(PDF) Seeing the World

Review Article Seeing the World Christopher M. Monroe Department of Near Eastern Studies White Hall 407 Cornell University Ithaca, NY 14853

The Eastern Mediterranean in the Age of Ram- ilization and Capitalism (Braudel 1984) were de- esses II, by Marc Van De Mieroop. Malden, MA: ployed to address the core subject, internationalism. Blackwell Publishing, 2007. xiv + 297 pp., 27 fig- Literacy was the connecting tissue, specifically the ures, 7 maps. Cloth. $105.95. ability of courts to correspond in Akkadian, which Exchange Relationships at Ugarit, by Kevin M. served as a lingua franca from the Amarna period to McGeough. Ancient Near Eastern Studies, Sup- the early 12th century. It is fitting, then, how the in- plement 26. Leuven: Peeters, 2007. xviii + 438 pp., troduction pulls the reader’s mind out of the dustier 1 figure. Cloth. E95.00. bin of prehistory and immerses it in a deep well of historiographic sources and problems, most of which The more that is written on the Late Bronze Age are deftly handled by the author. world, the more it bears comparing to our own inter- In chapters 2 and 3, Van De Mieroop lays out his national age. This pair of books suggests a variety of cast of characters, first the hegemonic “primary ac- connections, both within and among nations. Van De tors” (p. 16), and then the lesser polities operating Mieroop offers a bird’s-eye view of the reigns of di- “on the fringes of states” (p. 46). Economic interests vine kings and their interactions; McGeough exam- of the main actors are laid bare by the establishment ines the inner workings of the coastal Syrian city of of administrative capitals in the Eastern Delta by Ugarit—a second-tier power nestled among the com- Seti I, and in Cilicia by his Hittite counterpart (p. 38). peting hegemonies of Egypt, Hatti, and Assyria, and Power politics are clearly delineated, and it seems arguably the best-documented polity in the region. In natural and inevitable that Egypt and Hatti would style and method, the books are worlds apart. Van De come to blows at Qadesh (the Mitannians having been Mieroop’s explains a complex age to a broad audi- squeezed out of Syria a century earlier). Ramesses II ence, while McGeough’s is a revised portion of his and Hattushili III become the key regional players dissertation that covers prehistoric political economy. upon making their 1260 peace treaty, and their détente Each confronts the substantivist-formalist debate in sets the table for mutual enrichment that proceeds his own way: Van De Mieroop (p. 189) pronounces it until a system-wide collapse around 1180. That “no dead but ultimately must contend with it; McGeough state’s history in this period can be seen in isolation” wrestles with the ghost of theorists past on practi- (p. 36) is demonstrated ably throughout, though the cally every page. While neither author has the silver odd local detail is sometimes obscured. Fans of Kas- bullet for this undead creation, both allow the evi- site kudurrus, glyptic and brickwork, for example, dence to breathe new life into the discussion of the may take issue with the judgment, “arts of the time phenomenonal Late Bronze Age. bear little trace of any new or foreign ideas” (p. 22). Van De Mieroop channels Braudel’s Mediterra- Attempts to minimize the Sea Peoples’ impact nean World (1972) throughout in order to fashion a (“a motley group of foreigners,” p. 42), and Ram- “social history” (p. 4). The homage fits, though the esses III’s account thereof, are more asserted than topic and master would be honored more fully if Civ- argued. Since we lack archaeological proofs for the 81 82 CHRISTOPHER M. MONROE BASOR 356 destruction of entire areas by the Sea Peoples, the au- and Monroe (2000; 2009) have shown, two-sector thor denies the overall truths of the account (pp. 42– models constrict the evidence from Ugarit, and the 44). Other marginal, nomadic groups, such as the idea that “elites withdrew into neighborhoods that Habiru and Medjay, are discussed in chapter 3 as served the same purposes as the modern gated com- inherently hostile to surrounding agriculturalists. As munities” (p. 98) strains against the evidence of elite Van De Mieroop points out, the textual view of these and non-elite neighborhoods commingled inside the peoples is universally antagonistic, a view he ac- circuit wall. A quibble regarding the urban topogra- cepts as more reliable than the “scholarly positiv- phy, contra p. 81: Ugarit’s palace was not in the high- ism” (p. 57) purporting symbiotic relations between est part of the city; the more easterly acropolis and its farmers and nomads. Few would disagree that essen- temples were (Yon 2006: 106). tial economic interests of these groups are at odds, Chapter 5 looks at diplomatic relations, as evi- but exhorting that “we should not romanticize the denced especially by Amarna letters and Hittite trea- habits of the nomad” (p. 58) assumes scholarly mo- ties. Egypt employed a direct model of colonial rule tives while minimizing evidence of more symbiotic in Lower Nubia but an indirect provincial system economic patterns (e.g., Garfinkle 2004). His view in Syria-Palestine (pp. 112–16); little is said on the understates the role of state-sponsored violence, structures of Hittite administration, for which one may which was more prevalent, and programmatically consult Beckman (1992) or Bryce (2005). In Braude- more destructive, than “the attitude of nomads to- lian style, the author shifts between fine-grained events ward sedentary people [that] could be extremely and deeper economic realities. Broader issues, such cruel” (p. 58). as maintaining a balance of power among heavily Chapter 4 examines the “political organization armed commanders-in-chief, are seen as related to and social structure” of the primary actors and how domestic, even intimate, affairs taking place in the they employed similar means of legitimizing em- boudoir, as in the case of Benteshina’s daughter (pp. pire around a charismatic king. Many buttressed 124–26). Politics was personal, and when it inevita- their universalizing claims with frenetic temple and bly failed, royal ideology was predisposed toward palace construction. The author illustrates this com- war and its myriad horrors, something the author does plex topic with examples ranging from Amarna to not shy away from (pp. 128–32). As with the royal Choga Zanbil, including instructive modern analogues gift exchanges, little benefit trickled down to the (p. 71). Economically speaking, Van De Mieroop sees common man, and readers are asked not to forget all the eastern Mediterranean states, including Ahhi- that the greatness of kings rode on the back of the yawa (cautiously equated with the Mycenaean world, suffering soldier (p. 132). Van De Mieroop stops short pp. 23–25), as highly centralized and redistributive, of questioning the idea of greatness that these kings with temples and other great estates controlling and projected, an image accepted and transmitted in most doling out the most resources. Thus, the Ramesseum historical accounts. Dehumanization and terror were housed enough grain (16.5 million liters) to feed employed against enemies, but these violent acts also 3,400 families a year (p. 86). In choosing what sort dehumanized the soldiers committing them; and by of redistributive economy existed, Van De Mieroop monumentalizing the deeds on temple and palace rejects as too dogmatic the Weberian “Patrimonial walls, was not the whole population made complicit Household Model” (PHM), as reconceived by Schloen in this questionable greatness? (2001), adopting instead the Marxian two-sector con- Chapter 6 looks into more peaceful, domestic ception (pp. 82, 99). One may fairly credit Schloen spaces. Van De Mieroop draws heavily on Egyptian in this regard with demonstrating how dogmatic iconography and archaeological evidence, especially Marxian modeling has fared no better, just as one from Deir el-Medineh, though he sprinkles on some may question the utility of all such hierarchical mod- comestibles from Uluburun (pp. 134–35). Culinary els of ownership and control (Monroe 2002). sights and smells fill this chapter in a feastly manner, The cozy mercantile-palatial relationships at As- surpassing the usually dull accounting of cultural sur (pp. 88–89) seem even closer at Ugarit, where ecology. In Egypt one could enjoy a highly diverse Van De Mieroop sees class warfare pitting the kings diet, consisting of local produce, spices, oils, wine, and their commercial agents against exploited farm- and plenty of meat—pork yes, chicken no, and of ers. As Schloen (2001), McGeough (2007, below), course, baked hedgehog (pp. 141–42). Underpinning 2009 SEEING THE WORLD 83 this bounty was a ration system, which, as we learn ity interaction” (PPI) model in which neighboring from the documented strikes and raids on the Rames- elites became culturally similar through competitive seum grain supplies, did not always work so well emulation. His dismissal of world-systems thinking (pp. 148–49). (p. 230) is atypical for a follower of Braudel and Exchange is on the menu in chapter 7. Elites were Liverani, while his own PPI explanation has a prob- trading textiles made in Pylos (pp. 153–57) and lematic core centricity. While Egypt, Hatti, and the Egypt (pp. 159–61), purple dye from Phoenicia (pp. other “great kingdoms” were peers who established 161–63), and copper and tin (pp. 167–78). Cyprus stability among themselves, they were not quite neigh- became the chief copper source for the region by the bors. Separated by hinterlands, seas, mountains, des- mid-second millennium (p. 168), but tin sources re- erts, buffer-states, and vassals, one could say they main enigmatic. The author’s claim that “many tin had good fences. What the author seems to discount ingots have been found along the coasts of the East- is how exclusive the “greats” were. Nubia, Syria- ern Mediterranean” (p. 170) is untenable unless he Palestine, Cyprus and the Aegean were important means those found off the coast at Uluburun. The book actors but hardly peer-polities, despite whatever is full of recent discoveries, such as the enormous met- goods or services they contributed to trade networks. allurgical facilities at Per Ramesses (p. 178), that cast Not only were they denied admission to the club, doubt on the age as being strictly pre-industrial. they were colonized, vassalized, execrated, or in sub- On maritime trade, some finer points could be tler ways written out of history. qualified. Amenhotep III’s giant “harbor” in western How did these resisting forces contribute to the Thebes (p. 187) is more likely a “ceremonial lake” systemic collapse of ca. 1180? The author stresses (Kemp 1989: 215, pl. 8) and thus less indicative of the that we depend on the Medinet Habu reliefs, though scale or location of trade practices. The author’s char- letters between Cyprus and Ugarit also suggest the acterization of the Uluburun shipment as “tramping” end was near (pp. 241, 244). Like many, Van De Mie- (p. 186) contravenes prevailing opinions that liken roop sees a significant collapse that ended the pala- that cargo to exchanges described in the Amarna tial culture, but not culture in general. Especially letters while admitting the possibility of à la carte affected were the palace scribes, once so important opportunistic ventures (e.g., Pulak 1998: 220). On in crafting the diplomacy that helped stabilize the the status of traders, the author may overgeneralize region for three centuries, now unemployed as a new from Egyptian texts. The assertion that “One did not Dark Age began (pp. 252–53). become a merchant prince in this world” (p. 188) Van De Mieroop deserves congratulations for writ- goes against ample archaeological and textual evi- ing a multifaceted history of a multifaceted region dence to the contrary at Ugarit, where several notable that many histories avoid or treat superficially be- figures engaging in long-distance trade left houses and cause of its extreme heterogeneity. His book succeeds archives nearly palatial in character. remarkably on its own terms, as a broad history of an Chapter 8 looks at intercultural influences ex- international age. Not all the evidence, most notably hibited in art, literature, and cult. The pervasive in- from Ugarit, fits neatly into the conceptual packag- fluence of Hurrian (p. 200) is highlighted by its ing, but that is hardly surprising given the terrain. In impact on Ugaritic and Babylonian texts found in the a sense this is a guidebook, and scholars should ben- “House of the Hurrian priest” at Ugarit (pp. 193–95). efit greatly from having so many fascinating points of Mesopotamian literary traditions spread widely, and departure clearly articulated under one cover. the author argues effectively against seeing local ad- If Van De Mieroop’s work is a guidebook for the aptations in Hatti, Egypt, and Syria as limited to 13th-century world, McGeough’s aims to be an eco- mere scribal exercises (pp. 201–5). The sharing of nomic map for Ugarit, the city that seems to be in literary themes goes hand in glove with three syncre- contact with all of that world at once. Chapters are log- tistic processes he concisely summarizes as adop- ically arranged and build stepwise toward the author’s tion, equation, and substitution (pp. 219–20). conclusions. The introduction defends a substan- The author conceptualizes a “Mediterranean sys- tivist perspective and explains how a “Network-based tem” (p. 223) in chapter 9. Unlike Braudel (1984: Model” (NBM) will both test substantivist hypoth- 25), Van De Mieroop denies the existence of core- eses and improve upon past approaches by identifying periphery relations generally, preferring a “peer-pol- “nodes of contact between discrete economic agents 84 CHRISTOPHER M. MONROE BASOR 356 and the overarching connections between various IR! [IR 2] should read either IR3 or ARAD; and on nodes of contact” (p. 4). The model is revisited in pp. 204 and 217, Ugaritic lql should read lq ˙ for chapter 1, which retraces the “formalist-substantivist ‘acquired’. debate.” Chapter 2 specifically addresses how that One expects summaries of past work to be critical, debate has informed past treatments of the evidence but attacks on prior scholarship continue unnecessar- from Ugarit. Chapters 3, 4, and 5 look at the textual ily and often outweigh the author’s own substantive evidence from three different perspectives: individ- points. This pattern would be less pronounced if texts ual Ugaritic terms; the form and function of tablets; and commentary had been included in the present and what can be learned about “economic modalities” volume. A brief sampling conveys the polemical style (see p. 2) from the Ugaritic tablets. Occasionally the that characterizes the volume. The author is justifiably author references Akkadian material, but as he notes frustrated with the quality of early excavations at on p. 6, his concern is the Ugaritic texts, which, as Ugarit, but this is rather old news to be repeating until anyone who has tried to read them knows, are ex- it starts to appear punitive (e.g., pp. 265, 283). Current tremely ambiguous. Chapter 6 puts the tablets in excavators earn higher marks, but he treats their work precise architectural context, a process leading to the as he treats many, by removing phrases from context determination of what was royal, elite, and non-elite to create the impression of an untenable, easily as- in this exchange network. Chapter 7 compares the sailed position. Thus, Yon (1992a: 704) is attacked for archaeological evidence for exchange with his find- attributing the redivision of houses to a population in- ings from chapters 3–5. Chapter 8 returns to the texts flux, while McGeough proposes the more “organic and what they show about long-distance exchanges. model of expanding families” (pp. 278–79). What Yon Chapter 9 repeats several points from the introduc- actually wrote, however, suggests she already thought tion and chapter 1 before making a final case for the of this: “interior partitions have changed over the utility of the NBM. course of the history of each block, according to in- The reader anticipating a fresh treatment of Uga- heritances and sales” (1992a: 704). On what houses ritic texts that deal with trade and other economic cost, McGeough reports that “Yon assumes that wood matters is apt to be intrigued and disappointed by was expensive. . . . This seems unlikely given the the volume. To follow McGeough’s discussions, one abundance of wood in the vicinity of Ugarit” (p. 293). must have a volume of the Ugaritic text translitera- Yon’s actual statement again shows a more consid- tions and the skills to translate them. Transliterations, ered view: “Wood was not scarce, for the foothills translations, and virtually all philological discussion and mountains were relatively close, but it must have are absent, to appear in a forthcoming volume (p. 7). been expensive if for no other reason than transpor- The result is that tablets such as RS 19.020, “one tation costs. . . . in most houses, efforts to make eco- of the most important texts for understanding the nomical use of wood are clear” (Yon 1992b: 31). One organization of trade” (p. 205), get bare considera- might add that high prices of timber (6 shekels silver tion; and meanwhile, one must take the author’s per log, in Pardee 2002: 3.45Q) would support Yon’s word on all critical points of translation and interpre- archaeological argument. tation. Rather than wait for this second volume, in- DeMoor (1971) is ridiculed for claiming that hu- terested readers might simply obtain the author’s mans influenced “the season in which animals breed” 2005 University of Pennsylvania dissertation, which (p. 295), though his suggestion that cattle could be not only includes the material mentioned above but worked and pastured on a schedule that might facil- the identical text of the book (with the exception of itate their inclinations (1971: 123–24) is sensible a small section on pp. 256–57 having been moved). enough. DeMoor’s claim that house construction was A more substantial revision might have included a also seasonal is dismissed because rain would not im- minimum of philological commentary and some il- pede wood and stone joining (p. 295). Here McGeough lustrations in chapters 6–8. Typographical errors in may have overlooked the ubiquitous use of mudbrick the book are minimal, though carried over verbatim plaster at Ugarit. On closer inspection, few of the un- from the dissertation. Only a few are significant generous labels McGeough attaches to other schol- enough to mention: on p. 47 wakil ekalli should arship, such as “confused and misleading” (p. 68), read ‘overseer of the palace’, not ‘chief of the pal- “naive” (p. 69), or “very strange” (p. 64), hold much ace’, which technically would be rab ekalli; on p. 94, water. 2009 SEEING THE WORLD 85 My dissertation on Late Bronze “social relations problematic from a theoretical standpoint is the by- of exchange” (Monroe 2000) gets similar treatment, passing of the field of economic anthropology. It in summary on pp. 63–64 and as occasions arise appears naive to claim to “adapt models from mod- throughout. A discussion of classic definitions of ern economics into a form that can answer historical arbitrage and transport costs (p. 78) is represented as questions” (p. 35) when many have been inventing if it were my own idea rather than Marx’s, just as on that wheel already. Evers and Schrader (1994), Brum- pp. 320, 335, 354, and 359, the “Royal Model of Ex- fiel (1994), and Smith (2004), among others, have change” of Liverani and Zaccagnini is misattributed asked how and why various networks form, where to me and then critiqued for being applied to texts I they are, and how they are exploited. Nor would many did not apply them to. In general, McGeough re- Assyriologists or Ugaritologists be surprised to learn moves arguments from context in order to cast them that networks were integral to ancient economies as examples of an impossibly pure formalism. Pref- (e.g., Snell 1997: 158; Vita 1999: 468–72). Many erably he might have noticed numerous areas where would agree with McGeough that neoclassical eco- we fundamentally agree. Such are his findings on nomics and utility theory are insufficient to the task, the “king’s men” or bns mlk (pp. 59–60); Rapanu’s and that Homo economicus is “extinct” (p. 28), but donkey dealings and maritime affairs (pp. 163, 247– where, then, is Homo reciprocans? McGeough cites 49); financing ships at Byblos (p. 173); privately recent “decision-making” theory as proof of man’s owned ships and other private property (pp. 200, irrationality (pp. 28–31), but he fails to acknowledge 211–12, 321); Urtenu’s trade with Emar (p. 184); that what game theory consistently and cross-cultur- domestic agrarian production (pp. 284–85); and the ally proves is that choices are calculated for individ- essentializing tendencies and limitations of the PHM ual and group utility (Shalizi 1999), making man still (pp. 350–51). This common ground, reached from a rational, but more communal, animal than Adams distinct theoretical viewpoints and bodies of evidence Smith reasoned or Reagan dreamed. The input (I looked more at the Akkadian material), could have from neoconservative sociologist Francis Fukuyama been profitably marshaled to fortify his NBM. (pp. 4, 31–32), who helped establish the Project for Spending so much effort undermining other opin- a New American Century and its mission of U.S. ions leaves less room for developing one’s own, and benevolent hegemony, seems out of place, especially McGeough’s archaeological reasoning looks thin at following Fukuyama’s public retreat from the real- points. Mycenaean chariot vases are used as “evi- world testing of his ideas that disastrously ran for dence for chariots at Ugarit” (p. 300); and the rela- over a decade (Fukuyama 2006). His grandiose vision tive ubiquity of Mycenaean ceramics there is taken lends little insight to McGeough’s study precisely be- as evidence for it not being a luxury good (pp. 302– cause it does not address finer-grained questions. The 3) without raising the obvious rejoinder that Ugarit bigger problem with deploying theorists whose focus was an exceptionally wealthy town. McGeough is the projection of power is that it leads McGeough generally ignores the growing literature on balance inexorably to the “substantive economic authority” weights (including Courtois 1990) while blaming of the palace (pp. 370–74). Once there, it is easy to the excavators for under-publishing them (p. 225). overlook how exchange specialists used networks to Meanwhile, the subject of currency is addressed resist dominant institutions or accumulate resources summarily (pp. 166–68), a surprising oversight in a and power of their own, which is what his evidence book about exchange. and interpretations suggest even while his conclu- McGeough’s application of theory is strongest sions do not. when sticking to core precepts of the NBM, which It takes some reading before one discovers that helped him conclude that economic relationships the real subject here is not exchange as most take it, were ad hoc and wide ranging (pp. 336, 367). Other but the nature of power and redistribution of wealth theoretical tributaries seem less appropriate for ex- (pp. 220–21, 307–8, 337). This goal partly explains plaining exchange relationships and cloud his thesis. the running apologia for Schloen’s (2001) PHM and It is unclear how Foucault reveals that “division of the recurring emphasis on production (e.g., pp. 214, space . . . reflects the social organization of the in- 308). Taken in this light, the book has much to offer. dividuals within” (p. 277) or that “hierarchies of Despite a lot of noisy polemics, McGeough matches ownership did exist at Ugarit” (pp. 307–8). More imperfect data to his hypotheses (p. 3) as well as one 86 CHRISTOPHER M. MONROE BASOR 356 could expect and reaches a surprisingly formalistic emerge looking at a Late Bronze Age world marked conclusion: “Power at Ugarit seems to be derived, by familiar features of networks, decentralization, not from an overarching plan or imposition but from and internationalism. Van De Mieroop’s perspective an emergent process based on smaller strategies of re- is the more global, and he can narrate safely above source accumulation and transmission” (p. 380). One the thorny arguments over meaning with which Mc- anticipates that with the second volume, McGeough’s Geough must engage in handling a specific corpus study will become an important contribution to un- of texts. Van De Mieroop is more comfortable draw- derstanding political economy at Ugarit. His work ing historical lessons from his material, while Mc- constitutes part of a growing awareness of the impor- Geough’s thesis seems more influenced by recent tance of decentralized, freer sources of wealth and conceptions of history. Both books demonstrate how power in ancient polities. As the author has recog- modern metaphors need not distort our view of past nized, the evidence is notoriously difficult (p. 182), worlds. 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