CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 CRAFT SPECIALISATION AND ITS RELATION WITH SOCIAL ORGANISATION IN THE LATE 6th TO EARLY 4th MILLENNIUM BCE OF THE SOUTHERN LEVANT S. KERNER Abstract: Economic, social and political organisation in the Southern Levant are often stated, but seldom defined or explained. Craft specialization and social complexity are connected. After a definition of craft specialisation and an attempt to define archaeologically recognizable evidence for it, a brief discussion of the different conditions of production for consumer goods and prestige goods fol- lows. The concrete situation in the Southern Levant from the Late Neolithic to the Late Chalcolithic is studied with pottery and metal as the main materials. The standardisation of pottery through time is presented. Metal production follows different rules than pottery, as most of it has played a different role in the social structure and creation of identity. The political complexity of the Southern Levant at the end of the period can be described in terms of chiefdoms, although the individual form of social organisation in the various regions will have differed. Résumé : L’organisation économique, politique et sociale dans le Levant Sud est souvent abordée, mais rarement définie ou analysée. Or, la spécialisation artisanale va de pair avec la complexité sociale. Après avoir défini la spécialisation et proposé un cadre métho- dologique permettant de démontrer ce phénomène, l’article analyse brièvement les différentes conditions de production des biens de consommation courants et d’objets de prestige. L’étude de la situation dans le Levant Sud du Néolithique récent au Chalcolithique se fonde principalement sur l’analyse de la céramique et des métaux. La standardisation de la céramique au cours de cette période est présentée ; toutefois, production métallurgique et production céramique ne répondent pas aux même règles, dans la mesure où le métal a joué un rôle différent dans la création des structures sociales et la définition des identités. La structure politique du Levant Sud à la fin de cette période semble avoir été fondée sur le principe des chefferies, même si des formes d’organisations sociales plus individualistes paraissent avoir existé dans plusieurs régions. Keywords: Southern Levant; Israel; Jordan; Late Neolithic; Yarmoukian; Chalcolithic; Wadi Rabah; Ghassulian; Craft Specialisa- tion; Pottery; Metal; Social Complexity; Identity. Mots-clés : Levant Sud ; Israël ; Jordanie ; Néolithique récent ; Yarmoukien ; Chalcolithique ; Wadi Rabah ; Ghassoulien ; Spécialisa- tion artisanale ; Céramique ; Métal ; Complexité sociale ; Identité. The focus of research on the political and social organisa- neglected, although there has been far more research since tion in the Near East has largely concentrated on the Neolithic the late seventies.1 Particularly in the Southern Levant many period, particularly the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B, or the much later time of state formation. The social and political forms of 1. DRENNAN and URIBE, 1987; K ERNER, 2001a; LEVY, 1995; MILLS, 2004; organisation in between (typically called chiefdoms) are still ROTHMAN, 1994; STEIN, 1994; YOFFEE, 1993. Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 Manuscrit reçu le 3 mars 2010, accepté le 29 juin 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 180 S. K ERNER researchers are still merely concerned with chronological to be investigated, as it is not clear whether social complexity and methodological questions, although important, they will is a precondition for specialisation or specialisation furthers not help in understanding the wider implications of the social the development of social and political complexity, or if their development. The form of social-political organisation in the relationship is dialectical. This is part of a far more complex Late Chalcolithic is often postulated as being a chiefdom, with- relationship between many factors; specialised production is out many attempts to characterise the precise circumstances only a small part of the economic make-up of a society and the of that particular form of complex society. But chiefdoms can economy is only one factor influencing the social and politi- vary widely in their form and characteristics, and while there cal development of a society. And the dialectical relationship have been some attempts to arrive at a more precise definition between social constraints and economic movement as they of them,2 the field of economy has probably not been used to its are so succinctly explained by e.g., K. Flannery and J. Mar- full advantage. This article will try and look at craft speciali- cus13 are not denied here either. The renewed interest in mate- sation as one aspect of the economic history of the Southern rial, after a longer period where archaeological evidence was Levant and its dialectical relationship with the social organisa- mostly considered to be readable as and compatible to text, is tion of these societies.3 I will first look in some depth at the now far more noticeable in the literature. This renewed interest definitions and meaning of (craft) specialisation and its con- can come in the form of materiality or materialist approaches14 nection with social organisation, and then into the more pre- and with T.K. Earle15 and E.M. Brumfiel,16 social and economic cise form it takes in the Late 6th to Early 4th millennium BCE factors are in this article understood to play a decisive role in in the Southern Levant. the development of social complexity. A hermeneutic and not a deterministic approach is needed to come to an explanation of social development, but here only one aspect of such a com- plete picture is dealt with in more detail. SPECIALISATION Several definitions of craft specialisation have been given, although many are too general for the purpose of archaeology: DEFINITIONS “(...) a specialist is an individual who holds a position or voca- tion because he (sic) controls a set of skills that most of his Since J.-J. Rousseau and A. Smith, numerous authors, communal fellows do not control.”17 Other definitions are more starting with H.L. Morgan,4 K. Marx,5 and É. Durkheim,6 concerned with the recognition of the phenomenon and are and continuing between others with G.V. Childe,7 M. Sahl- limited to more modern economic considerations: “The degree ins8 and many others, have dealt with the subject of speciali- of a craft specialization is best determined as variability in sation. More recently J.E. Clark and W.J. Parry,9 C. Costin,10 output per capita for a given product within the population G.J. Stein11 and P. Wattenmaker12 have been considering the sampled.”18 Several definitions however point out the necessity questions of specialisation, its organisation and its connection of surplus: to political complexity. The nature of their relationship needs “1) The manufacture of certain craft products is limited to a small percentage of the total number of individuals in any given community. 2) These individuals devote some of their 2. LEVY, 1981 has tried this first with the establishment of a 2-tier settle- ments system in the Negev, which has often been criticised, probably most productive time to the manufacture of these craft products. recently by WINTER-LIVNEH et al., 2010. 3) Consequently, they must withdraw themselves from some or 3. I would like to dedicate this paper to G. Dollfus, whose help and support all of the basic subsistence activities. 4) Thus, they must obtain for my work in Jordan and Chalcolithic archaeology in general I most some or all of their subsistence goods through some kind of gratefully acknowledge and whose many lively discussions and willing- exchange system for their craft products.”19 ness to exchange material have enlarged my and the general knowledge of that period. 4. MORGAN, 1877. 13. F LANNERY and JOYCE, 1993: 353-355. 5. MARX, 1977. 14. DEMARRAIS et al., 2005. 6. DURKHEIM, 1933. 15. EARLE, 2004. 7. CHILDE, 1964: 30. 16. BRUMFIEL, 1992. 8. SAHLINS, 1958. 17. RODGERS, 1966: 410. 9. CLARK and PARRY, 1990. 18. TOSI, 1984: 23. 10. COSTIN, 1991. 19. EVANS, 1978: 115; similar but much shorter, are the following defini- 11. STEIN, 1994. tions: “(...) exclusive activity in which a person or small group performs 12. WATTENMAKER, 1994. for long periods demanding economic support for their living (...)” Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 Craft Specialisation and its Relation with Social Organisation 181 Clark and Parry have a broader notion of specialisation that “craft person” and “craft specialist” can express the difference includes economic as well as social components: between personal skills on one side and social function on the other. The first is also capable of producing e.g., “a beautiful “We consider production specialized if the consumers object” but lacks the wider social and economic meaning of a are not members of the producer’s household. (...) In essence, craft specialization is production of alienable, durable goods specialist.24 for nondependent consumption. (...) Ad hoc specialization is The percentage of specialist producers and goods produced sporadic, informal production of goods for exchange, as the in a specialised mode in the overall production, the form of the term implies.”20 exchange between producers and consumers and their mutual dependence are all important elements in shaping the exact The definition of specialisation used here is:21 specialisation form of specialisation, but will not be discussed in detail here. is a regulated, constant, and possibly controlled production sys- Specialisation is not a state in which any person or unit tem, in which few producers produce the goods (or services) either is or is not, but a continuum with gradual changes. It for many consumers. Producers and consumers rely on this can therefore not be measured in absolute but only in relative exchange, the producers, to defray at least part of their liveli- terms. “Craft specialization is here considered an adaptive hood with it and the consumers as they are able to get goods (or process (rather than a static structural trait) in the dynamic services) which they cannot produce or procure otherwise. interrelationship between a nonindustrialized society and its environment.”25 The degree of specialisation can be measured comparing individual producers, producer groups or entire CHARACTERISTICS OF SPECIALISATION societies. It can be considered both diachronically and syn- chronically, which will be done later in this article. These definitions mention several important elements of Some products continue to be made in an unspecialised specialisation: one of the most important points for the deter- form; Wattenmaker gives an example from Turkey, where cer- mination of specialization is the question of surplus produc- tain ceramics are made by specialists, while others—mainly tion within a society. Already Childe stipulated that a certain cooking pots—continue to be produced by individual house- surplus production is a necessary condition for the existence of holds.26 Other activities such as food preparation remain much specialists, but it is very difficult to speculate about the exact longer in the area of domestic production and continue as amount of the required surplus. This will be directly related unpaid reproduction labour even until today. to the type of specialisation (full-time specialists would need much more support than part-time specialists, who continue to contribute directly to their own subsistence.) 22 The social ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE organisation and size of the society in question, and thus its FOR SPECIALISATION ability to feed a smaller or larger number of specialists has also to be considered. But generally surplus production is seen as a Specialised production can be proven through direct evi- necessary but not sufficient condition for specialization.23 dence such as production remains (workshops) or work tools, The personal skills of an individual play a role in determin- but also (and more often) through indirect evidence in the ing who is a specialist, but they are also not a sufficient condi- form of standardisation. Another possible indication is the near tion to explain the phenomenon of specialisation. The terms absence of mistakes in a given production; while the objects produced in a specialised mode are not necessarily beautiful, (K RISTIANSEN, 1987: 33). “Economic specialization can be defined as they will be the outcome of a more “professional” or successful the investment of labor and capital toward the production of a particular good or service, in that a person produces more of that commodity, and production. less of others, than he or she consumes.” (A LCHIAN and A LLEN, 1969: 204) 20. CLARK and PARRY, 1990: 297-298. This definition explicitly excludes 24. This is an important difference, because the ability to knit a jumper dur- inalienable objects, pointing already to the importance to establish spe- ing a boring seminar at university (a common habit during the 1980s) cific production patterns for specific goods. does not make the knitter a specialist living from that exercise. 21. The definition is partly based on COSTIN, 1991. 25. R ICE, 1981: 219-220. 22. A contrary opinion is given by ROWLANDS, 1971, who assumes that 26. WATTENMAKER, 1994: 115. While one might think that such domestic metal specialists could be “paid” through e.g., greater prestige and no goods as cooking pots will always be produced in a household context, surplus production would be necessary. there are examples from the Late Antique period, where cooking pots 23. See also CLARK, 1995: 271 sq. were clearly imported. Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 182 S. K ERNER The degree of specialisation can be measured in differ- per item. However, this does not advocate that modern capi- ent forms: 1. the ratio of producers to consumers for a specific talistic modes of production standards should be applied to the product; 2. the ratio of the time, which is used in special- specialised production in the Chalcolithic period. Reaching a ised production in comparison with the time used for non- maximum gain, a goal now seemingly natural and inherent in specialised production; 3. the volume of all production and any production process, cannot be accepted for a very different exchange can be used as a benchmark; 4. the degree of con- and much less complex society,32 where social rules influenced trol over raw material also gives information about specialised economic factors much more. In non-capitalist societies behav- production.27 iour underlies different rules and property is not automatically positively evaluated, as reflected in the destruction of property to obtain prestige (such as the potlatch) or in mechanisms to PRESTIGE GOODS VERSUS DOMESTIC GOODS eradicate differences in wealth e.g., in the Halaf period.33 Prestige goods transport more social information within the Obvious characteristics of items produced in a special- society and are therefore often produced with more time and ised mode are the efficiency and standardisation that has been effort. They show clearly that economic aspects might at times employed for their making, as well as the quantitative increase play only a very minimal role in prehistoric (and historic) pro- of production of a particular commodity.28 Specialisation has duction. Prestige is an elusive quantity that gives some people often (but not always) been characterised by economically power and authority within their environment. Signs of pres- meaningful behaviour.29 tige may be intangible, based on ideology or ritual,34 or archae- Equally evident is often the effort invested and the care ologically not be detectable, but prestige can also be illustrated used to make certain items. Several examples from the Chal- by the ownership of prestige goods. Prestige as “an ordering” colithic period in the Southern Levant illustrate this: normal element already exists in egalitarian societies and plays a role pottery bowls are made in a simple shape with negligently in maintaining social differences.35 applied paint, cream-bowls on the other hand are made in much Prestige goods are characterised through a number of ele- smaller numbers with sophisticated exterior design and paint- ments. 1. Prestige goods are often produced from special raw ing. Here it is the “uneconomic” behaviour that characterises material that is either rare, or difficult to work, or hard to get, the production.30 Uneconomical means in this context a mode or that was transported over long distances. “Special raw mate- of production, which has higher energy costs such as labour, rial” thus does not mean automatically that it is economically requires more and possibly complicated equipment, different expensive but it might be culturally expensive. 2. Prestige materials, etc. goods can have been transported over long distances them- It thus becomes obvious that these goods underlie very selves, regardless of the material (that can be achieved through different rules of production, which points to a difference in exchange, trade, raids, etc.). 3. Prestige goods require time, the motives of the production. A possible explanation lies in their production, design and decoration is usually of a high the diverse nature of the manufactured goods. In almost all quality. 4. The decoration of the objects is often elaborate. societies there are more domestic goods than prestige goods A different approach to those items, which mark social (although in many cases goods can change their character inequality, is A. Weiner’s concept of inalienable possessions,36 dependent on the context) and they are subject to different which have a number of similar characteristics to prestige rules and conditions of production.31 items, but also some differences that might become interesting, Goods produced in a specialised mode of production for when the Chalcolithic case is discussed. These key attributes domestic use are done in large numbers and are, therefore, as of inalienable objects are that they are not exchanged in the far as possible standardised and produced with little labour normal networks, that the knowledge of their production pro- 27. A RNOLD, 1987: 62; EHRENREICH, 1991; archaeologically, some of those conditions might be difficult to prove. And many excavations are not pub- 32. Authors like Rice and Costin partly argue in that direction, as has been lished to a standard that makes firm statements possible. criticised by e.g., SHANKS and TILLEY, 1987: 188. In non-complex socie- 28. BERNBECK, 1994: 64; CLARK and PARRY, 1990; HODDER, 1981; R ICE, ties, objects can have varying meanings in different spheres. An item can 1981: 221; UNDERHILL, 1991. thus have a practical as well as a prestige or ritual importance. 29. A RNOLD, 1987; EVANS, 1978. 33. AKKERMANS and SCHWARTZ, 2003. 30. CLARK and PARRY, 1990; P EREGRINE, 1991. 34. PAUKEAT, 1992; ROBB, 1999. 31. CLARK and PARRY, 1990: 293; COSTIN, 1991: 12; R ICE, 1981: 222; 35. STEINHOF and R EINHOLD, 1996; MEILLASSOUX, 1973: 52. SINOPOLI, 1988: 580. 36. WEINER, 1992. Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 Craft Specialisation and its Relation with Social Organisation 183 cess is handed down along specific chains (and the production or products in different contexts; the two states of specialisa- is often gender specific) and that they play a role in identity tion do not exclude each other but can even complement one authentication and thus is hierarchy building (or defeating). another. CONDITIONS OF PRODUCTION COMPLEX SOCIETIES AND SPECIALISATION The discussion above shows that prestige or inalienable goods are subject to different conditions of production than DEFINITIONS OF COMPLEX SOCIETIES domestic items, therefore the production process of both com- modities is most likely also different. One approach to this The original definition of chiefdoms saw them as a response problem deals with the useful distinction between attached to increasing organisational tasks that were likely to develop, and independent specialists. Independent specialists produce when the subsistence production increased, surplus arose and goods for everybody (fig. 1), and need customers for their included as a noticeable feature the redistribution of property goods. Attached specialists produce goods that carry impor- by the chiefs.38 Other assumed key features of chiefdoms were tant social information on top of their practical value, under frequent armed conflicts and an altruistic quality of the chief. the control of a person or elite group.37 C. Renfrew made up a list of criteria that deals mostly with When an elite within the society arises, the needs for pres- relative characteristics: relatively little internal conflict, higher tige goods to differentiate themselves (and possibly a small productivity, etc.39 And one of the key problems in the defini- group of followers) from the society at large might increase tion of chiefdoms are their fluid boundaries, which also led and assist the development of attached specialist. The pres- N. Yoffee and others to criticising the attempt to “force” these tige goods play a role in the daily reconfirmation of roles and societies into strict boxed systems of evolutionary growth.40 communal understanding. Attached specialists produce for the In the Near East, the identifications of chiefdoms reached elite under the control of this very elite, so they work under from the Natufian period, via the Halaf period to the Ubaid completely different conditions from independent specialists. period.41 The prestige objects have a high prestige, but sometimes little More recently the discussions about the characteristics practical use and even more important the elite, which want of chiefdoms have been taken up again. Chiefdoms are now these prestige objects, will control production and distribution described as “complex,” “middle range” or “intermediate of these goods precisely because the uncontrolled spread of level” societies.42 Chiefdoms are socio-political units in which these objects would ruin the underlying principle and be thus the social control of the society is organised in one subsystem. counterproductive. It is conceivable however that, especially This subunit is separate from the other subunits, but not further in societies whose hierarchical structures are not yet forma- subdivided (in e.g. sacred and profane leadership). The levels lised, one and the same person can be an independent and an of hierarchy are thus still limited. Chiefdoms can be divided attached producer. In addition, independent and attached spe- by different criteria, which are not mutually exclusive, but can cialists exist in the same society producing different products be easily connected to each other (see below). The important point is that these characteristics of chiefdoms are not either-or stages but they arrange themselves along a line and the differ- Everybody produces A few producers A few producers ences are fluid (fig. 2). For everybody For everybody For a few people Chiefdoms seem to have had a sometimes astonishing sur- vival power, duration and stability which has been too little Generalized production Specialised production Independent Attached specialists 38. SERVICE, 1972: 144. 39. R ENFREW, 1974: 73. Fig. 1 – Model of Craft Production. 40. D’A LTROY and EARLE, 1985; ROTHMAN, 1994; STEPONAITIS, 1981; WRIGHT, 1984; YOFFEE, 1993 and 2005. 41. H ENRY, 1989: 209; A KKERMANN and SCHWARTZ, 2003: 150-151; 37. BRUMFIEL and EARLE, 1987: 5; CLARK and PARRY, 1990; COSTIN, 1991. WRIGHT, 1984: 72; STEIN, 1994. This does not exclude, however, that other commodities carry informa- 42. EARLE, 1987 and 1991; F EINMAN and NEITZEL, 1984; UPHAM, 1987; tion as well and act as identification markers. YOFFEE, 2005. Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 184 S. K ERNER emphasized in connection with the Near East. They are char- Group-oriented Individual oriented chiefdoms acterized by the control of labour, land and resources, although Simple Complex chiefdom this control is not firmly institutionalised. The reasons for the Staple goods Prestige goods chiefdoms development of these special forms of political organisation Fig. 2 – Different forms of chiefdoms or complex societies shall not be discussed here. CONDITIONS FOR THE EMERGENCE THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SPECIALISATION OF SPECIALISATION AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT A starting point for the discussion about the relationship Most studies of craft specialisation are based on ethno- between craft specialisation and social organisation is given graphic data, archaeological evidence is just beginning to be in statements such as “Intensive craft specialization is one researched. One study in particular45 has dealt very extensively characteristic of civilization”43 and “One of the most striking with the relationship between social complexity and the inten- things about the evolution of culture is the rapid improvement sity of specialisation. Specialisation is measured here in the in the products of craft specialization at the point of the rise ratio of full-time specialists to part-time specialists, the num- of chiefdoms.”44 It would be possible to add numerous simi- ber of individuals involved per category (baskets, pottery, etc.) lar statements, however, the authors dealing with the relation- produced in a specialised mode and the amount of categories ship between specialisation and development of society, can produced by specialists. The complexity of a society was mea- be divided into two groups: those who assume that specialists, sured in this study by the following indicators: social stratifi- and specialisation are a prerequisite for the development of cation, political integration, size of the main city, population complex societies; and those who assume that only the exis- density and, finally, dependence on agriculture. Clark and tence of a sufficiently complex society with an elite of some Perry attempted to compare the different indicators with each kind allows the development of craft specialisation. One won- other and to correlate them in different combinations with the ders nevertheless if the question is not possibly put wrongly, or degree of specialisation in each particular society. The results too deeply rooted in processual (law-like) thinking. The vari- shall only be briefly mentioned here: the correlation between ous forms of specialisation as presented above are clearly very political organisation and specialisation shows that full-time distinct and no single relation between forms of production and specialists are most common in complex societies with a high social organisation should be assumed. As has already been degree of urbanisation (particularly in states). All three types said, specialised production is only one aspect of the economic of specialisation (independent, attached, and sponsored46 spe- organisation of a society and can thus not be considered the cialists) are linked with the level of social stratification, but it sole reason for complex developments. Specialised and non- is mostly attached and sponsored specialists that need a suf- specialised production can co-exist and it is their relationship ficiently high rate of social stratification for their existence. that determines the degree of specialisation in an economy. Population density provides no meaningful correlate for spe- The different elements of a society (especially the politi- cialisation, while—hardly surprising—a connection exists cal and social sub-systems) do not develop in parallel stages between the size of the largest city and the number of special- with the economic subsystem, or may develop completely ists and professions. The correlation between the intensity of at variance in different societies. Thus, if full-time speciali- agriculture and degree of specialisation is also high, so surplus sation, part-time specialisation, independent and attached can be seen as a necessary element for full-time specialists.47 craft specialisation have different economic needs and pre- conditions, then it is expected that they also have different 45. CLARK and PARRY, 1990 using 53 societies based on the “Standard political and social needs and repercussions. So the different Cross-Cultural Sample.” 46. “Sponsored specialist” is a category which will not be taken into account forms of social-political organisation, the different forms of here. chiefdoms, as they are the focus of this research, will also have 47. Several similar studies have been carried out by other researchers different degrees of specialisation. between 1950 and 1970, these studies had different focal points but lead to similar results (K ERNER, 2001a). P. Peregrine deals explicitly with societies based on “prestige-good-systems” and shows that the more 43. A RNOLD, 1975. complex a society is, the more elaborate are its prestige goods, and more 44. SERVICE, 1972: 148. work is invested in their elaboration, “(...) Increasingly powerful elites Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 Craft Specialisation and its Relation with Social Organisation 185 Independent part-time specialists were found in every society, tion, are linked in various forms and the integration has politi- which formed the basis of the investigation, and they were cal, social, economic and cultural elements. One form of such therefore not investigated further. Another study shows that integration is the interrelatedness of specialisation (a function the existence of social classes and metal production are closely of horizontal division) and social complexity (a function of related without having an evolutionary relationship.48 vertical division). The analyses by Costin and Rice are more archaeologically Very often one finds in the literature about the Chalcolithic oriented, rely explicitly on socio-political factors and see a very of the Southern Levant that prestige goods, stratified societies clear correlation between different stages of social complexity and specialised production are rather unsystematically con- (especially rank and status differentiation) and attached spe- nected and one of these phenomenon is seen as evidence for the cialisation. In their view especially the increasing control and existence of the others. This is based on the erroneous assump- unequal access to raw material resources leads to increased tions that prestige goods can only occur in non-egalitarian soci- specialization.49 Both Rise and Costin thus follow the theory eties, and that certain goods (beautiful or valuable items) will that the development of social complexity is firstly an outcome only be made by specialists. The first point has already been of the control over essential resources.50 That specialisation dealt with above, prestige goods are only one of several ways to is, however, not always tied to urbanisation, is illustrated in a express prestige, and prestige as a distinctive concept also exists number of examples dealing with relationships between cities already in egalitarian societies. The connection of elaborate or and countryside. For Raqai in Northeastern Syria and Kurban beautiful objects and specialisation has also to be discarded, as Höyük in Southeastern Turkey, the authors show that indepen- it is apparent that neither a high quality workmanship nor valu- dent specialisation does occur in rural areas and small sites. able material are sufficient evidence for specialisation. However, almost all examples given in the three publications are of societies which are in close contact to at least small state organisations.51 CHRONOLOGICAL FRAME Late Neolithic to Middle Chalcolithic SPECIALISED PRODUCTION AND SOCIAL (6500-4500 BCE) ORGANISATION IN THE SOUTHERN LEVANT In the Yarmukian, Wadi Rabah and Middle Chalcolithic period, which are treated here together, because the knowl- While much literature deals with the vertical divisions of edge about certain factors is still rather minimal, no obvious society, i.e. the different hierarchical levels, only a few authors prestige objects have been identified. As long as so few com- study the horizontal divisions of societies.52 The horizontal plete excavation reports from this period are published this division or compartmentalisation of a society describes how is a preliminary statement. The architecture from Sha’ar functionally different units on the same hierarchical level Hagolan53 points to extensive families living together without interact. The two dimensions, vertical and horizontal organisa- any signs of different status between the families (but with differentiation inside the families). No central buildings or employ specialist artisans to produce exotic personal ornaments that the public works in any of the sites have been identified, although elite use, in turn, to further differentiate themselves from the rest of soci- a certain amount of planning can be ascertained. A beginning ety.” (P EREGRINE, 1991: 8). of economic organisation might be witnessed by the presence 48. P EREGRINE et al., 2007. This study also indicates the problems that arise when different variables are put together in a law-like, evolutionary of stamp seals or tokens from the Early Chalcolithic period, model. The model assumes “that sedentism needs pottery production as since the introduction of seals is often associated with general a precursor, a relationship” clearly vice versa in the Neolithic Levant. economic changes, either with changing ideas about private 49. COSTIN, 1986; R ICE, 1991; see also A RNOLD, 1987. 50. One has to keep in mind that all these studies have been carried out property or with the beginning of administrative burden.54 before agency inspired approaches to the development of social com- plexity became more common in archaeological anthropology, and they have a tendency to search for generalisations, but since then research into 53. GARFINKEL and MILLER, 2002. economy has not been a major point. Agency inspired research tends to 54. BOURKE, 2002 and see the discussion about the stamp seals from Sabi concentrate on questions of cult and ideology. Abyad, particularly Level 6. K. Duistermaat makes a clear functional 51. SCHWARTZ and FALCONER, 1994; SCHWARTZ, 1994; WATTENMAKER, distinction between tokens and seals, where the latter (as in Sabi Abyad, 1990. Level 6) show the possible beginning of ideas about private property (not 52. JOHNSON, 1982. necessarily of an individual) in a society (DUISTERMAAT, forthcoming). Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 186 S. K ERNER The number of figurines and other symbolic finds seems to and wall paintings in the Jordan Valley). The number of stamp decrease from the Late Neolithic to the Middle Chalcolithic,55 seals has also increased.59 but the possible range of symbolic expression increases, as not only figurines but also applications on pottery appear. A purely hypothetical interpretation of this development may indicate POTTERY PRODUCTION a greater “privacy” in the symbolic expression of at least the Early Chalcolithic period, compared to the large, very visible Direct evidence for pottery production in the form of pot- buildings of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic and the rather common tery kilns, storage of raw materials or tools is relatively seldom “coffee bean figurines” from the Pottery Neolithic period. to be found in the periods studied here. Indirect evidence, how- ever, can be found much more frequently. The most important characteristic of pottery, which is produced by independent Late Chalcolithic (4500-3800 BCE) specialists, is the standardisation and more efficient produc- The architecture of the Late Chalcolithic period follows in tion of the products.60 Standardised vessel forms, standardised most geographical regions the same principle.56 Small houses surface treatment and decoration as well as better quality of with 1-3 rooms and a courtyard form the typical domestic the fabric (choice and treatment of raw material) and form (an structure and in the very hot, arid climate of the Negev sub- increased number of items leads to greater “professionalism” terranean structures can also be found. The typical architec- and a certain uniformity) can be found. tural ensemble can be seen both e.g. in Teleilat Ghassul and The conditions of the production for pottery used as a pres- Shiqmim, and in a somewhat modified form even in the Golan. tige object or primarily as information carriers61 are far more There are size differences between the buildings in each site, difficult to determine. They do not need to meet any criteria but they do not seem to be significant enough to allow an inter- of standardisation or efficient production. One can thus for- pretation of wealth differentiation. In some places, such as mulate certain expectations concerning the characteristics of Ghassul, Abu Hamid, Pella, and Sahab, numerous storage pits pottery produced in certain modes: 62 unspecialised pottery have been found. In the Golan, large storage vessels seem to production should be characterised by a clear lack of manu- take the place of the pits.57 facturing skills and an inferior quality (uneven firing, many Only from Teleilat Ghassul and partly Shiqmim58 are clearly wasters, very asymmetric shapes, etc.); by a large variability functionally differentiated areas known, in other sites as in in a fabric, shape and decoration (no standardisation of size or Abu Matar, craft activities have been carried out in domestic composition of fabric); by little homogeneity on even a local contexts. level (households should differ in their products). In several sites (such as Teleilat Ghassul, Gilat, Ein Gedi Low level specialisation should show other characteristics: and others) public buildings have been found. They are built on the overall quality should increase; the fabrics and the shapes a smallish scale, and can in size not be compared to the rather should be more standardised and be more clearly defined; 63 large and labour intensively built temples of the contemporary a weak correlation of fabric and form should exist in some Late Ubaid period. While these cultic buildings illustrate pub- forms; the increasingly standardised pottery should have a lic cult, other phenomenon indicate the existence of private larger distribution area. cultic activities. There are numerous objects of symbolic value, And finally advanced specialisation should be recognised by possibly used to express on one hand a common “Late Chal- better production techniques (combined with larger technical colithic Levantine” identity, but also showing clear signs of regional consciousness and possibly more private cultic activi- 59. SEATON, 2008: 155. 60. This does not allow the opposite diagnosis that all non standardised pot- ties (e.g., ivory objects in the Negev, basalt stands in the Golan, tery is made in household production. 61. As already pointed out, all pottery carries information and helps in strengthening e.g. the identity of the group using it, but the degree can differ. 55. But again the very limited amount of excavated square meters must be 62. These expectations are based on numerous pottery studies, between taken into account. The decorated pebbles from some sites might have to others: BLACKMAN et al., 1993; COSTIN, 1986; F EINMAN et al., 1984; be taken into account here too. HAGSTRUM, 1985; R ICE, 1981; UPHAM et al., 1981. 56. BOURKE, 2000; see also E.B. Banning’s article in this volume. 63. The use of relative terms is unavoidable here as the whole process is 57. See the article by Z. Kafafi in this volume. not characterised by hard and clear evolutionary steps, but by gradual 58. In Shiqmim the production remains also seem to be distributed over a changes and developments in different directions (quite similar to Yof- number of places (GOLDEN, 2009: 289). fee’s model of social development, YOFFEE, 1993: fig. 6.6). Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 Craft Specialisation and its Relation with Social Organisation 187 skills); by individual fabrics being significantly standardised The fabric changes towards the Early Chalcolithic/Wadi and recognizable quality differences; by the increased use Rabah pottery are limited. The fabric definitions are slightly of non-local raw materials; by the standardisation of pottery better in a number of sites (Jericho, Abu Hamid), and some- forms (types) in e.g. size groups, and possibly a clearer correla- times non-local clays were used for certain preferred qualities.70 tion between forms and function; by correlations between cer- The pottery is overwhelmingly made by coiling and numer- tain fabrics and forms; by different “classes” of pottery with ous mat-impressions show that the production technique has clearly different distribution patterns (regional groups). Pres- improved. Most mat-impressions come from round, braided tige or luxury goods, most likely produced by attached spe- mats, which show that the vessel stood in the centre of the mat, cialists, should be technologically different and have different so that the mat could be turned during the production.71 If the decorations (quantity, quality of design and composition) as mats had been used purely as underground for drying pots, the they are destined to carry different information. impressions should come from all parts of the mat. If the mats All dimensions of pottery—fabric, shape and decoration— have on the other hand been used as a pre-form of a tournette, should be treated separately, as they might follow different then the impressions should always come from the centre of rules and influences. Decoration can e.g. carry information the mat, as they do. more easily, and can also show the influence of structure over The vessel shape of the Early and Middle Chalcolithic are tradition or vice versa.64 more complex than those of the earlier period. Carinated body shapes are more common,72 and generally a more expansive repertoire of shapes can be witnessed, although the variations Standardisation of Pottery from the Late Neolithic in each shape do not develop uniformly.73 Churns, cornets and to the Late Chalcolithic spouts appear for the first time during the Early Chalcolithic. The Late Neolithic pottery is all handmade,65 tends to N. Ali suggests that the pottery in Abu Hamid was produced in have irregular forms and thicker walls than later pottery. Most specialised households during the Middle Chalcolithic period.74 fabrics are described as “crumbly” and “friable” and very In the Late Chalcolithic the fabrics are surprisingly simi- poorly defined with large variations in quantity and quality of lar in all sites and include a fine and a coarse buff and fine as temper,66 for which the wares from Jericho can be taken as a well as coarse, red or red-gray ware. In some sites cream-ware typical example: 11 wares were defined for the Pottery Neo- appears as a fifth fabric, mostly used for a small number of lithic A, which show 50 variations.67 The material is character- very specific vessels. These fabrics are narrowly defined, in ised by the use of local clay and local temper. large sites such as Teleilat Ghassul as well as in small sites like The forms of the pottery are either basic geometric shapes Abu Snesleh, so each fabric is standardised to a certain degree. such as open bowls with slightly rounded sides or only slightly Most excavation reports also mention that the mineral temper restricted Hole-mouth-jars; or simple combined shapes such as has rounded edges, a sign which could point to a longer storage round bodied vessels with wide, open necks; there are hardly period for the material. Many vessels have mat-impressions on any shapes with corner points or points of sharp inflection. the outside of the base and several bowls (from the Jordan Val- This might be connected to the not very well prepared clay ley and the Negev) show characteristics of being partly wheel- and coarse temper, either of would not permit an elastic fabric. finished.75 The distribution of these particular vessels point to The overwhelming majority of the vessels are of middle-size, an export of small V-shaped bowls from the Negev to the Jor- only a limited amount falls into the small or large category68 dan Valley. and more than 2/3 of the vessels are open.69 The form repertoire of the Late Chalcolithic is distinctively larger and contains also a higher number of specific vessels 64. NIEUWENHUYSE, 2006; HODDER, 1991; BERNBECK, 1999. 65. The preferred technique is coiling, but drawing is also reported, and 70. LOVELL, 1999: fig. 4.60; LOVELL et al., 2007. in Ain Rahub basket impressions exist on the outside of three vessels 71. K ERNER, 2001a: table 5.1; see also F RANKEN, 1974: 188; CROWFOOT, (K AFAFI, 1990b: 2). 1938: 3. 66. A NATI et al., 1973: 93; BANNING et al., 1994: 37; BOURKE, 1997; F RAN- 72. GOPHER et al., 1992: figs. 1.3 and 5; K APLAN, 1969: figs. 4.2 and 5.1. KEN, 1974; K AFAFI, 1990a; OBEIDAT, 1995: 18-25. 73. The variations of one shape (jars) decrease e.g. in Jericho (K ENYON and 67. K ENYON and HOLLAND, 1982: 6-9. HOLLAND, 1982), but increase in Munhata (GARFINKEL, 1992). 68. DOLLFUS and K AFAFI, 1993: fig. 1; GARFINKEL, 1999. 74. A LI, 2005: 103. 69. Only the repertoires from ‘Ain Ghazal and Wadi Ziqlab have more 75. CROWFOOT, 1938; GILEAD, 1995; GILEAD and A LON, 1988: 127; MAC- restricted than open vessels. DONALD, 1932: 5; ROUX, 2003; ROUX et COURTY, 1997. Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 188 S. K ERNER than in the periods before and might therefore allow hypoth- Yarmukian jars and bowls required up to several hundred dif- esizing about the function of some of these pottery shapes. ferent gestures to finalise the decoration, the Middle Chalco- While it is very difficult to come to specific informed guesses, lithic pottery from Tel Tsaf is painted with motives that require more general assumptions are possible. The large percentage certain labour. The Late Chalcolithic pottery is not only deco- of small V-shaped bowls76 and the considerable amount of cor- rated in only a small percentage, the decoration itself is very nets in some sites in the Late Chalcolithic repertoire indicate a simple and consists in most cases of a small painted band along change towards individual consumption.77 the rim. The relationship between particular fabrics and shapes becomes very pronounced, this is particularly true for the Special Vessels “preparation and serving vessels” such as large, flat basins, large bowls, hole-mouth-jars, open and large jars, which are There are other pottery items, which show conspicuous mostly made from a similar middle-course fabric,78 vessels characteristics setting them apart from the standardised pro- with a spout, lug-handle jars, cornets and small vases on the duction described above. They start in the Late Neolithic with other hand are nearly always made from a finer and denser the so-called Yarmukian jars, which exist only in small num- fabric. The best examples come from Abu Matar and Safadi, bers, are elaborately and work-intensively decorated82 and are where e.g. the large churns are always made from the very fine in Munhata made from special clay.83 The clay would give them fabric 5c and this fabric is only used for these vessels, thus a a lighter outside, a tendency also seen in small percentages of mutual reciprocity exists.79 vessels in Abu Zureiq and ‘Ain Ghazal.84 The Early Chalco- The production technique of the V-shaped bowls points lithic pottery is often characterized by the red, lustrous slip, towards a more effective production method, symbolised both which can be found on some vessels, but the average amount of by the wheel finishing technique and use of mats as possible vessels slipped in that way is actually around 6%, which again tournettes. The size distribution of some vessels indicates a sets these vessels apart from the mass of the pottery. tendency for standardisation, not only have all V-shaped bowls In the Late Chalcolithic there are several particular vessel a very similar shape, they tend to come in many sites in two or shapes that point to a specific importance, possibly a symbolic three size-groups. The smallest variant has a diameter between meaning, for those vessels. The so-called torpedo-jars appear 8 and 15 cm (with a concentration between 10 and 13 cm) and only in Gilat, but have been made from clay from different a height up to 9 cm,80 the next group is between 16 and 24 cm regions85 and seem to have been brought specifically to the site and a height up to 13 cm, and finally the largest bowls are (possibly containing olive oil). Such a pattern requires pot- above 30 cm diameter and have a height of ca 15 cm. These ters, who knew the requested shape for the particular circum- size groups are the same for the wheel-finished bowls as well stances at Gilat, even though they worked in other regions of as the purely handmade bowls from small sites such as Abu the Southern Levant.86 And another vessel shape of seemingly Snesleh. large importance outside the purely domestic sphere is the so- The decoration is perhaps the clearest indicator in the called churn, which exists again in three different size groups: development of standardisation: from complex compositions these size groups might indicate very different functions. The in the Late Neolithic to very simple or no decoration at all in churns occur in a miniature size, normal and very large size, the Late Chalcolithic,81 mirroring the development from the and it is the very large variety that shows a high correlation contemporary Early to Late Ubaid periods. The Late Neolithic between fabric and form, being nearly always made from “cream ware.” Most of the examples found do not seem to have a domestic purpose (while the “normal” sized churns might 76. In Safadi and Abu Matar between 50 and 58% (COMMENGE-P ELLERIN, 1987 and 1990), in Shiqmim around 75% (LEVY and MENAHEM, 1987), well have had such a purpose). The form of a churn is also in Teleilat Ghassul ca 60% in Level C (LOVELL, 1999: fig. 4.62). 77. See also the argument for Gilat by COMMENGE-P ELLERIN, 2006: 437- 443. 82. GARFINKEL, 1999; K ERNER, 2001b. 78. See K ERNER, 2001a: 102-109. 83. It is the clay group CK1 and LS1, which might come from the coastal area 79. COMMENGE-P ELLERIN, 1987: fig. 11 and 1990: fig. 12. (GOREN, 1992: 341). 80. This relates to material from the sites Azor, Ben Shemen, Abu Matar, 84. A NATI et al., 1973: 97; K AFAFI, 1995. Safadi, Shiqmim, Horvat Beter, Abu Hamid, Tell Fendi, Neve Ur and 85. COMMENGE-P ELLERIN, 2006; GOREN, 2006. Abu Snesleh; less clear: sites in Wadi Gaza, and no small bowls have 86. The situation can be in some ways compared to the Susa-beakers that are been found in Grar. part of the grave goods in the necropolis in Susa, but had been produced 81. See in more detail K ERNER, 2001b. in different sites on the Susa Plain (POLLOCK, 1983). Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 Craft Specialisation and its Relation with Social Organisation 189 Table 1 – Overview of standardisation in fabric, shape and decoration development from the Late Neolithic to the Late Chalcolithic. Middle Late Neolithic Early Chalcolithic Late Chalcolithic Chalcolithic Number of fabrics More than 3 More than 3 Unknown 5 and more Definition Clear definition of Definition of fabrics Weakly defined Weakly defined recognisable fabrics Definition Clear definition of Definition of shapes Weakly defined ? recognisable shapes Size categories in Non existent Non existent Non existent For some shapes shapes Correlation between For one shape Weak For some shapes For most shapes fabric and shape Amount of decoration 13-20% 6-26% ? 5-35% Very high on few Low on many Labour per decoration Generally less High on few vessels vessels vessels used in anthropomorphic and zoomorphic vessels, and there churns of the Late Chalcolithic period. This is evidence for the the miniature form is the chosen one. It is thus rather clear that social considerations in pottery production, where purely eco- churns, at least some of them, are also special (ritual) vessels, nomic reasoning would fall short of a sensible explanation. which were most likely used in circumstances related to food The torpedo jars with the required knowledge of a specific processing or food providing rituals (as the famous Gilat lady form (over distances) and the large churns with their specific might illustrate). fabric (in each site) and their most likely ritual function indi- cate production characteristics, which might point towards attached specialists or independent specialists producing these Summary vessels under certain circumstances and conditions. It is in the The development of fabrics, shapes and decoration shows a moment impossible to form a clear picture about the control clear path to standardisation and more precisely defined items under which these production processes might have happened. (table 1). The “experimentation” with different temper and local clays in the Late Neolithic decreases through the Chalco- lithic, while on the other hand non-local resources for temper SPECIALISED PRODUCTION AND METAL are more often used through the Chalcolithic. Nothing in the Late Neolithic or earlier Chalcolithic periods points towards a The second material for which a study of the production specialist mode of production. This changes during the Late pattern has proven informative is metal. This is not the place Chalcolithic period, where the standardisation of several pot- to summarise the extensive research about metallurgy in tery traits, mass-production of some vessels and increase in the Southern Levant, nor is there space to debate all aspects sheer numbers indicate the existence of independent special- of it, the discussion will thus focus on those aspects of the ists for pottery production. The number of these specialists metallurgical problem, which are of importance for the ques- must have remained limited, because large parts of Late Chal- tions of craft specialization and social-political organisation. colithic pottery, particularly the jars, storage jars and others After an initial discussion of diffusion and import of many show little or no signs of standardisation of any kind, efficient metallurgical objects during the early years of research, there production or any other mark of specialist production. It can is now a general agreement that the production of the metal- thus be assumed that village specialists existed for the pro- lurgical objects was located in the Southern Levant.87 The duction of certain items, such as V-shaped bowls, while many indisputable reasons for this lie in the symbolic language of the other items were still manufactured in household production. One phenomenon remains constant through time and that is the use of one particular fabric for “special” shapes, as can 87. I would not go so far to establish a paradigm of Levantine chronological supremacy in metallurgical production (T HORNTON, 2009), but nobody be seen in the light clay used for the Yarmukian jars in the seriously assumes that during the Late Chalcolithic period metal objects Late Neolithic of Munhata and the cream ware bowls and large had been imported (A NFINSET, 2010). Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 190 S. K ERNER metal objects, which corresponds closely to that of other mate- of dimensions,93 while others are very clearly highly individu- rial categories (such as pottery, ossuaries and basalt stands). alised objects (standards). For the production of both kinds Another reason lies in the existence of at least some production of objects (prestige items and tools), particularly the former sites in the region and the identification of local material inside one, a high level of specialised and technological knowledge is some metallurgical finds.88 required. One has also to assume that a certain control of the The copper material from the Late Chalcolithic Southern resources existed. Levant shows three highly significant dichotomies: The production was carried out far from the local ore 1. The finds consist of ca 82% of mace heads, standards, deposits, only in villages in the Negev (fig. 3). In the villages cylinders or baskets (the so-called prestige objects) and such as Abu Matar and Shiqmim94 production remains of pure of ca 18% of adzes, awls (the so-called tools) wires and copper ore and small amounts of alloyed copper with very low production remains. rates of impurities, which could point to the use of scrap alloy 2. The majority of so-called prestige items are made from together with the local material in a mix, have been found. arsenic (nickel/antimony) copper, which was most There is so far no sign for the production involving mostly likely imported (or at least some components of it). The the imported, arsenic containing, material. This leads to the so-called tools are on the other hand nearly completely frustrating but nevertheless existent fact that the majority of made from local copper-ore (most likely from Wadi copper items have been manufactured at an unknown place.95 Feinan).89 Both groups of artefacts are not only made Such a situation seems to point to a divided production: a from different raw material, they are also produced by controlled production, where the so-called prestige objects different methods. While the so-called tools are mostly from imported (alloyed) material have been manufactured in made in open moulds, the prestige objects are cast in the the lost-wax method and secondly a less controlled produc- lost-wax-method.90 tion, where local (Wadi Feinan) copper ore was cast into tool- 3. Nearly all production remains stem from the not arsenic like looking items. A division of the two production modes (antimony/nickel) containing ore, while there are very in such a way would explain the archaeological pattern found few production remains from imported ore/alloy. The so far, but could only be proven, when at least one produc- production remains are also from a geographically lim- tion site using primarily imported ore would be found. The just ited area. described production pattern clearly leads to the assumption From the beginning of the research most authors have that attached specialists must have been involved, at least as argued that the high quality of the metal finds, particularly far as the imported ore production was concerned. The very the Nahal Mishmar finds, points to specialists as producers.91 same specialists might, under not or at least less controlled Although the quality of the work is actually not always that conditions, have been involved in the village production of the high,92 and it would not be a sufficient argument for a specia- so-called tools, which contain in some cases small amounts of lised production, there are several points arguing for such an impurities. Could these be left-overs from the controlled pro- assumption. duction process, which were re-used in the village production Some characteristics of the metal production allow us to of Abu Matar and other places? They would thus have allowed form a hypothesis about the production pattern. There is first the manufacture of tools, which were not very practical, but far of all archaeological evidence of workshops, which are not more prestigious than their stone counterparts. distributed evenly through the region, and also not evenly in the sites themselves. This means that the ratio of producers compared to consumers will have been very low. Some metal objects such as the mace heads show a certain standardisation 93. K ERNER, 2001a: 142. 88. GOLDEN, 1998; GOREN, 2008; SHUGAR, 2000. 94. The publication of the metal finds from Shiqmim is underway and might 89. The situation is, of course, more complex as some mixed compositions allow further insights, which are not possible in the moment. exist (see also SHUGAR, 2000). For details of the situation at Wadi Feinan 95. This will be most certainly in the Levant and not somewhere else, e.g. see HAUPTMANN, 2007. closer to the possible sources of raw material. Both the chemical anal- 90. TADMOR et al., 1995; GOLDEN, 1998; SHUGAR, 2000. ysis of mace head cores (TADMOR et al., 1995) and stylistic analyses 91. I LAN and SEBBANE, 1989; K ERNER, 2001a; LEVY and SHALEV, 1989; (K ERNER, 2001a) show this clearly. Y. Goren, who believes that it was GOREN, 2008. more ritual reasons which kept the productions separate, suggests Ein 92. TADMOR et al., 1995; GOLDEN, 1998. Gedi as a possible candidate for such a production (G OREN, 2008). Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 Craft Specialisation and its Relation with Social Organisation 191 of sites (not necessarily an increase in the number of sites) with evidence for metal production, which now reaches from Tell Shuna North to Hujayrat al-Ghuzlan close to Aqaba. The use of alloyed copper (with arsenic, nickel or antimony) decreases in this transitional phase, while the use of Timna copper increases. With Tell Maqass and Hujayrat al-Ghuzlan exist two sites, where the production of copper ingots played a large role. Copper ore, slag, crucibles, moulds and grinding stones for pulverising the ore have all been excavated in the sites98 and there are strong indications that the copper has been traded with Maadi in Egypt. This could actually have led to the increased Egyptian interest in the Southern Levant, which becomes visible during the Early Bronze Age I. CONCLUSIONS The characteristics of the Late Neolithic ceramic produc- tion speak for a generalised, unspecialized production. All other finds, including figurines and stone tools point in the same direction. There is some evidence for site-specialisation (one site concentrating on one particular group of objects), but none for the existence of independent specialists. Both the set- tlement pattern and the, admittedly, limited amount of archi- Fig. 3 – Late Chalcolithic sites with metal or metallurgical finds. tectural evidence show no signs of an inter-site hierarchy. The Af: Affula, AL: Abu Habil, AS: Abu Snesleh, BS: Beth Shan, Dl: Late Neolithic is thus characterised by an economy based on Delhamiya, De: Dera’a, EG: Ein Gedi, F: Farah Nord, Ge: Gezer, Ma: Maqass, Me: Megiddo, Ms: Meser, NU: Neve Ur, P: Pella, Q: household production and a social organisation, which points Qatif, S: Shuna, Sa: Sahab, SA: Scheich Ali, TB: Tuleilat Batashi, to a low level of hierarchy and intra-site planning. Tu: Tel Turmus, WY: Wadi Yabris. The pottery production in the Early or Middle Chalcolithic shows the beginnings of a low level specialisation, possibly a household specialisation. There are still no signs of prestige goods, some more elaborately made pottery items do not really qualify as such. The beginning of economic differentiation is witnessed by the existence of stamp seals or tokens and the Changes in the Metallurgical Production existence of some few vessels with a special function. towards the Early Bronze Age The clear tendency of the pottery production in the Late At the end of the Late Chalcolithic and the beginning of the Chalcolithic can be easily combined with the characteristics Early Bronze Age, a time period between 3800-3500 BCE,96 of independent specialists as described above. The production the pattern of metal production changed in a number of ways. increases, there is much more pottery per site in the Late Chal- For the first time, there is indisputable evidence for the pro- colithic compared to the earlier periods. The standardisation duction of metal objects close to the sources; the site of Wadi for all technical details and decoration increased and these Fidan 4 is a small village, where workshops with crucibles, standards can be found over larger areas. A large amount of the ore remains and slag have been found.97 Contemporary with pottery seems to be made under specialised conditions and the this development is a much wider geographical distribution same technical standards can be found over a great area. Other pottery vessels (e.g., large churns and cream bowls) made in 96. K ERNER, 2008; K LIMSCHA, 2009. 97. P FEIFFER, 2009: 315. 98. K ERNER in: BRÜCKNER et al., 2002: 270-279; P FEIFFER, 2009. Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 192 S. K ERNER the older tradition, existing since the Late Neolithic period, in on a regional trade base and very small social differences.101 that a small number of vessels are manufactured from a spe- The Late Chalcolithic period is clearly an example of a com- cial fabric, always of light colour, and were supposedly used in plex society or a chiefdom (tables 2-4), showing a clear devel- special (ritual) circumstances. opment from the Early Chalcolithic on. The exact character of The metal finds of the Late Chalcolithic period fit the defi- such chiefdoms is still not entirely clear, and they were certainly nition of prestige items very well and might even have to be more than one, differing in their degree of centralisation and considered as representing different levels of prestige. The hierarchisation. The different forms in which chiefdoms can so-called tools might have worked as low-level prestige items, be described (group versus individual, simple versus complex, while the mace heads and standards could have been higher and staple-finance against prestige-wealth based) show that all level prestige objects. Particularly the standards are individu- the South Levantine Late Chalcolithic chiefdoms appear to be ally decorated and show a large amount of labour invested in group oriented, simple and more likely based on staple finance their production. One could also hypothesize about the question than prestige-wealth, although the last point needs more elabo- if copper mace heads and standards might have been inalien- ration. There is very little evidence for different status posi- able objects, which formed part of the personhood of groups or tions, the only possible signs of rank could be found in the individuals, playing a role in inter-tribal or inter-family meet- metal objects. All political units would have been very small ings. As there is no clear distribution pattern discernible,99 and regional, and the regionalism is the one strong character- such thoughts have to remain hypothetical at the moment. The istic for this period. The questions of public works and central metal objects also illustrate the complex relations of produc- institutions can only be answered tentatively with the cultic tion and clearly indicate the existence of attached specialists, buildings mentioned above, which could form the centres of who would have worked the imported alloy/ore under con- three units (around Teleilat Ghassul, Ein Gedi and Shiqmim), trolled conditions outside the so far known sites. with Gilat taking a special role. In Ghassul a storage building Other groups of finds, which have been considered in might strengthen such an impression of power concentration. terms of specialisation, are the ivory objects mostly found in This might be a development relatively late during the Late the Negev, some basalt items and also flint tool-shops.100 The Chalcolithic period, following the more private cultic habits two former groups of objects come in relatively small num- connected to the above described finds in domestic houses. bers and limited distribution, thus not really allowing such an Larger ceremonies would also have been connected to these interpretation; and they should be more considered in terms cultic buildings, although there is no evidence yet, which gives of regional differentiation in cultic equipment. The flint work- a hint towards the form of such ceremonies. shops and particularly the sites producing fan-scrapers in the These chiefdoms seem not to be based primarily on an eco- eastern desert will need further research before they can be nomic control over resources, but the role of prestige goods is used for interpretation. very difficult to determine at the present. As long as the dis- The connection between specialisation and social hierarchy tribution pattern of the metal finds is so unclear, it is hardly cannot be finally resolved. The development of independent possible to argue here with great precision. But such a control specialists for pottery can have worked very well without any over the metal resources must have existed for the chiefdom(s) prior social inequality. The existence of most likely attached in the Northern Negev, where so far the production centres for metal specialists on the other hand relies on the existence of an metal (and some pottery) have been localised and where with elite, which remains in most other aspects of Late Chalcolithic the end of the Chalcolithic period there seems to have been an life rather shadowy. More knowledge about the distribution abrupt halt to a so far speedy social development. The centre pattern of metal production sites and metal finds will help to of activities moves then away from the Negev into other areas clear these questions. of the Southern Levant, as the development of metallurgy in The Late Neolithic might be described as a simple tribal or Hujayrat al-Ghuzlan, and to a lesser degree in Shuna North kinship organised society, which is characterised by few com- and Afridar illustrate. munity activities, a low degree of specialisation occurring only 99. The overwhelming majority of the metal finds come from the Nahal Mishmar hoard find. 100. ROWAN and GOLDEN, 2009: 48. 101. CREAMER and HAAS, 1985; BRAUN and P LOG, 1982. Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 Craft Specialisation and its Relation with Social Organisation 193 Table 2 – Late Chalcolithic archaeological evidence for group oriented or individual oriented complex societies. Group-oriented chiefdom Individual-oriented chiefdom Number of levels of status No positions recognisable Very little evidence, possibly some Difference in status signs of different status in burials Possibly existent in the form of diffe- Signs of rank rent metal objects Meetings at supra-local cultic places? Ceremonies Personal cult in other regions Central institutions Cult places ? Common storage in Teleilat Ghassul? Public works Temples? Attached and independent Specialisation Independent pottery specialists metal specialists Table 3 – Late Chalcolithic archaeological evidence for simple or complex chiefdoms. Simple chiefdom Complex chiefdom Number of levels of status No positions recognisable Very little evidence, possibly some Differences in status signs of different status in burials Small Size of group (Negev, Central Jordan Valley, etc.) Possibly risk management Concentration of power No clear signs in cultic buildings Strong (different find repertoire, Regionalisation particularly for cultic finds) Attached and independent Specialisation Independent pottery specialists metal specialists Table 4 – Late Chalcolithic archaeological evidence for staple fi nance or prestige wealth financed complex societies. Staple-finance chiefdom Prestige-wealth chiefdom Number of levels of status No positions recognisable Very little evidence, possibly some Differences in status signs of different status in burials Possibly existent in the form of diffe- Signs of rank rent metal objects Central institutions Cult places? Common storage in Teleilat Ghassul? Public works Temples? Attached and independent Specialisation Independent pottery specialists metal specialists Paléorient, vol. 36.1, p. 179-198 © CNRS ÉDITIONS 2010 CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 • CNRS EDITIONS 2011 194 S. K ERNER ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Susanne KERNER University of Copenhagen This paper has benefited from discussions with many people Department of Cross-Cultural over the time of this study, in particular: E.B. Banning, S.J. Bourke, and Regional Studies Carsten Niebuhr Section I. Gilead and S. Rosen and four anonymous reviewers, who provided Snorresgade 17-19 useful comments. I would like to thank K. Duistermaat for making Copenhagen S2300 – DANEMARK available a manuscript on seals and my student A. Abu-Laban for [email protected] reminding me on the usefulness of the concept of inalienable objects. Many thanks go to I. Ruben for providing the French translation of the abstract and C. Constans for her editorial skills. BIBLIOGRAPHY AKKERMANS P.M.M.G. and SCHWARTZ G.M. BOURKE S.J. 2003 The Archaeology of Syria. Cambridge: Cambridge University 1997 The “Pre-Ghassulian” Sequence at Teleilat Ghassul: Sydney Press. University Excavations 1975-1995. In: GEBEL H.G.K., ROLLEF- SON G.O. and K AFAFI Z. (eds.), The Prehistory of Jordan II: A LCHIAN A. and A LLEN W. 395-418. Berlin: ex oriente. 1969 Exchange and Production Theory in Use. Belmont: Wadsworth 2000 A Second and Third Season of Renewed Excavation by the Uni- Publishing. versity of Sydney at Tulaylat al-Ghassul. Annual of the Depart- ment of Archaeology of Jordan 44: 37-90. 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