relationships, CPE approaches are not reliant on specific concepts or methods; rather the ongoing justification for CPE rests on the quality and salience of its analysis of problems in communication and social systems. My own short definition is as follows: ‘Critical political economic of communications is a critical realist approach that investigates problems connected with the political and economic organization of communication resources’ (Hardy, 2014: 14). 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