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(PDF) The Florentine Badia: Monastic Reform in Mural and Cloister (dissertation)
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The Florentine Badia: Monastic Reform in Mural and Cloister (dissertation)
Anne Leader
2000, ISBN 978-0-599-91610-4
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Abstract
This dissertation investigates the Orange Cloister of the Badia Fiorentina -- a Benedictine abbey located in central Florence. Between 1428 and 1441, this cloister was built and decorated with mural paintings depicting the Life of St. Benedict. Despite their position in one of the oldest and richest Florentine ecclesiastical institutions, these murals are not included in general surveys of Italian Renaissance painting for lack of an accepted author. However, they survive as a rare example of progressive Florentine mural decoration painted during the decade following the death of Masaccio. Rather than its authorship, this investigation begins with questions of the mural program’s function and reception, creating a framework where issues of architectural setting, iconography, historical context, patronage, and style are integrated to present a more extensive and satisfying interpretation of the paintings.

A review of the literature demonstrates how previous studies of the Orange Cloister focus on issues of authorship, as historians have discussed either the cloister’s construction and responsible architect or its mural program and painter. This dissertation examines the entire complex, remedying the artificial division between architectural and art history. Analyzing the extant building fabric, documentary evidence -- much published here for the first time, and other primary sources, this study aims to reconstruct the cloister’s fifteenth-century appearance and function. A discussion of the patron, Abbot Gomezio di Giovanni, explains how the cloister complex formed an integral part of his reform program initiated at the monastery in 1419. Issues of architectural authorship are also addressed to question the validity of historians’ attempts to identify the cloister’s “architect.” Similarly, art historians have struggled with the authorship of the cloister’s murals. A review of documentary, circumstantial, and stylistic evidence suggests that the Life of St. Benedict cycle was produced by two teams of artists, who included the documented, much-debated, and poorly understood Portuguese painter Giovanni di Consalvo. Stylistic and iconographic analysis clarifies the relationship between the Badia cycle and its textual and pictorial sources to show how the murals served Gomezio’s institutional reforms by expressing themes crucial to the abbot and his monastic community.
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The FiorentineBadia:MonasticReformin Muraland Cloister

AnneLeader

A dissertationsubmittedin partialfulfillment
of the requirementsfor the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Instituteof Fine Arts
New York University
September2000

CL· Lil._~
DissertationAdvisor

UMI Number:9985264

Copyright2000 by
Leader,Anne
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wouldnot havebeen able to completethis dissertationwithoutthe guidance,
assistance,and patienceof many. I wouldlike to acknowledgeCarmenBambachfor
first introducingme to the life of St. Benedicimuralsin the Badia's OrangeCloister
and thank her for her continuedsupportof and help with my project. I first saw the
cloisterduringa courseon Tuscanmuralpaintinggivenby Eve Borsook in the summer
of 1996,and I thank her for her enthusiasmand expertise. This projectwould never
have gotten off the groundwithoutthe encouragementofWilliamHood. His Fra
Angelicoat San Marco servesas the springboardfor manyof the ideas in this
dissertationthat I hope answerssome ofthe questionsfirst askedby him. I would also
like to thankDott. Marco Chiarini,withoutwhose scholarshiplittlewould be knownof
the OrangeCloistermurals,for his adviceand encouragement.
Manythanksgo to my three mainreaderswho have advisedme sincethe
proposalstage. The text of this dissertationowes muchto the discemingeye of
ProfessorColinEislerwhosecommentsand criticismshave made me a better writer.
My approachto the studyof Fiorentinearchitecturehas been shapedby the work of
ProfessorMarvinTrachtenbergfor whomI first undertookthe problemof architectural
authorshipin severa!seminarsgivenat the Instituteof FineArts. I would also like to
thank himfor invitingme to presentmywork on the Badiaas part ofhis "Reading
iii

Florence"seminartaught there duringthe summersof 1997and 1999. Professors
Eislerand Trachtenbergshouldalso be thankedfor agreeingto co-directmy project
that investigatesboth the architecturalhistoryof the OrangeCloisterand its decorative
program. Dr. LaurenceKanterdeservesspecialthanksfor his incrediblepatienceand
willingnessto talk aboutthe complexworld of Fiorentinepaintingin the 1430s. He
directedmy independentstudyon the majorand minormastersofthis period,giving
me a foundationon whichI willbe able to buildfor the rest of my career.
I wouldliketo thankthe Instituteof Fine Arts for its financialsupportof my
educationand dissertationresearch,includingthe fundingof the seminarstaught in
ltaly by ProfessorsBorsookand Trachtenberg.One year of researchin Florencewas
made possibleby a TheodoreRousseauFellowshipgivenby the MetropolitanMuseum
of Art. This generousgrant allowedme not onlyto studythe Badialife of St.
Benedici in great detailbut also to trave[throughoutItaly,England,France,Germany,

Belgium,Spain,Ireland,and Croatiato examinefirst-handItalianand Netherlandish
paintingsofthe 1430s-- an undertakingcrucialto my understandingofthe artistic
milieufromwhichthe OrangeCloistermuralscome. Specialthanksgo to the many
curators and staffmemberswho were so helpfulduringmytenureas a Rousseau
fellow.
I wouldlikeespeciallyto acknowledgesevera[librarieswhoseresourceswere
indispensablefor my research,and thanksgoto the staffmembersof them ali: the
Instituteaffine Arts; the MarquandLibrary,PrincetonUniversity;the Watsonand

LehmanCollectionlibrariesat the MetropolitanMuseumof Art; the FrickArt
ReferenceLibrary;and the KunsthistorischesInstitutin Florence.
Specialthanksalsogoto VirginiaBudnywhosegenerosityand collaborative
spirit has helpedme to identifymanyofthe otherwiseunknownartisansnamedin the
Badia's paymentrecords. Her enthusiasmfor archivalresearchhas been an inspiration,
and my interpretationowes muchto the wealthof informationthat she has collected. I
am also gratefulto GinoCorti, Bob La France,and Louisand KatieWaldmanfor their
help in the FiorentineArchives.
Thereare manyfriendsand colleagueswho havehelpedme throughoutthe
researchand writingof mydissertation,offeringadvice,criticism,expertise,and
support. I wouldlikeespeciallyto thankJonathanAlexander,AdrienneAtwell,
GiorgioBonsanti,BrianBreed,SarahBrooks,JonathanBrown,SandraBrown,
BenjaminDavid,JuliaDelancey,ErikaDolphin,EverettFahy,TheresaFlanigan,
GeorgeGoldner,LauraHebert,ClareHills-Nova,LyleHumphrey,MichaelJennings,
Peter Kalb,RachelKousser,AreliMaiina,AnnaBeth Martin,ThomasMathews,
AmberMcAlister,RachelKordnoyMcGarry,LisaRafanelli,Jason Rosenfeld,Cari
Strehlke,and MaryWeaver.
My understandingofthe GrangeCloisteritselfwouldhavebeen impossible
withoutthe generosityof Fr. Antoine-Emmanuel
de la Sayette,prior of the Fraternità
Monastichedi Gerusalemme,now residentat the Badia. Closedto the publicfor most
of 1998and 1999,Fr. Antoine'srepeatedpermissionfor accessto the cloisterand
surroundingbuildingswas crucialto the successof myresearchefforts. I would also

like to thankhimand the brothersand sistersof his congregationfor their kindnessand
hospitalityduringmy stay in Florenceas well as for the importantquestionsraisedby
them duringour manydiscussionsof the cloister'shistory. Thanksalso goto the
current proprietorsof the botteghethat line Via dellaCondotta,PiazzaSan Firenze,
and Viadel Proconsolo,and the staff of the HotelCristinafor allowingme accessto
their storage roomsand offices.
I would liketo thank myfamilyfor their unflaggingenthusiasmfor and beliefin
my project,especiallymy motherand grandmotherfor their editoria)help. Finally,my
specialthanksalso goto ProfessorJohn Howett,who introducedme to the Italian
Renaissanceas an undergraduateat EmoryUniversity.It is to himthat I owe my
penchantfor historiography,and his common-senseapproachto the historyof art
underliesali that I havedone sincefirst meetinghima decadeago. His continued
interestin and supportof my work stand as a modelfor good teacherseverywhere,and
I hope to inspireand foster my students' successas he has mine.

CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

111

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

LIST OF PLATES

LIST OF APPENDICES

xxi

Chapter
INTRODUCTION
ONE. THE MURALDECORATIONOF THE ORANGECLOISTER
A Review of tlzeLiterature

TWO. THE ARCHITECTUREOF THE ORANGECLOISTER
A Review oftlze Literature

THREE. THE ARCHITECTURAL
HISTORYOF THE ORANGECLOISTERAT
THE BADIAFIORENTINA
126
Site ofthe Monastery

127

Backgroundto the Fifteenth-CentllryCloisterProject

133

TlzeSecondAbbey Church (1284-1627)and its SurroimdingComple.,r

135

TlzeOld Sacristy

149

TlzeC/zapterRoom

152

TlzeOrange Cloister:Description

154

TlzeOrange Cloister Commission:I11spiratio11
and Need

159

vii

The Constmction ofthe GrangeCloisterComp/e.-r,
/428-36

166

The Lower Cloisterand Refectory:Description

l 74

TheLower Cloisterand Refectory:Datingand Attribution

178

Upper C/oisterand Dormitory

182

The "Architect" of the GrangeCloister

l 90

FOUR.THE HISTORYOF THE ORANGECLOISTERMURALS:
DOCUMENTARYANDCIRCUMSTANTIAL
EVIDENCE

206

St. BenedictRequestingSilence,the Refecto,y Gverdoor

233

FIVE. THE LIFEOF ST. BENEDICT:DESCRIPTIONANDANALYSIS

246

TlzeSinopia Underdrawings

246

TlzeSclzemeof t/zeMural Cycle

249

Scene one: St. BenediciDepartsNorcia

252

Scene two: How tlzeBroken Sieve was Rejoined

264

Scene three: Subiaco

272

Scene four: How he overcamea temptationof t/zejles/z

287

Scene five: How St. BenediciS/zattereda glass by tlzesign of tlze Cross 290
Scene six: How he rec/aimedan indevoutMonk

302

Scene seven, TlzeRecoveryof tlzeBilllzookfromt/zeLake

314

Scene eight, How lzisdiscipleMauruswalkedon tlze Water

321

Scene nine, Gf the poisoned loafwlziclzt/zecrow carried away

328

Scene ten, How t/zeman ofGod by his prayer, removeda lmge stone

336

Vlll

Scene eleven,How a boy cntshed by thefai/ of a wal/
was healed by the servant of God

341

Scene twelve:How he discoveredthe dissimulationof King Totila

348

Scene thirteen:How he prophesied to king Totilaand to the
Bishop ofCanossa

352

CONCLUSION

355

APPENDICES

371

BIBLIOGRAPHY

473

ABBREVIA
TIONS
AMFCE

Archiviodi Stato, Museodi Firenzecom'era

ASF

Archiviodi Stato, Florence

BAV

BibliotecaApostolicaVaticana

BML

BibliotecaMediceaLaurenziana,Florence

BNF

BibliotecaNazionale,Florence

BSAF

BibliotecaSeminarioArcivescovile,Florence

o.s.

Old style. Used for referencesto the Fiorentinecalendarin whichthe
new year did not beginunti!March25. Thus, 1284o.s. refersto the
modemcalendar's 1285.

n.s.

New style. Used to referencesto the modemcalendar. See explanation
aboveunder o.s.

SBAAF

Soprintendenzaper i beniambientalie architettonici,Gabinetto
fotografico,PalazzoPitti,Florence

PLATES

Plate
I.
Aerialview of the Badia Fiorentina
2.

Pian of centrai Florence

Pian of centrai Florence,detail showingBadiaFiorentina

Map ofFlorence, neighborhoodofthe BadiaFiorentina

Groundpian of the Badia Fiorentinaas it is today

Reconstructionof the Badia Fiorentinaand its neighborhoodca. 1440

Partialreconstructionof the Badia Fiorentinaca. 1440

Reconstructionofthe Badia Fiorentinaca. 1440(after Middeldorfand Paatz)

Southwestcornerof Badia Fiorentina,first floor:area of Sacchettifamilytowers
and houses,convertedafter 1440to guest house and infirmary

1O.

Late Fifteenth-CenturyFiorentinePainter, TheBuming of Savonarolain tlze
Piazza della Signoria,temperaon pane),Museodi San Marco

11.

Marcodi BartolomeoRustici,Dimostrazionedell'andataal Santo Sepolcro,
1447-53,BSAF, fol. 25: detail showingBadiaFiorentinafrom the North

12.

Marcodi BartolomeoRustici,Dimostrazionedell'andataal Santo Sepolcro,
1447-53,BSAF, fol. 25: detail showingchurchof Santo Stefano

13.

StefanoBuonsignoriand BonaventuraBillocardi,Pian ofFlorence, 1584,Detail
of Area aroundBadia Fiorentina

14.

View ofthe OrangeCloister,lookingNorth, Badia Fiorentina

15.

Michelozzodi Bartolommeo,Courtyard,MediciPalace,Florence
Xl

16.

Courtyard,OspedaledegliInnocenti,Florence

17.

Michelozzodi Bartolommeo,cloister,San Marco, Florence

18.

Michelozzodi Bartolommeo,library,San Marco, Florence

19.

Groundpian, San Marco,Florence(after Hood)

20.

Groundpian, S. MariaNovella,Florence(after W. Paatz)

21.

Groundpian, SantaCroce,Florence(after Braunfels)

22.

Groundpian,Sant'Apollonia,Florence

23.

Groundpian,San Lorenzo,Florence

24.

Facade, RucellaiPalace,Florence

25.

Facade,PiccolominiPalace,Pienza

26.

Facade,PalazzodellaMisericordia,Arezzo

27.

Map ofFlorence,detailof Sesto di San Piero Scheraggioshowing
neighborhoodaroundBadiaFiorentina(after F.J. Carmody)

28.

Reconstructionof the BadiaFiorentina,12th century(after A. Cirri)

29.

Reconstructionof the streetsin the Sesto di S. Piero Scheraggioaround Badia
Fiorentina(afterMacciand Orgera)

30.

Torre dellaCastagna,northwestcornerofBadia compoundat cornerof Via dei
Magazziniand Via DanteAlighieri

31.

Viewof the easternfacadeof abbeychurchfrom Via del Proconsolo,Badia
Fiorentina(Photo:M. Trachtenberg)

32.

Benedettoda Rovezzano,easterndoor to BadiaFiorentina,Via del Proconsolo,
Florence

33.

Viewofthe westernfacadeof abbeychurchincludinga partialview ofthe
OrangeCloister,BadiaFiorentina

34.

Reconstructionof the secondabbeychurch,built after 1285(Drawnby Ludwig
Joutz for U. Middeldorfand W. Paatz)
xii

35.

TaddeoGaddi, The Transfiguration,Fresco,beforeremovalfromcapitolo
nuovo ofthe BadiaFiorentina,now Soprintendenzaper i beni artisticie
storici,Florence

36.

Plasterpatch indicatingoriginailocationofTaddeo Gaddi Tra11sfiguratio11,
narthex(capitolonuovo),BadiaFiorentina

37.

DomenicoParis di PalmerinoSantinelli(?), reworkedafter 1722,Christ011 the
CrossFlankedby the Virgin,and Sts. John the Evangelist,Benedici,
Scholastica,and MaryMagdalene, fresco,capitolonuovo, Badia
Fiorentina

38.

North entranceto the AbbeyChurch(walledup), after 1285,BadiaFiorentina

39.

GiuseppeZocchi,viewof the BadiaFiorentinaand the Palazzodel Podestà,
lookingnorth from PiazzaSan Firenze,GabinettoDisegnie Stampedegli
Uffizi,Florence

40.

Easternwing,BadiaFiorentina,Piazzadi San Firenze,Florence

41.

ExteriorViewof the Old Sacristyand EasternFacadewith Shopsunderneath,
Via del Proconsolo,Florence

42.

Viewof Old Sacristywindowand old dormitorywindowfrom Via del
Proconsolo.Covonifamilyarmsvisibleover sacristywindow

43.

Montedi Giovanni,Anmmciationin an lnitial V, Archiviodell'Operadi S.
Mariadel Fiore, Cod. S, n. 14, fol. 54, Florence.

44.

DoorwayfromOrangeCloisterto AbbeyChurchnave,ground floor, north
loggia,northeastcornerbay

45.

Chapterroom facade,OrangeCloister,groundfloor, east loggia

46.

Viewdown east loggiato chapterroom facadeand oratorydoor, ground floor,
OrangeCloister,BadiaFiorentina

47.

Doorwayto the cellarer'sceli(?), east loggia,groundfloor, OrangeCloister,
BadiaFiorentina

48.

Doubledoorwayto dormitorystairs,east loggia,ground floor, OrangeCloister,
BadiaFiorentina
xiii

49.

Doorwayto oratory,OrangeCloister,groundfloor,south loggia,southeast
cornerbay

50.

Groundpianand cross-sectionofthe Orangecloisteroratoryby Piero
Sanpaolesi,groundfloor, south loggia,southeastcornerbay

51.

Axonometricdrawingof the Orangecloisteroratoryby Piero Sanpaolesi

52.

Viewof dome,oratory,Orangecloister,groundfloor, south loggia,southeast
cornerbay

53.

A: FilippoBrunelleschi,BarbadoriChapel,SantaFelicità,Florence(H. Saalman
reconstruction);b: FilippoBrunelleschi,axonometricviewofthe old
sacristy,San Lorenzo,Florence(p. Sanpaolesi,1941)

54.

Doubledoorwayto dormitorystairs(?), south loggia,groundfloor,Orange
Cloister,BadiaFiorentina

55.

Refectorywindows,west loggia,ground floor,OrangeCloister,Badia
Fiorentina

56.

Refectoryvestibuledoor, west loggia,northwestcornerbay, ground floor,
OrangeCloister,BadiaFiorentina

57.

Refectorydoor leadingfromvestibuleto refectory

58.

Doorway,secondstory, east loggia,southeastcornerbay, OrangeCloister,
BadiaFiorentina

59.

Doorway,secondstory, south loggia,centerbay,OrangeCloister,Badia
Fiorentina

60.

Doorwayto currentstair, secondstory, east loggia,secondbay from north,
OrangeCloister,BadiaFiorentina

61.

AnonymousFiorentinepainter,TheMiracleofthe PoisonedWine,fresco,
OrangeCloister,upper story, north loggia,bay 5, viewwith cloisterdoor

62.

a: Dormitorywindow,southernwing,viewfromVia dellaCondotta,Badia
Fiorentina,Florence;b: viewof southerndormitoryfromVia della
Condotta

63.

Workshopoffra Angelico(?),St. BenediciRequestingSilence,fresco,
Soprintendenzaper i beni artisticie storici,Florence
xiv

64.

Attributedto Fra Angelico,St. Be11edict
RequestsSile11ce,sinopia,
Soprintendenzaper i beni artisticie storici,Florence

65.

Comparativephoto from M. Boskovits,"Appuntisull'Angelico"

66.

Fra Angelico,St. PeterMartyrRequesti11g
Silence,fresco. Florence,Museodi
San Marco

67.

Fra Angelico,St. PeterMartyr RequestingSilence,sinopia,108x145cm.
Florence,Museo di San Marco

68.

Fourteenth-centuryFiorentine,Virginand ChiId, fresco. Florence,SantaMaria
Novella,ChiostroVerde.

69.

Fourteenth-centuryFiorentine,St. ThomasAquinas,sinopia.Florence,Santa
MariaNovella,Chiostrinodei Morti

70.

Fra Angelico,Christ011 the Cross,fresco.Fiesole,San Domenico

71.

Fra Angelico,TheCrucifixio11,
detailof decorativeborder, fresco. Florence,
San Marco, chapterroom.

72.

Fra Angelico,TheLast Judgment,detailof prophetsand decorativeborder,
1447-9,fresco. Orvieto,Duomo,Cappelladi San Brizio,vault.

73.

Fra Angelico,St. Domi11ic,
fresco.Florence,San Marco

74.

Fra Angelico,Virginand Child, sinopia.Fiesole,San Domenico

75.

Fra Angelico,Virginand ChiId withSaillls,sinopiaCortona, San Domenico

76.

BaccioBaldini,Mercury,detailshowinga muralpainterand his assistant,ca.
1460(HindA.Ill.6a, Bartsch2403.006)

77.

OrangeCloister,view across second-storycloisterfrom north loggiato west
loggia

78.

a, OrangeCloister,view fromground-floorcloistertoward the north; b, view
fromground-floorcloistertowardthe west

79.

OrangeCloister,view of second-storycloister,north loggiafromeast loggia

80.

AgnoloBronzino,Sa11Bernardo,fresco,OrangeCloister,upper loggia
:\"V

81.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter,St. Benedicileaves Norcia,fresco,Grange
Cloister,upper story, North Loggia,Bay I

82.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter, TheMiracleo/ the BrokenSieve, fresco,
GrangeCloister,upper story, North Loggia,Bay 2.

83.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter, TheHermitageo/ St. Benediciin Subiaco,
fresco,GrangeCloister,upper story, North Loggia,Bay 3.

84.

AgnoloBronzino,The Temptationo/ St. Benedici,fresco,GrangeCloister,
upper story, North Loggia,Bay 4.

85.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter, TheMiracleo/ the PoisonedWine,fresco,
GrangeCloister,upper story, North Loggia,Bay 5

86.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter, TheExorcismo/ the WaywardMonk, fresco,
GrangeCloister,upper story, West Loggia,Bay 6

87.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter, TheJvliracleo/ the Lost Billhook,fresco,
GrangeCloister,upper story, West Loggia,Bay 7

88.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter,Maunts SavesPlacidus,fresco,Grange
Cloister,upper story, West Loggia,Bay 8

89.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter, TheMiracleo/ the PoisonedBread, fresco,
GrangeCloister,upper story, West Loggia,Bay 9

90.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter, TheJvfiracleo/ the HeavyStone, fresco,Grange
Cloister,upper story, West Loggia,Bay 10

91.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter,St. BenediciResurreclsa YoungMonk, fresco,
GrangeCloister,upper story, West Loggia,Bay 11

92.

Anonymousfifteenth-centurypainter, TheDeceptiono/ Totila,fresco,Grange
Cloister,upper story, West Loggia,Bay 12

93.

Anonymousfifteenth-centurypainter,Totilabe/oreSt. Benedici,fresco,Grange
Cloister,upper story, South Loggia,Bay 13

94.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter,St. Benedicileaves Norcia,sinopia,
Soprintendenzaper i beni artisticie storici,Florence

xvi

95.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter, TheMiracleof the BrokenSieve, sinopia,
Soprintendenzaper i beniartisticie storici,Florence

96.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter,TheHermilageof St. Benediciin Subiaco,
sinopia,Soprintendenzaper i beniartisticie storici,Florence

97.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter,TheMiracleof the PoisonedWine,sinopia,
Soprintendenzaper i beniartisticie storici,Florence

98.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter,TheExorcismof the WaywardMonk, sinopia,
Soprintendenzaper i beniartisticie storici,Florence

99.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter,TheMiracleof the Lost Billhook,sinopia,
OrangeCloister,upper story

100. AnonymousFiorentinePainter,MaurusSavesPlacidus,sinopia,Orange
Cloister,upperstory
IO1.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter,TheMiracleof the PoisonedBread, sinopia,
OrangeCloister,upper story

I02.

AnonymousFiorentinePainter,TheMiracleof the HeavyStone, sinopia,
OrangeCloister,upper story

103. AnonymousFiorentinePainter,St. BenediciResurrectsa YoungMonk, sinopia,
OrangeCloister,upper story
I04.

Anonymousfifteenth-century
painter,TheDeceptiono/ Totila,sinopia,Orange
Cloister,upper story

105. Anonymousfifteenth-century
painter,Totilabe/oreSt. Benedici,sinopia,
OrangeCloister,upper story
106. TaddeoGaddi,St. Benediciin Subiaco,fresco. Florence,SantaCroce,
refectory
107. Giovannidel Biondo,St. BenediciFleesfor Subiaco,ca. 1366,temperaon
pane!,Florence,ActonCollection
108. Giovannidel Biondo,TheHermitageo/ St. Benediciin Subiaco,ca. 1366,
temperaon pane!,Florence,ActonCollection
109. Giovannidel Biondo,TheResurrectiono/ a YoungMonk, ca. 1366,temperaon
pane!,Toronto,NationalArt Galleryof Ontario,no. 52.36
:\'Vii

11O. Giovannidel Biondo,SI. BenediciSees lhe WholeWorldin a Vision,ca. 1366,
temperaon pane!,Toronto,NationalArt Galleryof Ontario,no. 52.37
111.

Giovannidel Biondo,TheDealhof SI. Benedici,ca. 1366, temperaon pane!,
formerlyRome,Casa Colonna

112.

SpinelloAretino,TheLife o/SI. Benedici,1387-88,fresco. Florence,San
Miniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall 1.

113.

SpinelloAretino,TheLife of SI. Benedici,1387-88,fresco. Florence,San
Miniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall 2.

114.

SpinelloAretino,TheLife of SI. Benedici,1387-88,fresco. Florence,San
Miniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall3.

115.

SpinelloAretino,TheLife of SI. Benedici,1387-88,fresco. Florence,San
Miniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall 4.

116.

SpinelloAretino,SI. Benedicileaves Rome, 1387-88,fresco. Florence,San
Miniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall 1.

117.

SpinelloAretino,TheMiracleof the BrokenSieve, 1387-88,fresco. Florence,
San Miniatoal Monte, sacristy,wall I.

118.

SpinelloAretino,SI. Benediciin Subiaco,1387-88,fresco. Florence,San
Miniatoal Monte, sacristy,wall2.

119.

SpinelloAretino,The Temptatio11
of St. Benedici,1387-88,fresco. Florence,
San Miniatoal Monte, sacristy,wall3.

120.

SpinelloAretino,TheMiracleof the PoisonedWine, 1387-88,fresco.
Florence,SanMiniatoal Monte,sacristy,walls3 and 4.

121.

SpinelloAretino,TheExorcismof the WaywardMonk, 1387-88,fresco.
Florence,SanMiniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall2.

122.

SpinelloAretino,TheMiracleof the lost Bil/hook,1387-88,fresco. Florence,
San Miniatoal Monte, sacristy,wall3.

123.

SpinelloAretino,!vfaurussavesPlacidus,1387-88,fresco. Florence,San
Miniatoal Monte, sacristy,wall 3.

:-.-viii

124. SpinelloAretino,TheMiracleof the HeavyStone, 1387-88,fresco. Florence,
San Miniatoal Monte, sacristy,wall4.
125. SpinelloAretino,TheResurrectionof a YoungMonk, 1387-88,fresco.
Florence,San Miniatoal Monte, sacristy,wall2.
126. SpinelloAretino,TheDeceptionof Totila, 1387-88,fresco. Florence,San
Miniatoal Monte, sacristy,wall4.
127. SpinelloAretino, Totilalmee/sbe/oreSt. Benedici, 1387-88,fresco. Florence,
San Miniatoal Monte, sacristy,wall 1.
128. SpinelloAretino,TheDeath of St. Benedici, 1387-88,fresco. Florence,San
Miniatoal Monte, sacristy,wall 1.
129. Cennidi Ser Francesco,The Temptationof St. Benedici,fresco.Florence,Santa
Trinita.
130. LorenzoMonaco,MaurusSavesPlacidusand the Miracleof St. Scho/aslica,
temperaon pane!.London,NationalGallery.
131.

LorenzoMonaco,A YoungA1onkTempled/rom Prayerand SI. Benedici
Raisesa YoungMonk, temperaon pane!. VaticanCity, Pinacoteca
Vaticana.

132. LorenzoMonaco, TheDealh of St. Benedici,temperaon panel.London,
NationalGallery.
133. LorenzoMonaco,St. Benediciin Subiacoand a YoungNfonk Temptedfrom
Prayer,temperaon panel.Florence,GalleriadegliUffizi.
134. LorenzoMonaco,MaurusSavesPlacidusand lhe Miracleof St. Scholastica,
temperaon pane!. Florence,GalleriadegliUffizi.
135. LorenzoMonaco, TheResurrectionof a YoungJvfonk,temperaon pane!.
Florence,GalleriadegliUffizi.
136. LorenzoMonaco, TheDealh of St. Benedici,temperaon pane!.Florence,
GalleriadegliUffizi.
137. Sodoma,SI. BenediciConfersthe Rute on his Disciples,fresco. Monte Oliveto
Maggiore,ChiostroGrande.

xix

138. Maso di Banco,S1.SylveslerResurrectslhe WiseMen in lhe Forum. Florence,
Santa Croce, Bardidi VernioChapel.
139. LorenzoGhiberti,TheSacrificeof lsaac (CompetitionReliet),bronze.
Florence,Bargello.
140. TaddeoGaddi, TheBaroncelliChapel,detail: Twojiclive nichesat dado leve/,
fresco. Florence,Santa Croce.
141. a. AnonymousFiorentinePainter,SI. BenediciArrivesal Affile. Detailof The
Miracleof lhe BrokenSieve (pi. 82);b. AnonymousFiorentinePainter,SI.
BenediciDeparlsfar Subiaco.Detailof TheMiracleof lhe BrokenSieve
(pi. 82)
142. AnonymousFiorentinePainters,TheMiracleof the BrokenSieve, detailof
sinopiasketchand paintedmural(pls. 82, 95)
143. AnonymousFiorentinePainter, TheHermitageof St. Benediciin Subiaco,
detail(pi. 83)
144. AnonymousFiorentinePainters,TheExorcismof the WaywardMonk, detailof
sinopiasketchand paintedmural(pls. 86, 98)
145. AnonymousFiorentinePainter, The.Miracleof the Lost Billhook,detail(pi. 87)
146. AnonymousFiorentinePainters,TheResurrectionof a YoungAlonk, detailof
sinopiasketchand paintedmural(pls. 91, 103)
147. AnonymousFiorentinePainter, TheResurrectionof a YoungMonk, detail(pi.
91)
148. AnonymousFiorentinePainter,MaurussavesPlacidus,detail (pi. 88)
149. AnonymousFiorentinePainter,MaurussavesPlacidus,detail (pi. 88)
150. AnonymousFiorentinePainter, TheMiracleof the PoisonedWine,detail(pi.
85)
151. Fra Angelico,TheDepositionfromthe Cross,temperaon panel. Florence,
Museo di San Marco.
152. Fra Angelico,TheDepositionfromthe Cross,detail. Florence,Museo di San
Marco.
xx

APPENDICES
ONE. DOCUMENTSRELATEDTO THE CONSTRUCTION
OF THE ORANGECLOISTER

371

TWO.DOCUMENTSRELATEDTO THE MURALCOMMISSION

446

xxi

INTRODUCTION

The Benedictinemonasteryof SantaMariadi Firenzehas had a long and
complicatedhistory. As the oldest abbey,or badia,withinthe wallsofFlorence, the
monasterycarneto be knownsimplyas La BadiaFiorentina,"the Fiorentineabbey."1
(pls. 1-5) This nicknamealludesto the renownof the institutionand suggeststhat the
Badiawas never far fromthe center of Fiorentineconsciousness.Indeed,it was
difficultto ignorethe convent,its campanilerisinghighin the city's skyline,its bells
markingthe progressof each day, as Danterecounted:"Florence,withinher ancient
wallsembraced,/ Whencenonesand terce ring stilito al!the town, I Abodeaforetime
peaceful,temperate,chaste."2 Earlymapsand viewsof Florenceconsistentlyinclude

1 The sobriquet"Badia"was in use by the fourteenthcentury. GiovanniVillani

(d. 1348)referredto it as such in his Cronica:"E nel detto anno [1284(old-style
Fiorentinecalendar,hereafterabbreviatedas o.s.)] si cominciòa rinnovarela Badiadi
Firenze.... " GiovanniVillani,NuovaCronica,3 vols., criticaied. GiuseppePorta
(Parma:Ugo GuandaEditoreper FondazionePietroBembo, I 990), 8.99.22-26.
Documentsfrom the abbacyof Gomezio( 1419-39)usuallyreferto the monasteryas
"la Badia,"though sometimesthe officiaititle of"Santa Mariadi Firenze"is used. See
app. 1, docs. 2, 5, and 6.
Far discussionofthe nickname,see GiovanniBattistaUccelli,Della Badia
Fiorentina.Ragionamelllostorico(Florence:Calasanziana,1858),33; and Walter and
ElisabethPaatz, Die Kirchenvon Florenz.Ein /amstgeschichtliches
Handbuch
(Frankfurtam Main: VittorioKlostermann,1940), 1: 264.
This passagecomesfromthe canto in whichDante meets his great-greatgrandfatherCacciaguidaand describestwelfth-centuryFlorenceas a better and more
peacefulcity. Cacciaguidalivedca. 1090-1147;thus, the 'cerchia antica' to which
Dante refersis the ring of ancientwallsthat once boundthe Badia. The bells

the Badiaas a majorlandmark,easilyrecognizableby the angel-toppedspire of its
hexagonalcampanile.3 (pls. 10, 11, 13) Despitesuch prominence,the stabilityof the
house was not consistent,and the historyof the institutionis one of enrichment,
decline,and renewal.
Foundedin the tenth century,the monasteryhas been servedby three different
churchesas well as by a complexof surroundingbuildingsthat were built, remodeled,
and added to over the course of more than six centuries.(pi. 5) The originaimonastery
-- officiallyinauguratedon 31 May 978 -- had becomeinadeguatefor its Benedictine

referencedare commonlyidentifiedas those ofthe Badia. Dante Alighieri,TheDivine
Comedy3, Paradise,trans. DorothyL. Sayersand BarbaraReynolds(London:
PenguinBooks, 1962),xv, 97-99, and "Commentaries,"192-3.
"Fiorenzadentro dellacerchiaanticha/ ond'ellatoglieancorae terza e nona,/
si stava in pace, sobriae pudica."Paradiso,xv, 97-99. Quotedby MaurilioAdriani,
"La BadiaFiorentina,appuntistorico-religiosi,"in La BadiaFiorentina,ed. Ernesto
Sestan,MaurilioAdriani,and AlessandroGuidotti(Florence:Cassadi Risparmiodi
Firenze, 1982), 15. Cited also by Uccelli,35; MarcellaCastelli,I chiostridi Firenze
entro le mura (Florence:Becocci, 1982), 16; and AlbertoBusignaniand Raffaello
Bencini,Le Chiesedi Firenze.Quartieredi Sama Croce(Florence:Sansoni, 1982),
180.
3 Examplesinclude:Marco di BartolomeoRustici,Dimostrazione
dell'andata

al Santo Sepolcro,a.k.a. CodiceRustici, 1447-8,1451-3BibliotecaSeminario
Arcivescovile,Florence(BSAF),fol. 25r (pi. 11); Pietro del Massaio,Florentia,drawn
to illustratel 5th-centuryFiorentinemanuscriptof Ptolemy's Geography,l 469-72,
BibliotecaApostolicaVaticana,MS. Vat. Lat. 5699 (BAV), repr. AttilioMori and
GiuseppeBoffito,Firenzenelle vedutee piante. Studiostoricotopografico
cartografico,2 vols. (Florence:Seeber,LibreriaInternazionale,1926), l: 8-12;
WorkshopofFrancesco Rosselli?,A Viewof Florence,ca. 1495,pane!,England,
PrivateCollection,repr. L. D. Ettlinger,"A Fifteenth-centuryViewof Florence,"
BurlingtonMagazine94 (June 1952):figs. 8, l O;Fiorentineartist, TheBuming of
Savonarola,after 1498,pane!,Museo di San Marco, Florence,repr. Ettlinger,fig. 12
(pi. 10);and StefanoBuonsignoriand BonaventuraBillocardi,''Nova pulcherrimae
civitatisFlorentiaetopographiaaccuratissimedelineata,"1584,Museo Topografico
Fiorentino,GabinettodelleStampedegliUffizi,Florence;repr. in Mori et al., 1: 40-43.
(pi. 13)

communityby the end ofthe thirteenthcentury,and a new churchwas begun in early
1285to be followedby the constructionof a dormitory,refectory,and chapterroom.
(pls. 28, 31, 33, 34) Despitethis renovation,the monasterysoon experiencedgreat
difficultiesand suffereda declinein powerand prestigeaver the courseofthe
fourteenthcentury. This deteriorationresultedfromthe placementof the Badiain

commendamin 1327after whichtime contraiofthe monasterywas taken away from
the communityitselfand placedin the handsof a papalappointee. Once in

commendam,the community'sabbot was selectedby the pope, who often chose
leaderswho were not Benedictine,and sometimesnot even monks.4 Thoughoriginally
intendedto contrai the Badia,appointmentsin commendamled to great abusesof
power, and the papaldeputieswere more interestedin enrichingthemselvesthan in
ensuringthe well-beingand stabilityofthe monastery.Consequently,prominentlocai
familiesno longerfoundthe Badiato be a worthyrecipientof their beneficence,and it

The Badiawas placedin commendamin 1327. The term comesfromthe
medievalLatincommenda,meaninga 'trust' or 'custody.' A personoutsidethe
institutionplacedin commendam,eitheran ecclesiasticor layman,wouldbe put in
chargeof the collectionand disbursementof revenue,a practicethat led to great abuses
ofpower. F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone,eds., TheOxfordDiclio11a1y
of lhe
ChrislianChurch,2nd ed. (Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress, 1974),246, 319;
AlessandroGuidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"in La Badia
Fiorelllina,ed. E. Sestanet al., 67; and BarryCollett,flalian BenediclineScholarsand
lhe Reformalion.TheCongrega1io11
of SanlaGiuslinaof Padua (Oxford:Clarendon
Press, 1985), 1-3. For more on the declineofthe monasteryin the fourteenthcentury
see: AlessandroCirri,"La Badiadi Firenze,"Firenze,RassegnaMensiledel Comm1111e
4, no. 4 (Aprii 1935): 109;EduardoNunes,Dom Frey GomezAbade de Flore11ça,
J.120-J.I../O
(Braga:LivrariaEditoraPax, Ltd., 1963),33; Adriani,25-7; and Francesca
Carrara,"La BadiaFiorentinae la congregazionecassinese,"in La chiesae la città a
Firenzenel XV secolo,ed. GianfrancoRolfi,LudovicaSebregondi,and Paolo Viti,exh.
cat., Sotterraneidi San Lorenzo,Florence(Milan:SilvanaEditoriale,1992), 105.

becameextremelydifficultfor the communityto maintainits membership.By the tum
of the fifteenthcentury,this old and honoredinstitutionwas on the verge of extinction.
The earlyfifteenthcenturywas a periodof great turmoilnot only for the
communityat the FiorentineBadia,but also for the BenedictineOrder throughout Italy.
Manyof Italy's Benedictineabbeys,likethe FiorentineBadia,had sufferedfinancial
and mora!declineaver the courseofthe fourteenthcentury. One such house was the
abbeyof Santa Giustinain Padua, whosecommunityhad dwindledto only three monks
by the 1370s.5 This declinein membershipwas accompaniedby an inabilityto maintain
eitherthe physicalstructure ofthe monasteryor the rulesand ritualsof Benedictine(ife.
The degenerationof the Paduanhousewas haltedin 1409when the newlyelected
abbot, LudovicoBarbo, embarkedon a programof reformbased on a strict observance
of St. Benedict'sRule.6 At the start ofthe fifteenthcentury,religiousorders
throughoutItalyundertooksimilarprogramsof reform. These reformmovements
carneto be knownas Observancesbecauseeach order strove to retum to a precise
observanceof its originairule and ritual. At SantaGiustina,Barbo began to rebuildthe

5 GiulioCattin, "Tradizionee tendenzeinnovatricinellanormativae nella

praticaliturgico-musicaledellaCongregazionedi S. Giustina,"Benedictina 17, no. 2
(1970):254; Collett,2.
6 Barbo, a prior of the AugustinianCanonsRegularat San Giorgioin Alga, was

given Santa Giustinain comme11dam
by Pope GregoryXII with the understandingthat
he wouldinstitutea programto reformthe monastery.In 1409,Barbo took the
Benedictinehabitand commenceda strict observanceofBenedictinerule at his new
monastery. IldefonsoTassi,"Per la datazionedi alcunelettere di LudovicoBarbo,"
Benedictina3, no. 3-4 (1949):279; and idem,"La crisidellaCongregazionedi S.
Giustinatra il 1419e il 1431,"Be11edicti11a
5 ( 1951): 95; Collett,2.

crumblingmonasterywhilerecruitingnew membersand restoringthe institution's
financialsecurity.7 By 1419,Barbo had over two hundredmonksunder his leadership
at Santa Giustina. Oncethe observanceof Benedictinerule was establishedat Santa
Giustina,Barboand his followerssoughtto save their fellowBenedictinesthroughout
Italyfrom potentialcollapse.8 One of the maininitiativesofBarbo's institutional
reformwas to revitalizehousesthat had abandonedthe monasticmissionof St.
Benedicteitherthroughcorruptionor throughan inabilityto attract new members.
The situationat the FiorentineBadiabeganto improvewith the electionof
NiccolòGuasconias abbot in 1408.9 Afterattendingthe Councilof Constancein 1415

Cattin,245; Collett,2-3.

The state ofthe BenedictineOrder in Italywas summedup by Barbo when he
stated, "ordo monachorumnigrorumin tota Italiapenecollapsusest." Ludovico
Barbo,De lnitiis CongregationisSa11ctae
Justi11ae
de Padua,ed. G. Campeis(Padua,
1908),8 [quotedby Collett, 1]; Cattin,254-8;Cross and Livingstone,246, 319;
GregorioPenco,"Il mondomonasticoitalianoe la crisidellareligiositàmedievale,"
Benedicti11a
25, no. 1 (1978): 1-13;GiovanniBattistaFrancescoTrolese,"La riforma
benedettinadi S. GiustinanelQuattrocento,"in/ Be11edettini
a Padovae nel territorio
padova110
attraversoi secoli, ed. A. de NicolòSalmazoand G. B. F. Trolese(Padua:
Abbaziadi S. Giustina,1980),55-73;and Collett, 1-3.

9 Bom to a prominentFiorentinefamily,Niccolòdi JacopoGuasconiwas

selectedas abbotof the BadiaFiorentinaby Pope GregoryXII on 3 August 1408. He
was the last abbotto servei11comme11dam.Archiviodi Stato, Florence(hereafter
abbreviatedas ASF),Diplomatico.BadiaFiorentina,1408agosto 3. Guasconi's
electionwas approvedby the Signoriaof Florenceon 14 August 1408. ASF, Dip.
BadiaFiorentina,1408agosto 14. For the documentssee Carrara, 107,no. 6.1. See
also, PlacidoPuccinelli,Cronicadell'Abbadiadi Fiorenza,suoi PrivilegiPo11teficii,
Cesarei,publishedtogetherwithIstoriadell 'eroicheattionidi Ugo il Grande,Duca
della Tosca11a,
di Spoleto,e di Camerino,Vicariod'Italiaper OttoneIII. Imperatore,
e Perfettodi Roma. Con la Cronica.... Il Trattatodi circe mille I11scrittio11i
Sepocrali.
La GalleriaSepocrale,con l'Illlroduttionedella Festadi S. Mauro. Et le memoriedi
Pescia Terracospicua,e principalissimadi Toscana.(Milan:R.D.Corteper Giulio

where he met some ofthe PaduanObservants,Guasconicalledon Barboto help
revitalizehis abbeyin Florence. In 1418Barbo sent one of his most devotedpupils,
Gomeziodi Giovannida Lisboa,and sixteenmonksfrom Santa Giustinato teach the
reformedlifestylefollowedin Padua.IO Gomeziohad come from Portugalto study at
the Universityof Padua,where he met Barbo. In 1413,Gomeziodecidedto take the
Benedictinehabitat SantaGiustinaunder his mentor's tutelage.11 Gomezio's devotion
to the Observanceeamed himgreat respectfrom Barbo,and he was a naturalchoiceto
lead the reform missionat the FiorentineBadia. Gomeziowas made Prior upon his
arrivaiat the Badia,and he took Guasconi'spiaceas abbot after the older man's death
in 1419.12

Cesare MalatestaStampatore,1664),31-32;Nunes,39; Trolese,"La riforma
benedettinadi S. Giustina,"58; and Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedella Badia
Fiorentina,"67.
Many historianshave confusedthe date of the Councilof Constancewith that
of the arrivaiin Florenceof the SantaGiustinacolonists. AntonioDominguesde Sousa
Costa and EduardoNunesboth have shownthat Gomezioand his sixteenbrothers
arrivedat the Badia in 1418,not 1415. AntonioDominguesDe SousaCosta, "D.
Gomes,reformadorda abadiade Florença,e as tentativasde reformados mosteiros
portuguesesno séculoXV," StudiaMonastica5 (1963): 75-79;Nunes,41-42; and
GiovanniBattista FrancescoTrolese,LudovicoBarbo e S. Giustina:colllributo
bibliografico,problemi attinelllialla riformamonasticadel Quattrocemo(Rome:
PontificiaUniversitàLateranense,1983),37-38.
IO

11 Guido Battelli,"Due celebrimonaciportoghesiin Firenzenellaprimametà

del Quattrocento.L'Abate Gomese Velascodi Portogallo,"ArchivioStoricoItaliano
2, no. 4 (1938): 218; De SousaCosta, 69-75;Trolese,LudovicoBarbo e S. Giustina,
37; and GiovanniSpinelli,"Monacheismoe societàtra XIV e XV secolonell'ambiente
di AmbrogioTraversari,"in Ambrogio Traversarinel v1 centenariodella nascita, ed.
Gian Carlo Garfagnini(Florence:Leo S. Olschki,1988),61.
12 Puccinelli,Cronica,33-35;Battelli,"Due celebrimonaciportoghesiin

Firenze,"218-20; idem,"L'abate Don GomezFerreirada Silvae i Portoghesia Firenze

One of Gomezio'smost urgenttasks in Florencewas to recruitnew disciplesto
ensurefinancialstabilityfor the monastery. Gomezio'srecruitmenteffortswere highly
successful,and the communitywelcomedat least eighty-twonew membersduringhis
tenure as abbot from 1419to 1439. Thesenew memberswere taught the strict
observanceofBenedictineRulefollowedat SantaGiustina. Like his mentorat Santa
Giustina,Gomeziomatchedthe spiritualrebuildingof his communitywith a physical
restorationof the monastery,whichhad sufferedfromgreat neglectduringits
leadershipin commendam. ln order to accommodatethe resurgentcommunity,a new
monasticcomplexwas designedto rise aroundan open, two-storycloister.{pls.6-9,
14) Now knownby its nineteenth-century
name,the OrangeCloister,or Chiostro
degli Aranci, formedthe nucleusof the spacesused by the FiorentineBenedictinesin
their dailyIife. Its arcadedloggiaslinkedthe abbey's church,chapterroom, refectory,
dormitory, guest quarters,and infirmary.(pi. 7) The wallsof these loggiascarried
imagesof the Order's founderSt. Benedict.(pls. 77-79) St. Benedict,who was bom in
480 and died between546 and 553, is now heraldedas the fatherofWestem
monasticismbecauseof his influentialRutefor Monasteries -- a handbookfor the
formationand govemanceof monasteriesas wellas a code of conductfor its
members.13 The Rulewas writtenca. 530 as a practicalguide"to establisha schoolfor

nellaprimametà del Quattrocento,"in Relazionistorichefra l'Italia e il Portogallo,
RealeAcademiad'Italia. Memoriee Documenti,ed. G. Bardi(Rome:Senato, 1940),
150, 157;Tassi,"La crisidellaCongregazionedi S. Giustina,"102-3;Nunes,41-54;
Adriani,28; Trolese,LudovicoBarbo e S. Giustina,37-39.
The documentin whichPope MartinV electedAbbotGomeziocan be foundin
ASF, Diplomatico.BadiaFiorentina,1419novembre27. See Carrara, 108, no. 6.3.

the serviceof the Lord ... [that is, a] monastery."14 The Rule stressesobedienceto
God and to the Abbot,who was "believedto hold the piaceof Christin the monastery,
beingcalledby a nameof His ... 'Abba -- Father!"'15
AbbotGomezio'sdecisionto commissionmuralsfor the wallsofhis new
cloisteris not surprisinggiventhe popularityof the mediumfor large-scalenarrative
cyclesthroughoutTuscanysincethe late thirteenthcentury.16 Decayand destruction
makea comprehensivehistoryofTuscan cloisterdecorationdifficult;17 nevertheless,

M. D. Knowles,"BenedictineRute,"in New Catho/icEncyclopedia,
(Washington,D.C.: The CatholicUniversityof America,1967),2: 283; Wolfgang
Braunfels,Monasteriesof WesternEurope. TheArchitectureof lhe Orders(London:
Thamesand Hudson, 1972),9-12, 25-27;Cross and Livingstone,154-6;AnneFrances
Dawtry,"BenedictineOrder,"in Diclionaryof Art, ed. Jane Turner(London:
MacmillanPublishers,Ltd., 1996),3: 708.
13

1~ St. Benedici's Rutefor Monasteries,trans. LeonardJ. Doyle(Collegeville,

MN: The Liturgica!Press, St. John'sAbbey,1948),prologue,pp. 5-6.
15

Ibid., chap. 2, p. 7.

MillardMeiss,The GreatAge of Fresco.Discoveries,Recoveries,and
S11n1ivals (New York:MetropolitanMuseumof Art, 1970),13-14;Eve Borsook, The
JvfuralPaimersof Tuscanyfrom Cimabueto Andreadel Sarto, 2nd ed., rev. and enl.
(Oxford:The ClarendonPress, 1980),xviii-xix.
16

On the difficultyof studyingthe historyof Italianmonasticcloisterdecoration
see Braunfels,142-3. WilliamHood has writtena historyofFlorentinepainted
cloistersfrom 1420to 1450,whichalso includesa discussionof earlierknown
examplesin Siena,as an introductionto his discussionoffra Angelico'sdecorationfor
the cloisterat San Marco. The cyclesHood eitherdiscussesin detailor mentionsin
passingare or once were in: the Sieneseconventsof SanDomenicoand San Francesco;
and the Fiorentinecloistersat Santo Spirito,SantaMariadel Carmine,Santa Maria
Nuova, SantaMariaNovella,the BadiaFiorentina,San Marco, SantaMariadegli
Angeli,San Miniatoal Monte, Sant'Apollonia,San Pancrazio,San Martinoalla Scala,
and San BenedettofuoriPorta a Pinti. WilliamHood, Fra Angelicoat San Marco
(New Havenand London:YaleUniversityPress, 1993),123-45;312, n. 14. See also
the reviewofHood's book that adds the cyclefromthe Augustinianhermitageat
17

textual sourcesand extant muralssuggestthat few cloisterswere paintedwith narrative
cyclesprior to the 1430s. Indeed,the Badiamurals,designedand paintedca. 1435-39,
surviveas the earliestTuscanexampleof a monumentaldepictionof TheLife of SI.

Benediciin a monasticcloister.18
Over the door to the refectoryin the groundstory ofthe GrangeCloister,an
iconicimageof St. Benedictwith his fingerpressedto his lips remindedthe monksto
keep silentupon enteringthe dininghall.(pls. 56, 63) On the wallsof the upper
cloister,unfoldsa narrativecyclethat depictsscenesfromthe saint's Iife. (pls. 81-93)
Abbot Gomeziochose these episodesto commemorate,reinforce,and restare the Rule,
ritual,tradition,and mission of the Benedictines,who had lost respect through the
decadenceand declineof houses,likethe Badia,that did not followa strict observance
ofBenedict's teachings. The GrangeCloistercycle,therefore,remindedthe monksat
the Badiaof their ancientand honorabletradition,inspiredthem to followtheir
founder's example,and directedattention to the importanceof reformingtheir behavior

Leccetoand a fragmentaryfifteenth-centurycycleat Monte OlivetoMaggioreto
Hood's list. Cari BrandonStrehlke,reviewof Fra Angelicoat San Marco by William
Hood, BurlingtonMagazine135 (September1993):635.
Hood, 131. For studieson the iconographyof St. Benedictthat includelists
of monumentalbiographicalcycles,see IppolitoBoccolini,"Saggioiconografico,
L'iconografiadi S. Benedetto,"in Vilae Miracolidi San Benedettodi S. Gregorio
Magno, trans. AntonioFiorini.(Rame: Abbeyof S. Paolo fuori le Mura, 1954); Ursula
Prinz,"Kreuzgangsdekoration
und Benediktsvitain ltalianbis um 1500"(Ph.D.
Dissertation, Free University,Berlin, 1970);and ClaudioPaolini,"Scene della vita di
San Benedettoin Toscanadal XIV al XV secolo.Problemiiconografici,"in
Iconografiadi San Benedettonellapillura della toscana:immaginee aspetticulturali
fino al XVI secolo,ed. PatriziaCastelli(Florence:Centro d'Incontro dellaCertosa di
Firenze,1982), 127-89.
18

by restoring the venerablerulesand customsof the first Benedictines.Gomezio
followedBarbo's beliefthat reformof the BenedictineOrderrequireda return to the
primitiveand thereforepure way of !ifefollowedby St. Benedictand his earliest
disciples. Such a strict observancewas based on the modelset by St. Benedictthrough
his own deeds as wellas on a !iteraiinterpretationofhis Rule. By displayingthe !ifeof
St. Benedicton the cloister'swalls,Gomezioofferedhis monksa daily,vividreminder
of their founder's virtueand authorityto guide them in their quest fora striet
observanceof the Rute. Benedict'svirtue providedan exemplarby whichthe monks
could modeltheir behavior. Benedict'sauthoritywas establishedby his rote as the first
abbot of his Order and by his Rutederivedfrom this experience.Withthe exceptionof
a few introductoryepisodes,the muralcycleskips frommiracleto miracleand omits
narrativedetailsthat recountbiographicalfact rather than divineoccurrence. The
successionof miraclesrepresentedin the OrangeCloisterprovidedthe monastie
viewerswith imagesby whichthey could contemplateGod's providence.By emulating
St. Benedict'spietyand dedicationto the monastic!ife-- virtuesexemplifiedin the
murals-- the monkscould hope to achievethe goal put forthby Benedictin his Rule to
"advancein the religiousIife and in faith ... neverdepartingfromHis school,but
perseveringin the monasteryaccordingto His teachingunti!death [in order to] share in
the sufferingsof Christand deserveto have a share also in His kingdom."19

St. Benedici's Rutefor Monasteries,Doyletrans., prologue,pp. 5-6.

The specificepisodeschosenby Gomeziofor representationalso emphasizeand
validatethe absoluteauthorityofthe Abbotwithinthe monastery. WhileGomeziodid
inherithis zeal for reformfrom Barbo, he did not agree with ali of the changeshis
mentorhoped to implement.Benedict'sRule providedan abbot with guidelinesto
establishan independent,self-govemingcommunity:"lf it can be done, the monastery
shouldbe so establishedthat ali the necessarythings... may be withinthe enclosure,so
that there is no necessityfor the monksto go about outsideof it, sincethat is not at ali
profitablefor their souls."20 Thus, each Benedictineabbey,includingthe Badia
Fiorentina,strove to be self-containedand autonomous. Barbo believed,however,that
this very independencehad led to the great abusesand decadencethat plaguedhis
order. He felt that a centralizedsystemof govemance,like those used by the
Franciscansand Dominicans,would preventany one abbot or communityfrom
divergingfrom the reformedobservantlifestylethat he had worked so hard to establish.
In 1419Barbo initiatedthe Congregation of SantaGiustina,joininghis monasteryin
Padua with two Venetianmonasteriesand the FiorentineBadia.21 Barbo's ultimateaim
was to bringall ItalianBenedictinehousesinto the Congregation,whose leadership

20 Ibid., chap. 66, p. 94.
21 Thejoining of Santa Giustina,San GiorgioMaggiore,SantiFelicee

Fortunatodi Arnione,and SantaMaria di Firenze(the Badia)as a unitedreform
Congregationcalled"De unitate"was approvedby Pope MartinV on l January 1419
with the bull "IneffabilissummaprovidentiaPatris." Tassi,"La crisidella
Congregazionedi S. Giustina,"96-100;Trolese,"La riformabenedettinadi S.
Giustina,"58; and GregorioPenco,"La congregazionedi S. Giustina,"chap. 8.2 in
Storia del monachesimoin Italia. Dalle originiallefine del Medioevo(Milan:Jaca
Book, 1983),308-28.
11

would rotate fromyear to year to preventany one houseor abbot from assumingtoo
muchpower. Each year, representativesfrommembermonasterieswould attend a
22 Gomezio,however,
GeneraiChaptermeetingto discussissuesand pass legislation.

believedthat this centralizedsystemtook too muchpowerawayfrom individuai
abbots,whoseauthoritywas specificallyoutlinedin Benedict'sRule: "To us,
therefore,it seemsexpedientfor the preservation of peaceand charitythat the Abbot
have in his handsthe fulladministrationofhis monastery."23 Not only did Gomezio
find faultwith Barbo's new systembecausethe decisionsof the Congregationoverrode
any objectionsof individuaiabbots,but also becausesimplemonkswere able to vote
24 Gomeziobelievedthat
alongsidetheir superiorsin the creation of such legislation.

the centralizedCongregationand the democratizationof its administrationdivergedtoo
far fromthe core valuesofBenedict's teachings,and he stroveto reinstatehis office's
traditionalauthority. At first, Gomeziowas supportiveof his mentor's new
congregationand servedas its presidentin 1423. Correspondencebetweenthe two
abbots suggeststhat Gomezio'sdisagreementswith Barbo regardingthe
democratizationof the Order beganto cause problemssoon thereafter;and in letters
datablefrom 1425to 1427,Barbo urged his protégéto temperhis opinionsfor the sake

22 Tassi,"La crisidella Congregazionedi S. Giustina,"96-100;Trolese,"La

riformabenedettinadi S. Giustinanel Quattrocento,"55-58.
23

St. Benedici'sRutefor Monasteries,Doyletrans., chap.65, p. 92.

24 Tassi,"La crisidella Congregazionedi S. Giustina,"100.

of peace and unityin the Congregation.25 Unableto persuadeBarbo and bis
supporters,in 1428-- the year in whichconstructionofthe OrangeCloistercomplex
most likelybegan -- GomezioreceivedpermissionfromPope MartinV to removethe
Badiafrom the Congregationthat GomeziohimselfhadhelpedBarbo to found less
than a decadeearlier.26
This CongregationalcrisisunderscoresGomezio's fiercebeliefin the supreme
authorityof the abbot as outlinedin BenedictineRule. Whenchoosingmiraclesfrom
the life of St. Benedictfor representationin the OrangeCloister's muralcycle,
Gomezioselectedthose that highlightedthe theme of abbatialauthority. With the
OrangeCloistermurals,Gomeziocould ensure not only that his communitywould
reflecton the virtuous,contemplative,pious, and ascetichabitsof St. Benedict,but
also that bis authorityas abbot wouldbe authenticated. Indeed,manyof the episodes
chosen for representationshowthat it was through Benedict's effectiveleadershipand
his disciplesunquestioningobediencethat the saint was able to performhis miracles
and therebyensurethe successof his Order. The figureof the saint -- as abbot -appears prominentlyin the OrangeCloistermurals,often holdinga book to remindthe
viewerthat the abbot's supremacyis dictatedby the Rule. By the time Pope Eugenius
IV announcedhis plansto reinstatethe Badia in the Congregationof SantaGiustinain

25 lbid., 103.
26 The secessionof the Badiawas approvedon 15 May 1428by Pope Martin V.

Tassi, "La crisidellaCongregazionedi S. Giustina,"100-107;RudolfBlum,La
Bibliotecadella Badia Fiorentinae i codici di Antonio Corbinelli,Studi e testi, 155
(Città del Vaticano:BibliotecaApostolicaVaticana,1951), 16-17;and Spinelli,61-62.
13

November1437,the paintingofthe muralcycle,repletewith abbatialpropaganda,was
well underway. Moreover,Gomeziodid not abandonhis convictionsabout abbatial
authorityafter the restorationof the Badiato the Congregationthat was finalizedin
1441.27 Indeed,it seemsthat Gomezio'spapa!appointmentin late 1439to succeed
AmbrogioTraversarias Generaiof the CamaldoleseOrder was made not only because
Gomeziohad servedthe pope as a loyalreformerof variousmonasticcongregations,28

27 In an apostolicletter dated 13November1437, EugeniusIV annuiied the bull

of MartinV that had allowedthe Badiato secedefromthe Congregation of Santa
Giustinain 1428. The Badiawas fullyreinstatedinto the Congregationin 1441. Tassi,
"La crisidellaCongregazionedi S. Giustina,"100-105;Blum, 16;JamesF. O'Gorman,
TheArchitectureofthe MonasticLibraryin ltaly 1300-1600.Cataloguewith
lntroductoryEssay (New York: New York UniversityPress, 1972),51; and Trolese,
LudovicoBarbo e S. Giustina, 143-4.
28 AbbotGomeziowas appointed,togetherwith AmbrogioTraversari,as one

of Pope Eugenius'smainagentsof monasticreformin Tuscany. Gomeziowas also
appointedby the communeof Florenceas its theologianand treasurer,and he servedas
papalambassadorto the Portuguesecrown. As a reformer,Gomeziowas responsible
not only for Benedictinehouses,but also for monasteriesof variousBenedictinereform
congregations,that is, congregationsthat followedthe Rule of St. Benedictwithout
takingthe Benedictinehabitsuch as the Sylvestrines,the Vallombrosans,the
Camaldolese,and the Olivetans. Gomeziowas also responsiblefor the reformof
severa!conventsofBenedictinenuns,includingLe Muratethat was locatednear to the
Badiaat the end of Via Ghibellina.Puccinelli,Cronica,35; Battelli,"Due celebri
monaciportoghesiin Firenze,"219; idem,"L'abate Don GomezFerreirada Silva,"
162;Tassi,"Per la datazionedi alcunelettere,"288-9;De Sousa Costa, 79-87, 102-23;
Spinelli,56-64;and SaundraLynnWeddle,"EnclosingLe Murate:The Ideologyof
Enclosureand the Architectureof a FiorentineConvent,1390-1597"(Ph.D.
Dissertation,CornellUniversity,1997),113-22,270-5.
AmbrogioTraversaridied in October 1439,and EugeniusIV appointedAbbot
Gomezioto replacehimas Generaiofthe CamaldoleseOrder. Battelli,"L'abate Don
GomezFerreirada Silva,"162;and De SousaCosta,89-93, 102-4.
14

but also becauseEugeniuswantedto removethe dissidentabbot fromthe Badiato
29
facilitatethe abbey'sretum to the Santa GiustinaCongregation.

Despitethe clearrole that the Life of St. Benedicimuralsand their surrounding
cloisterplayedin Gomezio'sreformprogram,art and architecturalhistorianshave not
been interestedin issuesof patronage,function,or reception. Architecturalhistorians
have endeavoredto identifythe cloister's architectdespitedocumentaryevidencethat
demonstratesthe collaborativenature ofthe building'sdesignand construction. Most
historiansattributethe cloisterto the sculptor-architectBernardoRossellinobecausehe
appearsin the Badia's accountrecordsfor the project. Eventhough Rossellino's
contributionseemsrelativelysmallin comparisonto the contributionsof some of the
other, lesser-knownartisanspaid for work on the project,the GrangeCloisteris
explainedas one ofthe firstworks by this well-knownFiorentinearchitectto manifest
his eclecticyet originaistyle. Similarly,art historianshaveallowedissuesof authorship
to dominatetheir studiesof the OrangeCloisterand its murals. UsingVasarian
biographicalmethods,they havestruggledto namethe murals'artist, and manyhave

29 After servingas the CamaldoleseGeneraifor two years,Gomeziorequested

permissionfromPope Eugeniusto retum to Portugalin December1441. The pope
allowedGomezio'sresignationand made himPrior ofthe Augustinianchurchof Santa
Croce in Coimbra. In his biographyof EugeniusIV, Vespasianoda Bisticciimplied
that this transferwas due in part to the pope's desireto facilitatethe return of the
Badiato the SantaGiustinaCongregation.IldefonsoTassihas also suggestedthat it
was onlyafter Gomezio'smovethat the Badiawas fullyrestoredto the Congregation
in 1441. Vespasianoda Bisticci,Vite di uomini illustridel secolo XV, ed. Paolo
d'Anconaand ErhardAeschlimann(Milan:UlricoHoepli, 1951),IO;and Tassi,"Per la
datazionedi alcunelettere,"283. For more on Gomezio'sretum to Portugalsee
Battelli,"L'abate Don GomezFerreirada Silva,"162;and De SousaCosta, 102-4.
15

settledon Giovannidi Consalvoda Portogallo,an otherwiseunknownPortuguese
painter,becausehe is documentedas purchasingpigmentsfor the cloister's decoration.
Conventionalart historicalmethods,however,have limitedthese scholars'
examinationsofthe murals. Ratherthan authorship,an investigationofthe Orange
CloisterLife of St. Benedicishouldbeginwith questionsof functionand receptionto
create a frameworkin whichissuesof architecturalsetting,iconography,historical
context,patronage,and stylecan be integrated. This rangeof questionsallowsfor a
more satisfyinginterpretation of the cycle.
A reviewofthe literatureon the OrangeCloistercomplexunderlinesthe
separationbetweenanalysesofthe muralpaintingsand studiesof the cloister's
architecture. Architecturalhistorianshavedone little more than mentionthe mural
decorationexceptwhen it helpsto establisha constructionchronologyfor the cloister
and its surroundingbuildings.Similarly,art historianshavenot consideredthe murals
in the context of the functionalspacethat they adorn. Sucha division between
architecturaland art historyis yet anotherproblematicart historicalmethodthat further
preventsan understandingofthe OrangeCloisterin the mannerin whichits patrons
would haveexperiencedthe buildingand its decoration. Whilescholarsof mural
paintingusuallydo investigatethe relationshipbetweensite and image,studentsof the
OrangeCloisterhave soughtthe murals'authorto the exclusionof other issues.
Indeed,these criticshavefoundit difficultto explainthe significanceof these paintings
withoutthe familiarinterpretativeframeworkprovidedby an author and havestruggled
to identifythe cycle's artist so that the muralscan be includedin the biography-based
16

canon ofltalian Renaissanceart. Unfortunately,neitherofthe commonlyaccepted
attributions-- to an anonymousFiorentineorto the otherwiseunknownbut
documentedPortuguesepainter-- allowsthe muralsto assumea piace ofimportance in
discussionsof Italianmuralpainting. This failingis especiallyproblematicgiven the
Badiacycle's uniquepositionas the earliestsurvivingLife of St. Benedici cycle to
appearin a monasticcloisterand as the only extant monumentalmuralcycleto
demonstratean understandingof the progressivestyleofMasaccio and Masolinoat the
BrancaccichapelbeforeFra Angelico'swork at San Marco.
A thoroughhistoryof the OrangeCloisterprojectmust first establisha context
for the muralspaintedon the cloister's wallsto demonstratethat the muralcycle was
part of a muchlargerprogramto reformand revitalizethe monastery. A descriptionof
the extant buildingfabricand a reconstructionofthe monasticcomplexbased on
documentaryevidenceand other primarysourcesgivesa senseof how the murals
would havebeenexperiencedin the earlyfifteenthcentury. A discussion of the patron,
AbbotGomezio,explainshow the new compoundformedan integraipart of his reform
programthat was initiatedat the Badiain 1419and continuedthroughouthis twentyyear abbacythere. A reviewofthe documentaryevidencecallsinto questionthe
traditionalattributionofthe OrangeCloister'sdesignto BernardoRossellino. Instead,
referencesfromthe monastery's accountbooks suggestthat the project may have been
co-directedby the mastermasonAntoniodi Domenico,who also oversawthe first
additionto the fourteenth-centuryParte GuelfaPalaceca. 1418-1426,and the master
stonecutterGiovannid'Antonio,who was the uncleof the woodcarverand architect
17

Giulianoda Maianoand his youngerbrotherBenedetto,a woodcarverand sculptor.
This dual attributionof the OrangeCloisterto Antoniodi Domenicoand Giovanni
d'Antoniochallengesconventionalnotionsof architecturalauthorshipand questions
how the term "architect"maybe appliedto earlyfifteenth-centurybuildingprojects.
Indeed,it was AbbotGomeziowho envisionedand initiatedthe OrangeCloister
buildingproject,and he, in a sense,maybe identifiedas its "architect."
Documentary,circumstantial,and stylisticevidencesuggestthat Abbot
Gomezioemployedtwo teamsof artiststo designand paintthe muralsto decoratehis
new cloister. It has long beenrecognizedthat the cycle's last two muralsshow
differencesof skill,technicalability,and stylisticsensibilityfromthe first ten scenes.
Art historianssinceVasarihavenoticeda correspondencebetweenthese first ten Badia

muralsand the work of Fra Angelico. However,an attribution of these muralsdirectly
to Angelico'sworkshophas been complicatedby other, seeminglyeclectic,stylistic
traits evidentin the muralsthat havebeen likenedto the work of Paolo Uccello,Fra
FilippoLippi,DomenicoVeneziano,and non-ItalianpainterslikeJan Van Eyck,
KonradWitz,and LucasMoser. Indeed,most studentsof the OrangeCloistermurals
have recognizeda lackof sophisticationin the paintingsthat has suggestedto them that
the painterresponsiblefor the cycle's firstten sceneswas an observantbut less-talented
followerof the great Fiorentinemastersofhis day. Manyof these criticshave founda
solution to this attributionalproblemin the much-disputedpersonalityof the painter
Giovannidi Consalvo,whosepresencein the OrangeCloisterdocumentsfrom 1436to
1439for purchasingpaintingmaterialshas led to the identificationofthis otherwise
18

unknownpainteras the sole authorof the murals. However,a thoroughreviewofthe
evidencesuggeststhat he was one of severa!paintersinvolvedin a collaborative
project. Whencomparedto the paintedmurals,the quick,confidentexecutionof each
scene's underdrawing,or sinopia,(pls. 94-103)suggeststhat differentartistswere
responsiblefor the compositions'designsand subsequentcompletionin color. The
first ten underdrawingsare well-executedwith economiestrokesof sinoper,but the
finalmuralsfrequentlydepart fromthe drawingsin waysthat rarelyimprovethe
originaidesign. Instead,these changessuggestan inabilityto understandthe designer's
guidingdrawings. Visualanalysisrevealsrecurrentmotifsand idiosyncrasiesthat
suggestthe participationof morethan one painterin the executionof these scenes.
Indeed,the perceivedeclecticismofthe muralsmaybe explainednot as the
consequenceof one artist's absorptionof the popularstylesof the day but rather as the
resultof a collaboration of like-mindedbut differentindividuals,one of whommay
havebeen the documentedGiovannidi Consalvo. However,withoutany other known
works by Giovanni'shand, it is preferableto identifythese paintersas anonymous
membersof an unidentifiedFiorentineworkshop.
An analysisofthe iconographicand compositionalchoicesmadethroughoutthe
cyclerevealshow the muraldesignersrespondedto and modifiedthe textualand
pictorialsourcesfor their designs. By askinghow the muralcompositionswere created
and why, historianscan developa richerunderstandingofthe BadiaLife of St.
Benedict. An investigationofthe patron's desireto commemorateBenedictas a means
to inspirehis disciples'pursuitof the monastic!ife,to teach the historyofthe
19

BenedictineGrder's ancientfoundation,to encouragemeditationon God's grace and
power as manifestedthroughBenedict'smiracles,to glorifyhis Grder's reformmission,
and also to advocateand advertisehis controversia!beliefsabout abbatialauthority
permitsthe GrangeCloisterto take its piaceamongother great propagandisticlife
cycleslikethat of St. Francisat Assisi,with whichthe Badiacyclesharesa similarityof
functionas well as an unresolveddebateabout authorship. An approachthat presents
an understandingofthe architecturalspaceofthe GrangeCloisterand its imagesallows
for a historyof art, ratherthan a historyof artists. In this way, a clearerpictureof the
ltalianRenaissanceemerges,includingthe GrangeCloister,one that enablesthe
historianto presentmodesof seeingItalianart and architectureas they were
experiencedand understoodby their originaipatronsand viewers.

CHAPTERONE
THE MURALDECORATIONOF THE ORANGECLOISTER
A Reviewof the literature

Despitetheir locationin one of the oldest and richestecclesiastica!institutions
in Florence,the muralspaintedin the OrangeCloisterof the BadiaFiorentinahave
neverreceivedcomprehensivetreatmentby historiansof Renaissanceart. (pls. 63, 8193) Issuesof authorshiphavedominatedstudies of the Orange Cloister,and students
have been interestedeither in its constructionand responsiblearchitector in its mural
cycleand painter. As WilliamHood has noted, an investigationofthe muralsmust
beginwith questionsof functionand reception,ratherthan with problemsof
authorship,to create a frameworkin whichissuesof style,iconography,and context
maybe integratedto presenta satisfyinginterpretationof the cycle.1 Onlythen can the
muralsfindtheir deservedpiacein the canonofltalian muralpainting. The following
discussionsets forth the variousattemptsby art historiansto identifythe "Masterof the

1 In a footnote to his discussionofthe OrangeCloisterincludedin his reviewof

Fiorentinepaintedcloisters,WilliamHood drew attentionto the need for a full
treatmentofthe OrangeCloisterthat would addressthe styleand iconographyof the
muralsin the context of the cloister's function. The undertakingof such an
investigationwas, however,outsidethe scope ofHood's book, and he only soughtto
raiseissuesthat had yet to be addressed. Hood, 312, n. 30.
21

GrangeCloister,"referredto here as the "BadiaMaster,"and highlightsthe problems
they haveencountered.
GiorgioVasariwas the first to discussthe decorativeprogramof the Grange
Cloisterat the BadiaFiorentinain hisLives of the Artists, publishedinitiallyin 1550
and revisedand enlargedin 1568. In both editions,he attributedto Fra Angelicothe
lunettemuraloriginallypaintedaver the ground-floorentranceto the refectory
vestibulelocatedin the northwestcornerof the cloister.2 (pls. 5, 8, 56) The mural
depictsa half-lengthfigureof St. Benedictsignalingfar silence,his left fingerpressed
to his lips.(pi. 63) Vasarialso describeda now lost frescoinsidethe refectorythat
depictedthe Crucifìxion,givingit to GiovanniAntonioSogliani.3

The overdoorfresco,now quitedamagedand repainted,has been removed
fromthe Badiacloisterto a storage site at the PalazzoPitti, Florence,by the Ufficiodel
Restauro,Soprintendenzaper i beni artisticie storici-Firenze.
Vasariattributedthe St. Benedicilunetteto Angelicoin both the 1550 and 1568
editionsof his Vite. GiorgioVasari,Le vitede' più eccellentipittori scultorie
architettorinelle redazionidel 1550e 1568,text ed. RosannaBettarini,commentary
ed. PaolaBarocchi(Florence:Sansoni,1966),voi. 3, Testo,276, 272.

Thisfrescois now lost, but traces of it maysurviveunderneathlayersof
whitewashon the originaisouthernwall ofthe refectorythat is now cut through with
two archesand servesas a partitionin "Bartolucci"-- a toy stare accessibleat Via della
Condotta, 12/R.
Mentionof Sogliani'sfresco appearsin both editionsofthe Vite. 1550ed.:
"Lavorònel refettoriodellaBadiadi Fiorenzaun Crocifissoet altre figurea fresco;..."
and 1568ed.: "Di manodi costui è anca nel reffettoriodellabadiade'MonaciNeri in
Firenzeun Crucifissocon Angeliche volanoe piangonocon moltograzia, et abassoè
la Nostra Donna,S. Giovanni,S. Benedetto,S. Scolasticaet altre figure."VasariBettarini,Testo,4: 441.

In the 1568edition,Vasariattributedthe sceneof St. BenediciRolling in
Thoms, foundin the upper cloister,to AgnoloBronzino,callingit "verygood."4 (pi.

84) However,he neglectedto mentionthe full cycleofwhich Bronzino'slunette is
only the fourth scenein the serieson the north wall. Vasariwas wellacquaintedwith
the monasteryand its church,havingreceiveda commissionfrom the monksto paint an
altarpiecedepictingthe Assumptionof the Virginfor their highaltar.5 Indeed,he
describedmanyof the artistictreasuresfoundin the churchand its surrounding
buildingsin his Vite,ascribingelementsof the monastery'sarchitecture,painting,
sculpture,metalwork,manuscripts,and stainedglass to severalof his "most eminent
painters,sculptors,and architects."6 The flawof Vasari's methodis evidentin the title

4 Ibid.,6: 231.

5 Someauthorspostulatethat restrictedaccessto the OrangeCloisterkept

Vasarisilentabout its muralcycle,but Vasari's descriptionsof the artistictreasures
found in the Badiasuggesthis familiaritywith both churchand cloister. (See the list in
the followingnote.) A close relationshipwith the Badiacan be establishedwith
certaintyby 1568,the year in whichVasaricompletedhis ownAssumptionof the
Virginaltarpiece-- paintedto replaceGiotto's pictureon the high altar of the Badia.
Vasaridescribedthis commissionfar the Badiain the autobiographicalsectionof his
Vite (1568 ed.). GiorgioVasari,Le vile de 'pitt eccelleIli i piltori scultorie
architetlori,ed. Paolo dellaPergola,LuigiGrassi,and GiovanniPrevitali(Milan:
Edizioniper il Club del Libro, 1962),8: 270.
Far more on Vasari'saltarpiece,see Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedella
BadiaFiorentina,"65, 88, n. 123,and 107;and Laura Corti, Vasari.Catalago
completodei dipinti (Florence:Cantini,1989), 125.
Vasari(DellaPergolaet al., 1: 224) attributedthe constructionof the church
to Arnolfodi Cambio. In additionto those by Angelicoand Bronzino,he also ascribed
works to: Giotto (1: 301), BuonamicoBuffalmacco(1: 398), SpinelloAretino(2: 15),
Masaccio(2: 228), l\finoda Fiesole(3: 55), Giovannidi GiulianoBoccardiin "Vita di
Gherardol\,iinìatore"(3: 147),Antoniodi SalviSalvucciin "Vita d'Antonio e Piero
Pollaiuoli"(3: 180),FilippinoLippi(3: 259, 267), Battistadi LorenzoBorro in "Vita di

ofhis opus, as it forcedhimto omit those worksof art whose authorshipwas unknown
or obscure. Vasari's selectivediscussionofthe OrangeCloister,whethermotivatedby
difficultywith or disinterestin providingan attribution,marksthe beginningof an
inabilityto discussthe Life of St. Benedicimuralswithoutfirst ascertainingtheir
author.7
LikeVasari,seventeenth-century
writersofferedpartialdescriptionsof the
Badiaand its decoration. PlacidoPuccinelli,abbotof the Badiaand residenthistorian,
onlydescribedthe refectoryoverdoorin his chronicleofthe Badiapublishedin 1664.
He attributedit to Masaccio.8 In the 1677editionofFrancesco Bocchi'sLe bellezze

della citta di Fiorenza...,9 GiovanniCinellirevisedthe sectionon the Badiato include

Guglielmoda Marcillat"(4: 129),Benedettoda Rovezzano(4: 214), GiovanniAntonio
Sogliani(4: 395), FrancescoSalviatiand Leonardodel Tasso (6: 513), BattistaNaldini
(8: 33), and himself(8: 270).
7 "Vasari's selectionof famousmen, howeverresistedand criticized[by later

historians],providedthe basisfor futurestudy. His canon,once fixed,was so decisive
that to haveescapedVasari'sattentionoften meantto have fallenfrom consideration
for centuries. Those artists he failedto rescuefromthe 'second death' of oblivionhave
remainedthere to be resurrectedonlywith great difficulty."PatriciaLee Rubin,
GiorgioVasari.Art and History(NewHavenand London:YaleUniversityPress,
1995),4.
"Dipinseancorasopra la Porta del Claustroper dove s'entra nel Vestibolodel
Refettorioun S. Benedettoin atto, che additail silentio,pitture stimatetrà le più
cospicuedellaToscana."Puccinelli,Cronica,4.

In his descriptionofthe Badia,Socchi onlydiscussedthe churchand someof
its chapelsand fumishings.FrancescoSocchi,Le bellezzedella Citta di Fiorenza,
Florence1591,with a new introductionby John Shearman(England:Gregg
IntemationalPublishers,Ltd., 1971), 190-96.

a limitedaccountof the cloister's decoration.10 CinellifallowedVasari's lead by
describingonlythe overdoorSI. Benedici,the refectoryCmcifixionby Sogliani,and
Bronzino'sSI. BenediciRolli11gi11T'hornsin the upper loggia,11 though he accepted
Puccinelli'sattributionto Masacciofar the refectoryoverdoor.
FollowingVasari's biographicalmethod,studentsofthe OrangeCloister have
soughtattributionsfar its muralsto includethe cyclein the historyof Fiorentine
painting. Not wishingto perpetuateVasari's silencebut bound to his approach,
subsequentwritershavetried varioussolutionsfar the murals' problematicauthorship.
In his 1754historyofflorentine churches,GiuseppeRichawas the first to
acknowledgethe existenceof an entire cycledepictingthirteenscenesfrom the life of

St. Benediciby "excellentpainters." He was more specificin his attributions,taken
fromVasari,of the St. BenediciRolli11gin Thoms to Bronzinoand the refectory

Crucifixionto Sogliani.12

GiovanniCinelliin FrancescoBecchiand GiovanniCinelli,le Bellezzedella
ci/la di Fire11:e
dove a pie110di pillura di sculturadi Sacri Templi,di Palazzi, i più
notabiliartifizi,e più preziosisi colllengono,first editionwrittenby FrancescoBecchi,
1591,amplifiedand expandedby GiovanniCinelli(Florence:GiovanniGugliantini,
1677),377-88.
10

lbid., 378

"[i]IChiostro,già detto degli aranci..., quantolunghesono le quattro logge
di questo Chiostro,sopra le qualiveggonsitredicistoriedi S. Benedettodipinteda
eccellentipittori,e quelladove il S. si getta nellespine,è di manodel Bronzino;Nel
refettorioè di Gio. AntonioSoglianiun Crocifissoa frescocon altre figuretenuto per
cosa moltoeccellente." GiuseppeRicha,Notizieistorichedelle chiesejìorellline.
Divisene' suoi Quartieri(Florence:Pietro GaetanoViviani,1754),voi. 1, Parte
prima, del quartieredi Santa Croce,204.
12

Subsequentguidebooksto FlorencefollowedRicha'slead, mentioningthe
frescocycleof the OrangeCloisterwhilerefrainingfrom makingan attributionexcept
in the case of the sceneby Bronzino.13 Jacob Burckhardtofferedthe first suggestion
for the cycle's author in his 1855Cicerone.14 In an asideto a discussionof the Life o/
St. Benedicicyclepaintedin the Neapolitanmonasticcloisterof Ss. Severinoe Sossio,
he noted that the Badiacyclehad "alwaysseemedto me likean earlierwork by the

13 GaetanoCambiagiamendedbis descriptionof the Badiain the 6th editionof

his Guida,first publishedin 1765,to includea descriptionof the cloister. Whilehe did
mentionthe refectoryCrucifixion,he did not mentionits overdoorlunette. Gaetano
Cambiagi,ed., Guidaal Forestieroper osservarecon metodole raritàe bellezzedella
città di Firenze,6th ed. (Florence:GaetanoCambiagiStampGranducale,1793), 146.
L. Gargiolli(1819) mentionedthe refectoryCrucifixionby Soglianiand the
upper-storymuralsattributingthemto "artistsof merit"whilehe directlyascribedthe
St. BenediciRolling in Thornsto Bronzino. L. F. M. G. Gargiolli,Descriptionde la
ville de Florenceet de ses environsprécedéed'un abrégéde l'histoiredes beaux-arts
(Florence:Landi, 1819),2: 66.
GasperoRicci(1820)gave the cycleto "fineartists,"singlingout Bronzino's
lunetteand mentioningSogliani'sCrucifixion. GasperoRicci,Guidadi Firenzee
d'altre cittàprincipalidella Toscana(Florence:GasperoRicci, 1820), l: 208.
An 1843guide includedthis sametrio of cloistermurals,but mistakenly
identifiedthe cycleas the Lifeof St. Bemard. Nuova Guidadella Cillà e Colllomi di
Firenze,4th ed. (Florence:AngioloGarinei,1843),160.
A mentionofthe refectoryoverdoorlunette,omittedsinceCambiagi(1793),
reappearedin an 1850guideby GiuseppeFrançois,who attributedit to Fra Angelico.
He also mentionedthe thirteenscenesfromthe Lifeof St. Benedictfoundin the upper
cloisterwithoutattributionfor any ofthe scenes.GiuseppeFrançois,Nuova Guida
della Cittàdi Firenze,last ed. (Florence:VincenzoBulli, 1850), 198.
14 "Ein anderesLebendes S. Benedictim obem Stockwerkjener ionischen

Doppelhallebei der Badiain Florenz,ist mir immerwie eine Vorubungdesselben
Malersvorgekommen."Burckhardt'sintroductoryguideto ltalianart was first
publishedby Schweighauserin Basel, 1855. JacobBurckhardt,Der Cicerone.Eine
Anleitung::umGenussder Kunstwerkeitaliens,3d ed., 4 vols. (Leipzig:E. A.
Seemann,1874),3: 931, n. 1.
26

same master,"namely,AntonioSolario,also knownas lo Zingaro.15 Had Burckhardt
been aware of later-discovereddocumentaryevidencethat dated the Badiacycle to the
late 1430s,he surelywould not have suggestedthat its author was also responsiblefor
the Neapolitancyclethat he dated almostthree-quartersof a centurylater.16 However,
it is interestingthat he associatedthe Badiacyclewith one that he foundto
demonstratea mixof Umbrianand Flemishinfluences,17 thus initiatingthe
characterizationof the Badiacycle's styleas one demonstratingboth ltalian and
northemtraits.
For the remainderof the nineteenthcentury,writerseitherrepeated Vasari's
ascriptionsto Angelicoand Bronzinowithoutfurtherdiscussion of the cycleor, like
Richa,referredto the life of St. Benediciwithoutattribution.18 Others, like

15 Jacob Burckhardt,The Cicerone.An Art Guidelo Paintingin Italyfor the

use of travellersand stude11ts,
trans. Mrs. A.H. Clough,with a prefaceby P.G. Konody
(London:T. WemerLaurie, 1908), 102,n.
Burckhardt(The Cicerone,304) dated Solario'sactivityas a painterfrom
1495to 1515and suggestedthat the Neapolitancycledated fromthe end of the
fifteenthcentury. The date of the frescocycleat Ss. Severinoe Sossioin Naples is not
secure.In a monographon the monastery,Jole Mazzolenisuggestedeither 1495or
1524as the date for the cycle,whileMariaCristinaChiusastated that the traditionally
assigneddate is 1515. Jole Mazzoleni,Il monasterobenedettinodei Ss. Severinoe
Sossio(Naples:Societànapoletanadi storia patria, 1964),40; MariaCristinaChiusa,
"Solario,Antonio[lo Zingaro],"in TheDictiona,yof Art, ed. Jane Tumer, (London:
MacmillanPublishersLimited,1996),29: 28.
16

17 Burckhardt,The Cicerone,101.

The Cruickshankrevisionsto Grant Allen's 1897guidejudged the frescoes to
be "quaint"and describedeach episodeof the narrative,but chosenot to offer an
attribution. Florence,GramAllen 's HistoricalGuides,new ed., rev. and enl. J.W. &
A.M. Cruickshank(London:E. Grant Richards,1906),266-267. Anotherguide
18

Burckhardt,venturednew candidatesas the murals'author.19 Severalscholars
identifieda relationshipbetweenthe cycleand the work offra Angelico-- a connection
establishedby Vasari'sattributionofthe refectoryoverdoor,and they proposedartists
fromthe outer reachesof Angelico'scircleas the cycle's author. These suggestions
allowedart historiansto establisha looseassociationwith the master's stylewithout
suggestinga directattributionto him. In their firsteditionof A New Historyof
Paiming in ltaly publishedin 1864,J. A. Croweand G. B. Cavalcasellejudged the
Badiamuralsto be in the mannerof Andreada Firenze,now knownas Andreadi
Giusto,whomthey identifiedas a possibleassistantto Angelicoresponsiblefor "many
feeblyexecutedor conceivedpictures"then givento Angelicodirectly.20 In the later

publishedin 1930mentionedthe cycleas paintedin the firsthalfof the fifteenthcentury
by an unknownartist.Artistic Guidelo Florenceand its Surrmmdings,new ed.
(Florence:SocietàEditriceFiorentina,1930),59-60.
FederigoFantozziattributedthe refectoryoverdoorlunetteto Angelicoand
foundthe cycleinterestingand pleasingdespitehavingbeenpaintedin an era "unhappy
for painting." Like Vasari,he deemedBronzino'sscene"verygood." Federigo
Fantozzi,Nuova Guidaovverodescrizionestorico-artistico-critica
della citlà e
colllomi di Firenze(Florence:GiuseppeDucci, 1856),256-57.
In the first completehistoryof the BadiasincePuccinelli'schronicle,G. B.
Uccellireportedthat the frescocyclewas reputedto predatethe late-fourteenthcenturyLife of St. Benedicicyclepaintedby SpinelloAretinoat San Miniatoal Monte,
though he doubtedthis datinggiventhe styleof both the muralsand surrounding
cloister. He attributedthe refectoryoverdoorto Masaccioand mentioneda citation
statingthat Angelicoalso painteda St. Benedictoverdoorin the cloister;he did not
realizethat his two sourcespertainedto the sameobject. I assumethat Uccellitook
the MasaccioattributionfromRicha(204). He statedthat a Riccardiancodex
indcludedan attribution of an overdoorSt. Benedictto Angelico,though he did not
offer furtherinformationon this codex. Uccelli,82.
19

20 In their treatmentof Andreada Firenze,Crowe and Cavalcaselle
discussed

the artist as a potentialassistantto Angelicoand suggested"that manyfeeblyexecuted
28

Italianeditionof 1883, they found differentmeansto arriveat the same conclusion,
substitutingthe name Andreada Firenzewith an attributionto an unnamed,weak
followerof Angelicoand his studentBenozzoGozzoli.21 Similarly,in their Walksin

Florencepublishedfirst in 1873and revisedin 1884,Susanand Joanna Horner
attributedthe Badiacycle to Niccolòda Foligno(also calledAlunno),an Umbrianartist
then consideredto be Gozzoli's student.22 In Saunteringsin Florence,E. Grifi
attributedthe refectoryoverdoor to Angelicodespiteits poor conditioncausedby a
botchedattemptto detach it from the cloisterwalland its subsequentrepainting. He

or conceivedpicturesassignedto [Angelico]are by this Andrea." Joseph Archer
Crowe and GiovanniBattista Cavalcaselle,A NewHist01yof Paintingin Italyjrom the
Secondto the SixteemhCemury,3 vols. (London:John Murray, 1864-1866),1: 557, n.
3. For more on Andrea,whose activitycan be dated from 1423to 1450,see Francesca
Petrucci,"Andreadi Giusto Manzini,"in La Pitturain Italia. Il Quattrocellfo,ed.
FedericoZeri (Milan:Electa, 1986),2: 557.

Storiadellapittura in Italia dal secolo
Il al secoloXVI, voi. 2, L'arte dopo la mortedi Giotto(Florence:Le Monnier, 1883),
418, n. 1. Crowe and CavalcasellefoundBenozzoGozzolito be a "second-rate,"
untalentedfollowerofFra Angelico. For more on similarlynegativeearly modem
criticismofGozzoli, see Diane Cole Ahi,Beno::o Go::oli (New Haven and London:
Yale UniversityPress, 1996), 1-2.
21 G. B. Cavalcaselleand J. A. Crowe,

22 The Horners also mentionedthe lunetteby Bronzino,which they noted was

badlydamagedin an attempt to detach it fromthe wall. SusanHorner and Joanna
Horner, Walksin Florence,new ed., rev. and enl. (London:Smith,Elder, & Co.,
1884),272. (1873 ed., 312)
Like the Horners, AugustusJ.C. Hare gave the cycleto Niccolò d'Alunno in his
Florence,9th ed., rev. St. Clair Baddeley(London:Smith,Elder & Co., 1884,63;
London:KeganPaul, Trench,Trubner,& Co, Ltd, 1925),66.
For late nineteenth-centuryunderstandingofNiccolò di Liberatoreda Foligno,
also knownas l'Alunno,as a followerof Gozzolisee Crowe and Cavalcaselle,New
Historyof Painting,3: 125-35. For more recent scholarshipsee Maria Rita Silvestrelli,
"Nicolòdi Liberatore,detto l'Alunno,"in La pittura in Italia. Il Quattrocento,2: 71819;and HelenGeddes,"Niccolòda Foligno,"in TheDictionaryof Art, 23: 89.
29

only felt secureto date the life of St. Benedicito the fifteenthcenturywithoutfurther
attribution.23 MaudCrutwellalso saw correspondencesto the AngelicoSchool,
arguingthat the cycledemonstratedGozzoli'sinfluence.24 The artist responsiblefor
the cycle,in her opinion,was Lorenzoda Viterbo,then believedto be a followerof
Gozzoliand PierodellaFrancesca.25
Not unti( 1927did a scholarundertakea thoroughstudyof the murals. In that
year AlfredNeumeyer,whiletouchingupon the cycle's architecturalsettingand the
institutionalreformundertakenby the Badia's abbot, focusedon issuesof iconography
and style.26 He analyzedeach scenein narrativeorder and comparedthe cycleto four
other Italianexamples,two paintedbefore,and two after the muralcycleat the Badia.27

23 E. Grifi,Saunteringsin Florence.A NewArtistica11d
PracticalHand-Book

/or Englishand AmericanTourists,2nd ed. (Florence:R. Bemporad& Figlio, 1899),
228.
24 Crutwellalso discussedand acceptedVasari's attributionsof the overdoor

and fourth cyclesceneto Angelicoand Bronzino. MaudCrutwell,A Guide to the
Pailllingsin the Churchesand MinorMuseumsof Florence.A CriticaiCataloguewith
Quotationsfrom Vasari(London:J.M. Dent & Company,1908),40-41.
25 Croweand Cavalcaselle
(NewHistoryof Paillling,3: 135-37) characterized

the styleofLorenzo da Viterboas derivedfromGozzoli,Piero dellaFrancesca,and
Melazzoda Forlì. Lorenzolivedca. 1444to 1472?. See also AntonellaSbrilli,
"Lorenzoda Viterbo,"in La pittura in Italia. Il Quattrocento,2: 668-9.
26 AlfredNeumeyer,"Die Freskenim 'ChiostrodegliAranci' der Badia

Fiorentina,"Jahrbuchder K611iglich
PreussischenKunstsamm/1111ge11
48 ( 1927):26.
27 The fivecyclesdiscussedby Neumeyerare: a mid-fourteenth-century

examplefrom Sacro Speconear Subiaco;the cyclepaintedby SpinelloAretinoin 1387
for the sacristyof San Miniatoal Monte,locatedjust outsidethe wallsofFlorence; the
cyclepaintednear the tum ofthe sixteenthcenturyby AntonioSolarioin Ss. Severinoe
30

Neumeyerarguedthat, unlikeother Benedictinecycles,the Badiamuralsdid not simply
presentthe biographyof St. Benedict,but ratherfocusedon his miracles,sincethe
narrativeskippedfromone wonderto the next.28 Neumeyerarguedthat such an
approachrevealeda specialdevotionon the part of the artist muchlikethat of the
DominicanpainterFra Angelicowhoseartisticstyleand talent was then believedto
derivesolelyfrom his monasticfaithand piety.29 Basedon this comparison,Neumeyer
concludedthat the Badia's artist was also a monk,probablya Benedictinefromthe
Badiaitself Whileunableto namethis artist, he tried to explainhis stylein terms of
contemporaryfiorentine painting. Far Neumeyer,the cycle's authortook cues for his
compositionalarrangements,color, representationof space,and figurestylefromhis
Gothicpredecessorsas wellas fromthe leadingartists of his day: Masaccio,Masolino,
Gentileda Fabriano,Fra FilippoLippi,and, especially,Angelico. Despitethis
eclecticism,he arguedthat DomenicoVenezianoprovidedthe primaryinfluenceover
the BadiaMaster's style. Neumeyersaw correspondencesbetweenthe Badiacycleand
Domenico'sSt. Lucy Alta,piece and, evenmoreclosely,the muralspaintedfar the

Sossioin Naples;and the cycleby Luca Signorelli,Sodomaand Ricciofar the large
cloisterat MonteolivetoMaggiore,near Siena. Neumeyer(27) comparedhow the
artists of the fivecycleschoseto representthe story of St. Benedictby considering
issuesof fidelityto the textualand pictorialtraditionof the vita Benedicti. He focused
on how the artists repeated,omitted,or improvedupon the examplesof their
predecessors.
28 Neumeyer,28, 31, 33, 38, 39, 40.
29 Fora discussionof earlycriticaireceptionoffra

Angelicoas an overtly
spiritualartist whose stylereliedon his faithand piety,see John Pope-Hennessy,Fra
Angelico,2nd ed. (London:PhaidonPress,Ltd., 1974),2-3.
31

Chapelof the Assumptionat Prato Cathedral,then believedto be the productof
Domenico'sworkshop,though now attributedto PaoloUccello.30 Neumeyerbelieved
Domenico's influenceto be especiallymarkedin the Badiacycle's treatmentof color,
light,and landscape.Neumeyerrecognizedthat the BadiaMaster's use of these
elementswas unusualin the earlyfifteenthcenturyexceptin the work of Masaccio,and

Neumeyer(34) arguedthat the faces and profilesfoundin the Badia murals
representa type initiatedby Masolinoand passedto DomenicoVenezianothat
degeneratedinto a manneredrepresentationseen in workshopproductionslike the
muralsat Prato Cathedral. He stressedthat this type, whichhe believedto evolvefrom
Masolinoto Domenicoto Piero dellaFrancesca,was quitedifferentfromthe types
favoredby Fra Angelico.Consequently,the BadiaMaster,for Neumeyer,belonged
firmlyin the circleof DomenicoVeneziano.
Neumeyer(33) disagreedwith AugustSchmarsowwho attributedthe Prato
cycleto DomenicoVenezianohimself,believingit to be insteadby a workshopmember
-- an attributionalso suggestedby WilhelmBode, OsvaldSiren,and KonradEscher.
Sirenwas the first art historianto recognizea secondartistat work in the muralsand
attributedthe lower scenesto Andreadi Giusto,an ascriptionthat has been accepted.
A majorshiftof opinionabout the Prato muralscarnein the mid-l930s after Vera
Giovannozzi,GeorgoPudelko,and Mario Salmiplacedthemin the circleof Paolo
Uccello. John Pope-Hennessyalso believedthe muralsbelongedin Uccello'scircleand
createdthe Prato Master,an attributionfavoredby anglophoneauthorssuch as Curtis
Shell,HellmutWohl,and Eve Borsook. The Prato muralsare now usuallyattributed
directlyto Uccelloand Andreadi Giusto,as they havebeenby Italianscholarssincethe
late l 930s. There is an equallycomplicateddisputeaboutthe frescoesdate, though the
suggestionthat they were paintedin the mid-1430sis now widelyaccepted. For
historiographyofthe problemsee John Pope-Hennessy,TheCompleteWorkof Paolo
Uccello(London:PhaidonPublishersInc., 1950,2nd ed., 1969), 164;HellmutWohl,
ThePaintingsof DomenicoVenezianoca. J.IJ0-J.161.A Studyin FlorelllineArt of the
Early Re11aissa11ce
(New York: Phaidon,1980),154, 170-172,and 187;Borsook, The
NluralPaintersof Tuscany,80-81;FrancoBorsiand StefanoBorsi,Paolo Uccello
(Milan:Leonardo,1992),188-95,299-302;AnnaPadoaRizzo,La Cappella
dell'Assumanel Duomodi Prato (Prato: ClaudioMartini,1997);and Claudio
Cerretelli,AlessandroPasquini,and MariaPia Mannini,I tesoridella città. Pitturadel
Tre-Quallrocemoa Prato,exh. cat., Museodi PitturaMurale,Prato (Prato: Italia
Grafiche,1998),nos. 8-14.
30

for Neumeyercalledto mindthe later work of Piero dellaFrancesca,as wellas
stylisticallyprogressivenorthemcontemporarieslike Lucas Moser.31 He noted a
second,weaker hand at work for the last two scenesof the cycleand saw in them
differencesof technique,color, proportions,and narrativeorganization.Neumeyer's
hypothesesregardingthe date and divisionof laborwere mostlysustainedby later
discoveriesof documentaryevidenceand technicaldetailsrevealedduringrestoration.
For his attributionof the Badiamurals,Bemard Berensonpickedup the theme
of eclecticismfirst proposedby Neumeyer. In 1932Berensoncreated the Master of
the CastelloNativity,a "temporarydesignationfor an artisticpersonalitybetween
Masaccio,Fra Angelico,Fra Filippo,DomenicoVeneziano,Baldovinettiand
Botticelli."32 He was unsureabout the earlyperiodof this anonymousmaster,and he

Neumeyer(36) arguedthat the BadiaMaster's representationoflandscape
was unparalleledin Tuscanysave for worksby Masaccioand the later muralsin Arezzo
by Piero dellaFrancesca. He also madea connectionto the landscapesof northem
artists, specificallythe TiefenbronnMagdaleneAltarpieceby the GermanpainterLucas
Moser, paintedin 1431/2. James Snyder,NorthernRenaissanceArt. Painting,
Sculpture,the GraphicArtsfrom 1350to 1575(New York: HarryN. Abrams,Inc.,
1985),221-22, pi. 212; DietmarLOdke,"Moser,Lukas,"Dictionaryof An, 22: 188-9.
31

BernardBerenson,/talian Picturesof the Renaissance.A list of theprincipal
artists and their workswith an index of places (Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1932),342.
Berenson'scharacterizationofthe Masterofthe CastelloNativitywas repeated
in the 1936Italianeditionand slightlymodifiedin the 1963Englishedition:
"Designationfor a group of works by an anonymousartist, whosedevelopmentsteers a
course from Fra Angelicoto the earlyBotticelli,betweenFra FilippoLippi,
Baldovinetti,and DomenicoVeneziano."BemardBerenson,PittureItalianedel
Rinascimento.Catalagodei principaliartistie delle loro opere con 1111indicedei
luoghi, trans. EmilioCecchi(Milan:UlricoHoepli, 1936),279; and idem,ltalian
Picturesof the Renaissance.A Lisi of the Principalartists and their workswith an
index of places. FiorentineSchool, rev. and illus.ed. (London:The PhaidonPress,
1963), 1: 142.
32

tentativelyassignedthe Badiacycleand a predellapane!depictingSt. Augustine
Meditatingin a Garde11,now in Cherbourg,as youthfulworks.33 Berenson'sopinion
was consistentin ali three editionsofhis ltalia11Picturesof the Renaissance.34 Even
whenconfrontedwith the possibilityof documentaryevidencenamingthe cycle's
author, his view remainedunchanged.35 In a 1956articlepublishedin Corrieredella
Sera, Berensonstated that the discoveryofpayment recordswould not offer muchto
the understandingof the cycle,whichhe saw as "clearlypainted"by the Master of the

33 The Conversionof St. Augustine,temperaon pane!,Musée Thomas-Henry,

Cherbourg(no. 8). As the Master ofthe CastelloNativityin: Berenson,lta/ian
Picturesof the Renaissance,1932ed., 343; idem,Pitturefa1/ia11e
del Rinascimento,
1936ed., 279; and idem,ltalian Picturesof the Renaissance,1963ed., 142. Paul
Cardilealso attributedthe Badiacycleand Cherbourgpane!to the same artist, whom
he identifiedas Giovannidi Consalvo. Paul JuliusCardile,"Fra Angelicoand his
Workshopat San Domenico(1420-1435):The Developmentofhis Styleand the
Formationof his Workshop"(Ph.D. Dissertation,Yale University,New Haven, 1976),
207-8, 213-14,339, 342-44,349.
34 Berenson,Pitture Italianedel Rinascimelllo,l 936 ed., 279. In the 1963

edition,only ten ofthe Benedictinescenesare givento the Master of the Castello
Nativity,excludingthe sceneby Bronzinoand the last two scenes. Berenson,ltalian
Picturesofthe Renaissance,1963ed., 1:142;2: pls. 868-69.
35 In her recent monographon the Masterof the CastelloNativity,ChiaraLachi

cited the Badiacycleas an exampleof one of Berenson'sattributionsto the Master of
the CastelloNativitythat was soon provenincorrectby documentaryevidence. She
consequentlydid not considerthe muralsin her treatmenton the artist whomshe
identifiedas Piero di Lorenzodi Pratese(d. 1487),a collaboratoroffra FilippoLippi
and Pesellino. ChiaraLachi,Il Maestrodella Nativitàdi Castello,Artistitoscanidal
trecentoal settecento,ed. Mina Gregori(Florence:EDIFIR, 1995),8, 12 n. 4.
34

CastelloNativity,definedmore specificallybere as a strict followerof Fra Angelico
who later carneunderthe influenceoffra FilippoLippiand then bis son Filippino.36
In an articleon Paolo Uccellopublishedin 1934,GeorgPudelkosuggestedthat
the Badiacyclemightbe by Domenicodi Michelino,anotherartist associatedwith the
circleof Angelico,37 but he also believedthe muralsdemonstratedaffinities with
Uccello'sstyle,especiallyin their use oflinear perspective.38 In a footnote,Pudelko
arguedthat the Badiamuralswere dependenton two similarcloistercyclesby Uccello.
UsingVasari'sdescriptionofUccello's Life of St. Benedicipaintedin a loggiaat Santa
MariadegliAngeli,39 Pudelkosuggestedthis now-lostcyclewas the iconographic
modelfor the Badiacycle. He believedthe perspectivalsystemof the Badiascenes
derivedfromthe severelydamagedand similarlythemedStoriesof the Holy Fathersin

36 BemardBerenson,"RivisitandoFirenze,"Corrieredella Sera 81, no. 222

(20 September1956):3.
37 Domenicodi Michelinowas namedby Vasarias one offra

Angelico's
students. For earlymodemopinionson the styleand personalityof Domenicodi
Michelinosee Croweand Cavalcaselle,New Historyof Paillling,2: 519; RaimondVan
Marle, TheDevelopmelllof the ltalian School5of Paillling,voi. 1O,(The Hague:
MartinusNijhoff,1928),187-98;and Berenson,ItalianPictures, 1932ed., 364-65.
For more recentattributionsand bibliographysee FrancescaPetrucci,"Domenicodi
Michelino,"in La pittura in Italia. Il Quattroce/110,
2: 619; and EliotW. Rowlands,
"Domenicodi Michelino,"in TheDictionaryof Art, 9: 95-96.
38 Georg Pudelko,"The EarlyWorksof Paolo Uccello,"Art Bulletin 16, no. 3

(September1934):246, n. 23.
Vasari-dellaPergolaet al., 2: 163-4. DespiteVasari'sdescriptionofthe
Angelicycleas a Life of St. Benedici,Pudelko(246, n. 23), identifiedthe lost Angeli
cycleas a "Livesof the HolyFathers."
39

tbe upper loggiaof tbe cloisterat San Miniatoal Monte,tben believedto bavebeen
paintedca. 1440.40 Tbe introductionofUccello to tbe attributiondebate bas provedto
be very influential,and severa(art bistoriansafter Pudelkobavejudged tbe Badia
muralsto displaya bybridstyletbat derivesfrom the work ofUccello and Angelico.
Mario Salmiagreedwith Pudelko'sassessmentthat tbe BadiaMaster's
depictionof spacederivedfrom tbe work ofUccello and discussedthe muralsin his
monograph,Paolo Uccello,A11drea
del Castagno,Dome11ico
Ve11ezia110,
tìrst
publisbedin 1936.41 Like Neumeyerand Berensonbeforehim,Salmibelievedthe
BadiaMasterto be an eclecticpainterwho lookedto the great innovatorsof his day:
Masaccio,Angelico,and DomenicoVeneziano. More like Uccello,Salmiargued,was
tbe BadiaMaster's use of geometrieforms,landscapeelementssuch as ribbed
mountains,and a systemof linearperspectiveto create a senseof"rational" space and
proportionaround and betweenhis figures.42 Salmifoundthe paletteofthe cycle,with

The discoveryand publicationofvarious documentsby AlbertoFortuna
(1957) and HowardSaalman(1964)disprovedpreviouslyheldopinionthat the San
Miniatofrescoesdated rather earlyin Uccello'scareer,ca. 1440. Fortunadiscovered
documentsrelevantto frescoespaintedin the refectoryfrom 1454-55,and Saalman
found evidenceprovingtbat the cloisterwas built 1442-7, thus providinga termi11us
post quemfor the cloisterdecoration. AlbertoM. Fortuna,A11drea
del Castag110
(Florence:Leo S. Olschki,1957),40-44, n. 31; and Howard Saalman,"Paolo Uccello
at San Miniato,"BurlingtonMagazine 106(December1964):558-63.
The San Miniatocycleis now usuallydated ca. 1447-54. Sorsi, 325-7.
.io

Paolo Uccello,Andreadel Castagno,DomenicoVe11ezia110
(Rame: Casa editriced'arte, "ValoriPlastici",1936), 17-18,105, pi. XVb; 2nd ed.
(Milan:UlricoHoepli, 1938), 18-19, 139,pi. 12b;and a Frencheditiontrans. Jean
Chuzeville(Paris:LibrarieGallimard,1939),21-22, 149,pi. 12b.
41 Mario Salmi,

Salmi,Uccello,2nd ed., 19, 139.
36

its use of terra verde,to be dose to Uccello's at San Miniatoal Monte,43 but saw the
figure styleas closerto Angelico. LikeNeumeyer,Salmibelievedthat more than one
artist was responsiblefor the fifteenth-centurymuralsand foundthe last two scenes
much poorer in qualitythan the first ten.
The great importof Salmi's discussionwas his inclusionof documentary
evidencethat securedthe datingof the frescoesto the late 1430sand supported
argumentsheretoforebasedonly on stylisticanalysis. In 1928,DominicColnaghihad
introducedGiovannidi Consalvoin his Dictionaryof FlorelllinePainters,reporting
that this painter,alternatelynamedda Portogalloor Spagnuolo,was recordedin the
Badia's accountsof 1436as paintingin the cloisters. Colnaghienumeratedsevera!of
these payments,includingsome for purchasingpigmentsand others for the painter's
medicaibills.44 He concludedthat "from the smallnessof the paymentsit would appear
that [Giovanni]was employedonlyon minordecorations."45 Colnaghiwas unableto
provideany other informationon the artist except to state his death date at some time

Salmi(2nd ed., 19)believedUccellodecoratedthe cloisterat San Miniatoal
Montejust before 1439,a date whichallowedhimto argue that it precededthe Orange
Cloister. However,documentaryevidencelater provedthat the cycleat San Miniato
was paintedat least a decadeafterwards,ca. 1447-1454.See note 40.
43

Sir DominicEllisColnaghi,A Dictionaryof FlorelllinePaintersfrom the
13th to the 17th Cellluries(London:John Lane The BodleyHead, Ltd., 1928), 130.
See app. 2, docs. 10, 14, 22, 28, 41, 46.
44

Colnaghi,130.
37

in the fifteenthcentury. DespiteColnaghi'sentry,this evidencewent unnoticedby
subsequentstudentsofthe OrangeCloistermuralsunti!Salmi'spublication.
Sometime before 1934,GiovanniPoggi also foundthe recordsof payments
madeto Giovannidi Consalvofor work on the OrangeCloister. GiuseppinaFontanesi
alludedto Poggi's discoveryin her short pieceon the Badia,46 and Salmipublished
Poggi's discoveryin his monograph.47 Both authorswere apparentlyunawareof
Colnaghi'sdiscussionof the samemateriai,as neithercited his Dictionaryof Fiorentine
Painters. Poggitold Fontanesiand Salmithat accountbooks docum~ntedpayments
madebetween3 September1436and 5 February1439to Giovannidi Consalvoda
Portogallofor colors"for painting"and also to a second,unnamedpainteridentifiedin
the documentsonlyas "the painterwho paintsin the cloister."48 To explainthe
presenceofthe foreign-bomGiovanni,Salmiidentifieda provincia!Flemishmannerin
the decorativeborderspaintedundemeaththe narrativescenes. He recognized,
however,that the figurestyleof the mainsceneswas closer to the schoolof Angelico-an argumentSalmisupportedwith anotherof Poggi's discoveries."Frate Macario,our

She reportedthat Poggi"promisesto reveal"the nameof the fifteenthcenturyPortuguesepainterof the frescoes,whichhe foundin documentsheldat the
ASF. GiuseppinaFontanesi,"Il chiostrodegliarancinellachiesadi badiaa Firenze,"
Illustrazionetoscana,2nd ser., 12 (September1934):42. WhetherColnaghi(130)
receivedthe archivalreferencesto Giovannidi Consalvofrom Poggi for hisDictionary
of FiorentinePaintersis unknown.
46

47 Salmi,Uccello,2nd ed., 139.
48

Salmi,Uccello,2nd ed., 139. Cf app. 2, docs. 6, 10, 11, 23, 31, 65.

converso"was paid on 26 October 1439for two barrelsof winegivento the brothers
at Angelico's conventof San Domenicoin Fiesole,in exchangefor his painting
lessons.49 Unfortunately,Salmidid not cite wherethese documentscould be found,
and ratherthan retumingto the documentsthemselves,subsequentauthors have relied
on Salmi'sselectedquotationsand paraphrasingthat provideonly incompleteand
partlyincorrectevidence.50
Despitethe paymentsto Giovannidi Consalvo,Salmiwas hesitantto attribute
the cycleentirelyto him. His opinionsin the essayand catalogueare inconsistentand
hard to follow. In his essay,Salmipreferredto take a cautiousapproachand identified
the cycleas the work of an eclecticartist ofthe late 1430swho drew some inspiration
fromAngelicoand more fromUccello.51 In the catalogue,he labeledthe plate
depictingl'heMiracleof the PoisonedBread,the ninthscenein the cycle(pi. 89), as
Giovannida Portogallo(?), but in his commentaryhe madea case both for an
anonymouseclecticpainterand for Giovannidi Consalvowith the help of someone

Salmi,Uccello,2nd ed., 19, 139. Cf app. 2, doc. 69.

Poggifound,thoughneverpublished,these referencesin the dailyaccount
joumal, knownas the Libro Giornale(segnatoB dal 1./35al 1././1). See app. 1, doc.
41. Whetherhe was directedto these accountbooks by Colnaghi'sDictionarycannot
be determined.Paymentsto Giovannidi Consalvobegannot in Septemberas reported
by Salmi,but in May. Four paymentrecordsprecedeSalmi's start date of September3
to: "Giovannidipintoredi portogallo,""Giovannidipintore,"and "Giovannidi
chonsalvospagnoloet dipintore." See app. 2, docs. 10, 12, 14, 23. Fora transcription
of paymentsrelatedto the muralcommission,Giovannidi Consalvo,and Fra Macario
see app. 2 as wellas Nunes,270-4.
50

51 Salmi,Uccello,2nd ed., 18-19.

from the schoolof Angelico,perhapsthe documentedpaintingstudentFra Macario.52
As Berensonhad done with his multifacetedMasterof the CastelloNativity,Salmi
characterizedthe BadiaMasteras an eclecticartist, in his opinionone who lookedboth
to Angelicoand Uccello. This portrayal,first suggestedby Pudelko,carneto have
great influenceon subsequentdiscussionof the styleand authorshipofthe murals.
Salmistated his positionmore succinctlyin a 1938articlein whichhe rejected
Berenson'sattributionof the cycleto the Master of the CastelloNativity.53 Here,
Salmiinterpretedthe documentaryevidenceto indicatethat Giovannidi Consalvohad
paintedthe OrangeCloistercycleca. 1439,perhapsin collaborationwith the aspiring
BenedictinepainterFra Macario. He emphaticallydenounceda relationshipwith the
Master of the CastelloNativityand restatedthe beliefthat the PortugueseGiovanni
echoedthe work of Masaccio,Angelico,and DomenicoVenezianobut looked"above
ali to Paolo Uccello,in his wide,perspectivalvision of space."54

52 Ibid., 139,pi. 12b.
53 Mario Salmi,"La Madonna'Dantesca' del Museodi Livornoe il 'Il Maestro

dellaNativitàdi Castello',"Libumi Civilas 9, no. 5-6 (1938):217-56.
"Quelciclo ... risultada notiziecerte che fu compiutointornoal 1439da
Giovannidi Consalvoportoghese,forse in compagniadi un frate Macario,converso
benedettino.... Io continuoa classificarli,comegià feci altrove,in quel gruppo
fiorentinoche riecheggiaMasaccio,l'Angelico,DomenicoVenezianoe, al di sopra di
tutti, Paolo Uccellonell'ampiavisioneprospetticadell'ambiente."lbid., 230.
In his monographon Uccello,WilhelmBoeck suggestedthat a fragmentary
paintingdepictingA FemaleSaint with two Children,attributedby Salmito Uccello,
was by the BadiaMaster.(Thispainting,formerlyofthe Contini-Bonacossi
Collection,
Florence,is now usuallyattributedto Uccello. See Bersi, 302-4.) In his
characterizationofthe BadiaMaster,Boeck followedRobertOertel,who saw the
unknownartist's styleto be closestto Uccello. Oertel arguedthat the FemaleSailll
54

Two articies publishedin 1938 and 1940by GuidoBattelliofferedsupportto
the possibilitythat the BadiaMaster was not Fiorentinebut Portuguese. In these two
biographicalarticlesabout AbbotGomezio,the Portugueseabbot under whose rule the
cloisterwas builtand decorated,BattellimentionedunnamedPortugueseartists
55 and to paint the Grange
broughtby Gomezioto Florenceto illuminatemanuscripts

Cloistermurals.56 WhileBattelli'sdescriptionof a 1435trip madeby AbbotGomezio
to Portugalto retrieveartists for his cloisterseemedto corroboratethe documentary
discoveriesby Poggi, Battelliofferedno evidenceto supporthis claims.
RobertoLonghiincludedthe GrangeCloistercyclein his influential"Fatti di
Masolinoe di Masaccio"as an exampleof successorsto Masaccioactive ca. 1440and
describedthe anonymousBadiaMaster's styleas showinga simplepower of forrnand
color that he saw as a forerunnerto the work of the SicilianAntonelloda Messina
whose styledisplayeda knowledgeofNetherlandishpainting.57 Expandingthis allusion

could be added to the BadiaMaster's oeuvre. Both Boeckand Gertelbelievedthe
Badiamuralswere basedon Uccello'slost cycleat San Miniatoal Monte:
"EinerAnregungvon R. GertelfolgendschlagtVerf.den unbekannten,vorzuglichen
Meisterder Benediktslegendeim ChiostrodegliArancider Badiazu Florenzunter
Hinweisauf die AbhangigkeitdiesesZyklusvon UccellosFreskenin San Miniatoal
Monte vor." WilhelmBoeck,Paolo Uccello.Der FlorentinerMeister 1111d
sein Werk
(Berlin:G. Grote'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung,
1939), 119-20.
55 Battelli,"Due celebrimonaciportoghesiin Firenze,"220.
56 Battelli,"L'abate Don GomezFerreirada Silva,"152.
57 RobertoLonghi,"Fatti di Masotinoe di Masaccio,"La Criticad'arte 5, no.

3-4 (July-December1940): 179. Antonelloda Messinalivedand worked in Sicilyand
SouthemItalyca. 1430-79and madea trip to Venicein 1475. JoanneWright,
"Antonelloda Messina,"in TheDictionaryof Art, 2: 178-83.
41

to the Badiamuralsas a mixof Italianand northemstylistictraits in a footnote, Longhi
tentativelyidentifiedtheir anonymousmasteras Giovannidi Consalvobased on his
documentedpresenceat the Badiabetween1436and 1439. Longhidisagreedwith
Berenson'sattributionto the Masterofthe CastelloNativityand Pudelko's to
Domenicodi Michelino,believingthese artiststo be of slightlylowerqualityin
comparisonto the "marvelousfrescoes"at the Badia.58
By the late 1930s,familiaritywith the Badiacycleand its debatedauthor led to
its inclusionin severa!broaderstudiesto exemplifyvariousthemesand trends. Martin
Wackemagelincludedthe BadiaLife of SI. Benediciin bis discussionof fifteenthcenturycloisterdecoration,and he followedNeumeyerwith an attributionto "a
second-ratemasterfromthe circleof DomenicoVeneziano."59 WolfgangPaatz
provideda summaryofthe Badiaattributiondebatein bisDie Kirchenvon Flore11=
of
1940,ascribingthe refectoryoverdoorto Angelicoand the muralcycleto various
artists underthe influenceof Uccelloand Angelico,includingthe documented
PortugueseGiovannidi Consalvo.60 In the surveyHistoriada arte em Ponugal,

58 " ... entrambiartisti di grado assai più basso, in confrontoai mirabili

affreschi." Longhi,"Fatti di Masolinoe di Masaccio,"191,n. 30.
59 MartinWackemagel,Der Lebe11sra11m
des Kii11stlers
i11der Flore111i11ische11

Renaissa11ce
(Leipzig:E.A. Seemann,1938), 130;and idem,'fl1eWorldofthe
Florellli11e
Re11aissa11ce
Artist. Projectsa11dPatro11s,Workshopand Art Market, trans.
AlisonLuchs(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1981),124.
Paatz cited Vasarifor the attributionto Angelico,mentioningthe mistaken
attributionto Masaccioof Puccinelli,Cinelli,and Uccelli. He also attributedthe St.
BenediciRollingi11Thoms to Bronzino. For the cycle's attributionhe cited
60

Fernandode Pamplonaand Arào de LacerdadiscussedJoào Gonçalves,who was
knownto the Italiansas Giovannidi Consalvo. TheycitedGiovanni'spresencein
Florenceand assignedali the BadiamuralsexceptBronzino's sixteenth-century
replacementsceneto him. TheyacceptedSalmi'sidentificationof Giovanni's
dependenceon Paolo Uccello.61 GeorgeKaftalopted for "eclecticPortuguesemaster"
in his inclusionof the cyclefor his work on the iconographyof St. Benedict.62
ElisabethDublerincludedthe Badiacyclein her iconographicalstudyof pictorial
representationsofBenedict's Iife.63 She chosenot to presentany attributionat ali,
incorrectlydated the cycleto the late-fifteenthcentury,and did not presentany
substantivecriticism.64 IppolitoBoccolinialso discussedthe muralsin his essayon

Neumeyer,Croweand Cavalcaselle,Berenson,and Salmi. Paatz,Die Kirchenvon
Floren:, 1: 287-8;312, nn. 122-3.
61 FernandoDe Pamplona,"A pinturano séculoxv," in Historiada arte em

Portugalby Arào De Lacerda(Porto: PortucalenseEditora, 1948),182.
GeorgeKaftal,Ico11ography
of the Saintsin Tusca11
Painting(Florence:
Sansoni,1952), 145-46.
62

ElisabethDublerfirst undertooka studyof the iconographyof St. Benedictin
her doctoraldissertationfor the Universityof Zurich. She presentedan overviewof
the historyof the saint's representationfromthe earliestexamplesto the sixteenth
century,cullingexamplesfrom ali over Europe. Thus she onlymentionedthe Badia
cyclein listsof examplesrelevantto her arguments. She did includea briefassessment
of the murals'conditionas poor and listedthe thirteensceneswith a suggestionthat the
last two were paintedat a later unspecifiedtime (60-61). ElisabethDubler,Das Bild
des heiligenBenediktbis zum Ausgangdes Mittelalters(Munich:ErzabteiSt. Ottilien,
1953),60-61, 68, 104, 108, 110, 115, 118, 137,figs.96-97.
63

UrsulaPrinzalso undertookan iconographicstudyof pictorial
representationsof St. Benedict's !ife. In her briefentryabout the Badiamurals,she
64

representationsof St. Benedict.65 Boccolinidid not accepteitherGiovannidi Consalvo
or Fra Macario,the two artistsmentionedin the Badia's records,as the author of the
OrangeCloistermurals. Instead,he left the attributionto an anonymousFiorentine
painter,one he believedto be influencedby, but not nearlyas great as, the major
paintersofhis day. For example,Boccoliniarguedthat whilesome figureswere drawn
skillfullywith reliefand foreshorteningcomparableto the most progressiveartists of
the 1430s,most were paintedwith weak and stereotypicalforms. He concededthat
attributionwas difficultgiventhe poor conditionof the murals.
In a criticaieditionof Vasari'slives of the Artists publishedin the 1940s,Carlo
RagghiantiacceptedVasari'sattributionof the overdoorlunetteto Angelicodespite its
poor condition,and he dated the mural 1435-40.66 In a footnoteto her article on
Domenicodi Michelinoof 1950,LiciaCollobiRagghiantichallengedthe attributionof

provideda short summaryof the literatureas wellas a citation to the account book in
whichGiovannidi Consalvo's paymentsfrom the Badiaare recorded. Prinz, 106-7.
65

Boccolini,38-39.

"Sussistenel ChiostrodegliAranci,moltoguasto. Eseguitonel 1435-40."
Carlo L. Ragghianti,"Note al volumeprimo,"in le vite dei più eccellentipittori,
scultorie architetti,by GiorgioVasari,ed. Carlo L. Ragghianti,I classiciRizzali
(Milan:Rizzoli,1942-49),4: 343, n. 23. In the 1962editionofVasari's livesedited by
Paolo dellaPergola,LuigiGrassi,and GiovanniPrevitalifor the Clubdel Libro (2: 395,
n. 1), a footnoteto Vasari's attributionofthe refectoryoverdoorlunetteto Angelico
reportedthe poor conditionof the frescoand cast strongdoubt that it had been painted
by Angelico. In an updatedversionofVasari's Viteeditedby Liciaand Carlo
Ragghianti,the note to Vasari's attributionof the refectoryoverdoorto Angelico
stated that the lunette's conditionwas tao poor to renderajudgment. GiorgioVasari,
Le vite dei più eccellentipittori, scultorie architetti,ed. Liciaand Carlo L. Ragghianti,
I classiciRizzali(Milan:Rizzali, 1973),2: 153-4,n. 23.
66

the muralsto Giovannidi Consalvo,reportingthat Carlo Ragghiantiattributedthe
entire muralcycle,as wellas the refectoryoverdoor,to Angelico.67 To Giovanni,she
assignedthe last two scenesof the cycle,and she noted the clearstylisticdistinction
betweenthese muralsand the first ten that she arguedare unequivocallyFiorentinein
style. She explainedthe presenceofthe documentedPortuguesepainterby imputingto
himthe finaltwo scenes.
Longhitook up the questionofthe Badiamuralsagainin 1952,arguingthat the
style of their author,whomhe cautiouslyacceptedas Giovannidi Consalvo,retlecteda
rapport betweenthe art ofFlandersand Fra Angelico. He arguedthat the Badiacycle
combinedthe linearperspectiveof the young Angelicowith a Flemishopticalclarity
that he believedto stem fromthe artist's Portugueseheritage,and he suggestedthat

"Il Ragghiantiritieneche gli affreschicon Storiedi San Benedettonel
ChiostrodellaBadia,riferitia Giovannida Portogallo,sianopure opere dell'Angelico,
secondoun'altra citazionevasariana;a Giovannida Portogallospettanosoltanto i due
affreschidi testata dellaparete sud del chiostro,di manodiversa,e delliani[sic]." She
did not offerany furtherinformationon Ragghianti'sopinion. LiciaCollobi
Ragghianti,"Domenicodi Michelino,"La Criticad'arte, 3d ser., 8, no. 5:31 (January
1950):374, n. 21.
In an articie publishedin 1937 on Uccello's lost frescoesfor the Sala dei
Gigantiat the Casa Vitalianiin Padua,Carlo Ragghiantimentionedin an aside that one
scene fromthe Badiacycledemonstrateda perspectivalsystemderivedfrom that of
Uccello. "(A]ltriepisodicome ..., l'arringadi ScipioneAffricanodavantial senato,
quasi coagulatosul banconein prospettivascortata(che ricordauna storia di S.
Benedettoa Badia,nel chiostrodegliaranci,di immediataascendenzauccellesca)...."
Ragghianti's vague assertion that one, unidentifiedscenefromthe Badiademonstrates
a clear affinityto the use of linearperspectiveby Uccellodoes not necessarily
contradictCollobiRagghianti'slater paraphraseofhis argumentfor Angelico's
authorshipofthe cycle. CarloL. Ragghianti,"Casa Vitaliani,"La Criticad'arte 2, no.
5-6 (September-December
1937):239. For more on this lost cyclesee Borsi, 321-22.
67

Giovannicould have met Jan van Eyck duringthat famousartist's diplomaticmission
for Philipthe Good to Lisbonin 1428.68 He pushedthis northemconnectioneven
further,seeingsimilaritiesin the depictionof certainlandscapeelementssuch as rocks
and water with slightlylater works by the GermanKonradWitz,and he repeatedhis
claimthat Giovanni'splacementof formsin spaceanticipatedby thirtyyearsthe Van
Eyck-inspiredstyleof Antonelloda Messina. He believedthe murals'architectural
formsto be "strangeand exotic"and thus not Fiorentine,but insteadreminiscentof the
buildingsof medievalEvora and Coimbra,and he postulatedthat Giovanniwas linked
to the famousPortuguesefamilyof painters,the Gonçalves.69 Longhicomparedthe
circumstancesof Giovannito the anonymousauthor of the Madonnadei Cedri,whom
he believedto beone ofthe manyforeignartists-- perhapsalso Portuguese-- activein
Pisa in the early 1430swho assimilatedthe stylesof Italiancontemporaries,in this case,
Masolinoand Angelico.70 Thus,Longhicreatedan artisticpedigreeand legacyfor the

resta, tra il '36 e il '39, il caso bellissimodell'autoredel Chiostrodegli
Aranci;ma è un caso allogenodi splendidoaccordomentaletra un nitorefiammingo
(l'autore ne fu probabilmenteun Giovannidi Portogallo,che potevaaver conosciutoa
Lisbonanel 1428il Van Eyck in persona)e la pulitezzaspazialedell'Angelico...."
RobertoLonghi,"Il 'Maestro di Pratovecchio,"'Paragone3, no. 35 (November
1952):20.
68 " ...

lbid., 34, n. 13.

Longhi("Maestrodi Pratovecchio,"31, n. 3) discussedthis paintingin a
footnoteto a discussionofthe earlyworks ofDomenicoVenezianoto whom it had
been attributed. Madonnaof Humility(orMadonnadei Cedri),temperaon pane!,
Museo di San Matteo, Pisa. Far a historyofthis paintingsattributionto Domenico
Veneziano,see Wohl, ThePaintingsof DomenicoVeneziano,168-9. Severa}scholars
now attributethe paintingto Fra Angelico,see Cari BrandonStrehlke,"Fra Angelico
Studies,"in Paintingand Illuminalionin EarlyRenaissanceFlorence1300-1-150,
ed.
70

otherwiseunknownGiovannidi Consalvobasedon nothingmore than his Portuguese
birthplaceand the styleof the Badiamurals.
Longhi'sclaimfor Angelicoas the source for the perspectivalsystemused in
the Badiamuralsprovokeda challengefrom Salmi,who restated his case for Uccelloas
the influentialpersonalitybehindthe murals' representationof space. Salmi,like
Pudelkobeforehim,believedthe Badiacycleto deriveiconographically
and stylistically
from Uccello'scyclesat SantaMariadegliAngeli(now lost) and San Miniatoal
Monte.71 (He was unable,however,to benefitfrom documentaryevidencepublishedin
1957and 1964by AlbertoFortunaand HowardSaalmanthat provedthe San Miniato
muralspost-datedthose at the Badiaby at least a decadeand were paintedsome time
after 1447.72) He maintainedhis originaipositionthat the muralsdemonstratean
eclecticmixof the stylesof Uccelloand Angelico,arguingthat the Life of St. Benedici

LaurenceB. Kanter(New York:HarryN. Abrams,1994),27-29;idem,Angelico, 1st
ed., trans. AnnaMariaAgosti(Milan:Jaca Book, 1998), 13;and GiorgioBonsanti,
Beato Angelico. Catalogocompleto,BibliotecaD'Arte, ed. AntonioPaolucci
(Florence:Octavo.FrancoCantiniEditore, 1998), 113, no. 3.
71 Mario Salmi,"Fuochid'artificioo della pseudo-critica,"Comme/1/ari
5, no. 1

(I 954): 67. In the 1962DellaPergolaedition,a note to Vasari's descriptionof the lost

Benedictinecyclepaintedby Uccellofor the monksat SantaMariadegliAngeli
suggestedthat Uccellowas influentiaiif not activein the Badiamuralprojectauthored
by Giovannidi Consalvo:"Dalladescrizioneche ne dà qui il Vasarivieneda pensare
che Paolo Uccelloavessetenuto presenti,nell'eseguirle,le Storie di S. Benedeuo
(1436-39)affrescatenel chiostrodi Badiadal cosiddettoMaestrodel Chiostrodegli
Aranci,il portogheseGiovannidi Consalvo." Vasari-DellaPergolaet al., 2: 163, n. 1.
72

See note 40.
47

cyclecombinedthe perspectiveand geometryof the formerwith the figure style of the
latter.73
In his prefaceto the 1955cataloguefor the anniversaryexhibitionon Fra
Angelico,SalmiincludedGiovannidi Consalvoin his short list of artists who, while
neitherdisciplesnor collaborators,admiredthe work of Angelico.7"'In his 1958
monographon Angelico,Salmiexpandedthis idea with a discussionof the Badiacycle.
He agreed with Crowe and Cavalcaselle'srecognitionof characteristicssimilarto
Angelicoand BenozzoGozzoliand hintedat the presenceof another artist at work
with Giovannidi Consalvo,at least in the first sceneof the narrative.75 (pi. 81) While
notinga generaicorrespondencebetweenthe entirecycleand the earliestfrescoes
paintedby Angelicoand his shop at San Marco,an ObservantDominicanfriaryin

73 Mario Salmi,Il BeatoAngelico(Spoleto:Le arti grafichePanetto e Petrelli,

1958),67.
74 Mario Salmi,"Premessa,"in Mostradelle operedi Fra Angeliconel quilllo

centenariodella morte (1-155-1955),ed. LucianoBerti and UmbertoBaldini,exh. cat.,
PalazzoApostolicoVaticano,VaticanCity(Florence:TipografiaGiuntina,1955),xv;
and idem,"Premessa,"inMostradelle operedel BeatoAngeliconel quilltocemenario
della morte (1-155-1955),2nd ed., exh.cat., Florence(Florence:TipografiaGiuntina,
1955),xxiii.
75 Salmigave a detailedanalysisof the first narrativescene,though the

accompanyingplate does not reproducethe first fresco of the north wall, but the first
on the west wall, that is, the sixthsceneof the narrative. Despitethis confusion, the
text clearlyrefersto the first sceneon the first, i.e. north, wall of the cycle. While
criticizingthe eighteenth-centuryrepaintingin the left half of this lunette, Salmiargued
that the compositiondemonstratedsimilaritiesto Angelicoand Gozzoliand offereda
tentativeattributionto another,unnamedAngelicancollaborator:"E in questa
composizioneintervieneforse un collaboratorepiù vicinoagl'idealidel nostro
[Angelico]."Salmi,Angelico, 126.

Florence,Salmiargued tbat the styleof tbe Badiamuralsdemonstrateda certain
"gotbic mannerism"tbat be explainedas tbe resultof Giovannidi Consalvo's formative
Iberianeducation,and a relianceon Uccellofor the compositions'perspectivalsystem
and geometriepictorialcharacter.76 Salmialso discussedVasari's attributionof tbe
refectoryoverdoorto Angelico,whicbhe had previouslydiscussedin his monograph
on Masaccio.77 He concludedtbat whileits poor conditionpreventedattribution,botb
Angelicoand Masacciocould be ruled out as possiblecandidatesfor authorsbip.78
CollobiRagghianticlarifiedber positionon tbe attributiondebate in her review
ofthe 1955Angelicoexbibition. Sbe suggestedthat a reconsiderationofRagghianti's
claimsfar Angelico'sauthorsbipofthe Badiamuralsmighthelpto explaintbe nebulous
early careerof tbe artist. Sbe repeatedber assertiontbat tbe cyclewas not by the
"gotbic"Giovannidi Portogallo,to whom sbe gave only the clearlydistinctfinaltwo
scenes. Sbe argued tbat tbe remainderof tbe cycleshouldinsteadbe understoodin
relation to the formationof tbe young Angelicoand bis relationshipto the young Fra
FilippoLippi.79

76 "Nell'interessanteciclo l'influsodel Beato ... va unito a quelloprevalentedi

Paolo Uccello..., oltre che a grafiedi manierismogotico dovutealla primaeducazione
ibericadi Giovannidi Consalvo."lbid., 126-127.
77 Mario Salmi,Masaccio, 2nd ed. (Milan:UlricoHoepli,1948), 163.
78 Salmi,Angelico, 93.

LiciaCollobiRagghianti,"Una mostradell'Angelico,'La Criticad'arte, New
2, no. 10 (July 1955):391.
79

An exhibitionof detachedfrescoesmountedin Florencein 1957includedten
scenesfromthe BadiaLife of St. Benedici cycle.(pls. 81-91) In his entry on the
murals,LucianoBerti summarizedthe attributiondebateand concludedthat the
"prudent"anonymousappellation,Masterofthe OrangeCloister("Maestrodel
ChiostrodegliAranci"),was preferableto any previoussuggestions.80 Acknowledging
the documentedpresenceof Giovannidi Consalvo,Bertiarguedthat the attributionto
himremaineddoubtfulgivenwhat he calied the fundamentalFiorentinecultureof the
murals,so currentin their applicationof contemporaryFiorentinestyle. Like CollobiRagghianti,Berti suggestedthat Giovanniwas perhapsthe second,weakerhand in the
cycleresponsiblefor the last two lunettes.(pls. 92, 93) He lamentedthe lack of
successfulsuggestionsfor the author's identity,a problemcompoundednot only by the
absenceof other attributableworks,but also by the highqualityof the scenes,
responsibilityfor whichan unknownartist seemedimpossible.Berti believedthe Badia
Masterto be abovethe levelof the so-called"minormasters"of the earlyQuattrocento
citingLonghi's assessmentthat the frescoesare "the most importantto remainin
Florencefromthe decadefollowingthe death ofMasaccio."81 Berti concludedthe

The cataloguementionedthe insertionofBronzino's lunetteas the fourth
scenein the cycleand the last two scenes,whichremainedin sifu at the time of the
exhibition.LucianoBerti, "Maestrodel ChiostrodegliAranci,"in !vfostradi affreschi
staccati, ed. UmbertoBaldiniand LucianoBerti, v.,ithan introductionby Ugo Procacci,
exh. cat., Forte di Belvedere,Florence(Florence:TipofrafiaGiuntina,1957),68-70,
cat. nos. 86-95.
80

Berti's citation(Mostra,68) of Longhisomewhatdistortsthe originai
meaningofLonghi's statement. In his 1952articleon the PratovecchioMaster, Longhi
discussedthe Badiamurals. In a footnoteto this discussion,he soundeda wamingto
81

BadiaMasterto be a "synthetic"artist capableof subtlefigurative,perspectival,and
luministicrefinements.Berti arguedthat the styletogetherwith the documentary
evidencefoundby Poggiconfirma datingfor the cyclebetween 1435and 1440and
pointto the workshopof Angelicofor its inspiration.Berti cited Vasari's attributionof
the ruinedrefectoryoverdoorto Angelicoas a furtherlinkbetweenthe OrangeCloister
muralsand that artist. However,Bertidilutedhis argumentsfor Angelico'sinfluence
by statingthat the BadiaMasterwas very sensitiveto his other contemporariesUccello
and DomenicoVeneziano.82 Indeed,Berti's entry is more of a reviewofthe problem
than an offerto solveit.83
An expandedexhibitionwas mountedin 1958,and the ten Badiamuralsshown
in 1957werejoined by the last two scenesdepictingSt. Benedictand the emperor

conservatorsof the necessityfor interventionat the Badia,and hisjudgmentof the
cycle's importancewas a parentheticalclausein his plea: "In ogni caso, l'occasione
sembrabuona per awertire i nostricuratoriartistici(Soprintendenzee simili)che ove
non si proweda d'urgenzaallo staccodell'interociclo(il più importanteche resti a
Firenze,del decennioseguentealla mortedi Masaccio)di esso non rimarràfra breve
nient'altroche 'la rimembranzaacerba.' Dopo la distruzione'barocca' del ciclodi
Sant'Egidio,questosarebbe,in prosieguodi tempo, il delitto più gravedaimputarsialla
culturalocale;ov'essa non proweda in extremisa guardarsile spalledell'awenire, che,
presto o tardi, si fa giudicesevero." Longhi,"Maestrodi Pratovecchio,"34-35, n. 13.
Despitethe parentheticalnatureof Longhi'soriginaistatement,later writers
have repeatedthe sentimentand significancegivento it by Berti's citation.

Mostra,69.

82 Berti,

Berti noted past attributionsto Andreadi Giusto,the Master of the Castello
Nativity,and Domenicodi Michelino.He pointedout that current was opiniondivided
betweenthose who followedLonghi'sattributionto Giovannidi Consalvoand those
like CollobiRagghiantiwho believedthis Portugueseartist only paintedthe last two
scenes. lbid., 70.
83

Totilaand their twelvecorrespondingpreparatoryunderdrawings,or sinopie,
uncoveredduringthe detachmentof the frescoesfromthe cloisterwalls.(pls. 94-105)
Berti againstressedhis doubts that the documentedGiovannidi Consalvoshouldbe
givenfullauthorshipof the cyclesincehe saw the "Flemishculture"of the scenesto be
also quite Fiorentine.He preferredto give the last two scenes,exhibitedas "second
painterofthe OrangeCloister"and agreedby alias inferiorin quality,to Giovanni.84
AlbertoBusignanireviewedthe exhibition,highlightingthe "mysteriousMaster of the
OrangeCloister"as one ofthe most importantproblemsof the Fiorentine
Quattrocento. Busignanitook up Berti's suggestionof DomenicoVenezianoas a
stylisticinfluencefavoringhimas the most important,followedby Angelicoand
Uccello. He also praisedLonghi'sproposalfor Giovannidi Consalvoas an "acute"

Berti's opinionsare otherwisethe sameas in the 1957cataloguewith the
addition(p. 43) ofFra FilippoLippito his list of artistsinfluentialfor the styleofthe
Badiacycle. LucianoBerti, "Maestrodel ChiostrodegliAranci,"in II Mostradi
affreschistaccali,ed. UmbertoBaldiniand LucianoBerti, exh. cat., Forte di
Belvedere,Florence(Florence:TipofrafiaGiuntina,1958),41-44, cat. nos. 64-83.
The authors' note at the beginningof the 1957cataloguedoes not identifythe
author ofthe entryon the Badiamuralsstatingthat UmbertoBaldiniwrote entries 1-57
and Berti 58-85thus omittingthe Badia,nos. 86-95. I assumethat Berti was
responsiblefor the entrygiventhat he is clearlyidentifiedas the author of the nearly
identica!entryin the 1958catalogue. The compilerofthe bibliographyfor the Badia
entry by Meissand Berti in the 1968and 1969catalogues,however,interpretedthe
vague 1957note to indicateBaldini'sauthorshipofthe entry. See Baldiniand Berti,
Mostra, 20; idem,Il Moslra,viii;and MillardMeissand LucianoBerti, "Masterof the
ChiostrodegliAranci,"in lhe CreaiAge of Fresco:Giottoto Pontormo,exh. cat.,
New York, The MetropolitanMuseumof Art. (New York:The MetropolitanMuseum
of Art, 1968), 150-55
84

possibilityto explainthe northemqualityin the cycle's "clearand crystalline
atmosphere."85
Publishedin conjunctionwiththe secondexhibition,Ugo Procacciincludedtwo
of the Badia muralsand theirsinopieas examplesin his study on the technique,
detachment,and restorationoffrescoes,and he adoptedthe anonymous"Masterofthe
OrangeCloister"as their author.86 He discussedthe tenth sceneof TheMiracleof the
Heavy Stone as an illustrationof a muralpaintedmostlyin true frescotechnique
(affresco)and completedwithdetailsaddedonce the plasterhad dried(a secco).(pi.
90) The mural'ssinopiacouldbe used to explainincongruitiesin the compositionthat
resultedfrom areas wherethe lessstablea secco paintinghad fallenaway.87 (pi. I02)
Procacciused "before"and "after"photographsof scenenine, TheMiracleof the
PoisonedBread (pi. 89), to demonstratethe efficacyand importanceof detachment
and restoration,arguingthat this"masterpiece"had been savedfor futuregenerations
from furtherruin and that its unknownbeauty,once obscuredby moistureand
atmosphericdamage,had emergedafter cleaning.88 Indeed,the conservation and

AlbertoBusignani,"Firenze:II mostradi affreschistaccati,"Artefigurativa
6, no. 5 (September-October1958):22.
85

Ugo Procacci,La tecnicadegli amichi affreschie il loro distaccoe restauro
(Florence:Giuntina,1958),30-31.
86

lb.d
••
1 ., 30, pI s. xvt,• xvn.

lbid., 31, pls. xx, xxi.
53

consequentexhibitionofthe Badiamuralsin 1957and 1958broughtthem much
greater recognitionand attentionfromscholarsthan they had heretoforeenjoyed.
OtiliaAlmeidawas the first Portuguesewriterto take up in detailthe case of
her fellowcountrymanat work in Florence. Inspiredby the 1958exhibitionof
detachedfrescoes,Almeidareviewedthe problemof the murals' authorshipfor the
Portugueseaudience. She acceptedLonghi'sattributionto Giovannidi Consalvofor
the first ten scenesand presentedfour argumentsto supportLonghi'sposition.89 First,
Consalvowas the onlypaintermentionedin the documents. Second,the 1430swere a
time of cultura!,socia!,and politica!exchangebetweenPortugaland Italy, as
exemplifiedby the manyPortuguese-- includingAbbotGomezio-- who carneto live
and work in Italy,as wellas ItalianartistslikeAntonioFiorentino,who servedas
officiaipainterto the Portuguesecourt at Aviz.90 Third,itinerantPortugueseartists
likeAlvaroPires d'Évora, who workedin Prato, Volterra,and Pisa, easilyassimilated
to the locaicultureoftheir adoptedhomes.91 And fourth,Jan van Eyck's 1428trip to
Lisbonprobablyled to thc disseminati
on of his stylein Portugal,where it could have
been adoptedby Giovanni. AlmeidarecognizedNeumeyer's argumentssupporting

OtiliaAlmeida,"Brevesnotas sobraa atribuiçào,a um mestrePortugues,dos
frescosdo claustrodegliAranci,da Badiade Florença,"Bo/etimdo Museu Nacional
de Arte Amiga 4, no. I (1959):33-42.
89

Ibid., 33-34.

In additionto AlvaroPiresd'Évora who workedin Italy,Almeida(40)
mentionedthe cases oftwo other Portugueseartists,VascoFernandesand Joào Paiva,
who went to Spainfor work and adoptedlocaiCatalonianstyles.
91

DomenicoVeneziano's influenceas an attemptto explainthe perceivedFlemish
qualitiesofthe murals. She cautioned,however,that whilethe presenceof northem
influencesin the Badiacyclecould not prove Giovanni'sauthorship,neitherdid the
murals' Fiorentinequalities negateit.92 Almeidaarguedthat althoughGiovanniwas
Portuguesein nationalityand birth, he was Fiorentinein his artisticculture,whichhe
had leamedfromFra Angelico,rather than fromDomenicoVenezianoor Paolo
Uccello. Specifically,in her opinion,GiovannifollowedAngelico'sinterestin
representingthe naturalworld throughthe use of linearperspectiveand etfects of
naturallight.93
MillardMeisscautiouslyacceptedGiovannidi Consalvoas the murals' author,
and he tried to createan oeuvrefor the artist in articlespublishedin 1959and 1961.
Both "impressed"and "intrigued"by the Badiamurals,Meissarguedthat their artist
derivedhis perspectivefromUccello,his storytellingfromFra FilippoLippi,his formai
languagefromAngelico,and his "wonderfulpale, luminouscolor" fromDomenico
Veneziano,whilethe "physiognomy,bodilymovementand structure,and architecture
... depart fromthe Fiorentinecanonsand seemaltogetherexotic."94 Like Longhi,

Ibid.,39.

Ibid.,40-41.

In his 1959article,MeissonlydiscussedAngelicoand DomenicoVeneziano
as models,but he addedUccelloand Lippito the list in 1961. MillardMeiss,
"MortalityamongFiorentineImmortals,"ART News 58, no. 4 (May 1959):56; and
idem,"Contributionsto Two ElusiveMasters,"Burli11gto11
Magazine 103(February
1961):58.
94

Meissspeculatedthat Giovannimayhavebroughthis qualitiesof"luminismand visual
intimacy"with himto Florence,havingleamedthemat homein Portugalfrom works
by Flemish,southemFrench,or UpperRhenishartists. Meissthoughtthe faces of the
figuresoccasionallydemonstrateda striking"Hispano-Flemish
realism,"and believed
the figureswere onlysuperficiallyItalian.95 Seekingto remedythe absenceof
comparativeworks eitherin Florenceor in Portugal,Meissproposedthat Giovannidi
Consalvohad executeda predellapane!depictingTheMarriageof the Virginin
Berenson'scollection.96 Givenby Berensonto GiovanniBeccati,Meissargued that
similarforms,abrupt scalechanges,palette,and variouseccentricitieslinkedthe pane!
to the murals;he believedthe pane!to be a later, less-accomplished
work by the author
of the Badiamurals. Despitean amplificationof this argumentin the 1961B11rli11gto11

Magazine,97 Meiss's attributionhas not beenaccepted.98

"In [the] frescoes... the structureof the figuresis at most superficallyItalian,
even whenthe paintercopies an Italianmodel,and sometimes... it wouldbe difficultto
findany awarenessof Italiansturcturalprinciplesat ali." Meiss,"Contributionsto Two
ElusiveMasters,"58.
95

96 Marriageof the Virgin,pane!,Berensoncollection,Villa"I Tatti,"

Settignano.
97 Meiss,"Contributionsto Two ElusiveMasters,"57-61.

Berenson'sMarriageof the Virginpane!is ascribedto Botticiniby Longhi,
Bellosi,and Wohl;to GiovanniBeccatiby Berensonand FrancoRussoli;to the school
of Pollaiuoloby Zeri; and to the shop of Verrocchioby Busignani.For the attribution
debateand bibliography,see NickyMarianoand FrancoRussoli,La raccoltaBere11So11
(Milan:OfficineGraficheRicordi, 1962),LVII;and Wohl, ThePaintingsof Domenico
Veneziano,207; 209, n. 20.
98

In hisSinopiee affreschiof 1960,Ugo Procaccideclaredthe removaland
restoration of the Badiacycleto be one of the greatest revelationsof the 1950sand
remarkedhow incredibleit was that "in the heart of [Florence],in one ofthe principal
churches,it couldbe possibleto bringto light and revealsucha fascinatingcycle,a
trulygreat masterpiece,unknownand ignoredby most everyone."99 As in the 1957
and 1958exhibitions,he opted to designatethe artists responsiblefor the cycleas the
first and second"Mastersof the OrangeCloister,"therebyacceptingthe separate
attributionsfar the first ten scenesand the last two, but leavingthe questionof the
artists' identitiesopen. Whilehe admittedthe documentedpresenceof Giovannidi
Consalvo,paid far colorsbetweenMay 1436and February1439,100 he could not
embracethis unknownfareignartist as the cycle's author. He arguedinsteadthat
Giovannimighthavebeen simplya garzoneto an unnamedand therefareunidentified
Fiorentinemasterbecauseassistantswere often responsiblefar obtainingsupplies.101
Procaccifaund it difficultto believethat the inventarof the cyclecould havecome

una dellemaggioririvelazionidi questi ultimianni;ha destato infatti
grande meraviglia,ed è sembratacosa quasi incredibile,che, nel cuore stesso della
città, in una dellechieseprincipali,fosse possibilemetterein luce e rivelareun ciclodi
pitture cosi affascinante;un vero e grandecapolavoro,per i più del tutto sconosciutoe
ignorato." Ugo Procacci,Sinopiee affreschi(Milan:Electafar Cassadi Risparmiodi
Firenze, 1960),65.
99 " ...

Procacci(Sinopiee affreschi,65-66) citedthe correctdates for the
paymentsto Giovannidi Consalvo,but he did not offer a citationfor their locationin
the Archives. However,most authorscite Salmi,and thereforethe incorrectstart date
of September1436. See note 50.
100

101

lbid., 66.
57

from anywherebut Florence,givenhis knowledgeand understandingof current
developmentsin Fiorentinepainting,especiallythose madeby Uccelloand Angelico.
Far the first time,Procacciconsideredthe "second"BadiaMasterin more than a
cursoryway and discussedthe sinopiaofthe last scene, Totilabe/oreSI. Benedici.(pi.
l 05) He concludedthat this underdrawing,whilecareful,was not very competentand
noted that the artist borrowedmanymotifsfrom past great Fiorentineworks, likethe
back-tumedsoldierwho reachesup to bridlehis horse. He arguedfar the presenceof
two handsin this sinopia,citingdifferencesof materiaiand techniquethat perhaps
resultedfrom a collaborationbetweenthe first BadiaMasterand his less-talented
student.102 Procaccialso offereda detailedformaianalysisof the remainingsinopie and
their correspondingmurals.103
Marco Chiariniwas the firstto undertakea seriousstudyofthe Badiacycle
sinceNeumeyer'sthorougharticleof 1927,and he choseit as the subjectfar his tesi di
laurea,fromwhichhe derivedtwo articles.104 Chiarinifocusedhis attentionon the
cycle's first ten scenesand onlybrieflymentionedthe cycle's remainingscenesand
decorativedado. In his firstarticle,writtenin 1960 though not publishedunti) 1963, 105

102 lb'd
I ., -"7 , p . XVI.
103 Ibid., 65-67, 228-29.
104 I wouldlike to thank Dr. Chiarinifar discussinghis workwith me during

whichtime he told me that he firstundertookthe Badiaproblemin his lesi di laurea.
The article,thoughnot publisheduntil 1963, is dated 1960, and Chiarini
discussedwork done in the interimin a postscript. MarcoChiarini,"Il maestrodel
105

Chiarinioffereda completereviewof the problemsurroundingthe Badiacycle,and
arguedfor the identificationof the BadiaMasterresponsiblefor the cycle's first ten
scenesas the PortuguesepainterGiovannidi Consalvo. Whilehe commended
Neumeyerfor attackingthe thomy problemofthe BadiaMaster,Chiarinifoundmuch
ofthe earlieranalysisto be inconclusive.He lamentedthat Neumeyerdid not develop
his idea of Angelicoas a formativeinfluencefor the BadiaMasterand criticizedhis
choiceofDomenicoVenezianoinstead. Chiarinideniedthe importanceof Uccellofor
the Badiacycleand stated his beliefbasedon stylisticevidencethat Angelicowas the
most convincingsourceof inspiration.106
Chiarinichallengedscholars'resistanceto the possibilitythat the BadiaMaster
was a foreigner,and he set out to provethe validityof Longhi's hypothesis. In an
attemptto demonstrateGiovanni'slberianartisticheritage,Chiarinimade several
assessmentsof Giovanni'sstyle;he claimedthat the artist's figuretypes had a certain
melancholicphysiognomythat anticipatedby severa!centuriesthe "noble"types of
anotherIberian,the seventeenth-century
painterDiegoVelazquez;and he suggested
that the artist's genre-likesettings,likethat seen in the third lunettewith its "splendid
still-life,"were evocativeof seventeenth-century
Dutchinteriors.107 Chiariniproceeded

ChiostrodegliAranci:'Giovannidi Consalvo'Portoghese,"Proporzioni4 (1963): 21,
24.
106

Ibid., 2-5, 12.

To stress the lberianqualitiesof Giovanni'sstyle,Chiarini("Il Maestrodel
ChiostrodegliAranci,"11) purposefullyused a Spanishadjectiveto describe
Giovanni'sfiguretypes [italicsmine]:"... in certe fisionomiemelanconiche,da
107

with a scene-by-sceneanalysis,arguingthat whileGiovannidi Consalvowas interested
in the discoveriesof Angelico,Masaccio,Fra FilippoLippi,and to a !esserextent
Masolinoand DomenicoVeneziano,he "spoke" the languageofthe Fiorentine
Renaissancewith a strong Portugueseaccent.108
In his secondarticle,publishedin 1961,Chiarinipresenteda short and specific
rebuttalto Meiss's work on the BadiaMaster publishedearlierthat year.109 He
lamentedthe lackof seriousdiscussionabout the cycleand criticizedscholarslike
Meissand Bertiwho he believedonly restatedthe problemofthe Badiacyclewithout
advancingnew solutions.110 ChiarinirejectedMeiss's analysisand those of his
predecessors,who assessedthe BadiaMaster's styleas an eclecticmixof ali aspectsof
early-Renaissance
Fiorentinepainting. Chiariniwas so unsatisfiedwith Meiss's method
that he quoted himto demonstratehis inetfectualdescriptionof the muralsas a blendof

'hidalgo' di provincia,un accentoche precorre ... DiegoVelazquez."He also
comparedGiovanni's "intenserealism"to Caravaggio( 11), and the genre-likequalities
to Dutch seventeenth-century
painting(15): "... una tale intimitàin tutte queste umili
cose, una tale familiaritàd'ambiente,da evocare,quasi,un 'interno' del Seicento
olandese."
108 " ... caratterifiorentini... inseritiin un contestoche non è fiorentino,né

italiano,e che emergeprepotentea legarespuntiprecisied acerbidi 'rinascita' in un
discorsounitarioe concorde,dettato in linguaaspra e sonantedi Portogallo. Tale
accentocompare-- e sembralogico-- nel primoaffrescodellaserie ...." lbid., 13.
109 Marco Chiarini,"Di un maestro'elusivo' e di un contributo,"Arte amica e

moderna 13-16(January-December1961):134-7.

°Chiarini("Di un maestro'elusivo,"' 134)was disappointedwith the entries
in the cataloguesfor the 1957and 1958exhibitionsof detachedfrescoes,believing
themto perpetuatethe "elusività"of the problemofthe BadiaMaster.
11

'"the geometryofUccello, the luminismof Domenico[Veneziano],and the narrative
repertoryof Lippiwith an idiomthat is largelyAngelican.
"' 111 Chiariniagain
,challengedthe notionthat the BadiaMasterwas a Fiorentine,and he arguedfor
acceptanceofLonghi's recognitionofthe documentedPortugueseGiovannidi
Consalvoas the cycle's author. Chiarinireiteratedhis disagreementwith Salmi's
assessment,whichwas acceptedby Meiss,that the BadiaMaster's perspectivalsystem
derivedfromUccellobecausehe foundfew stylisticsimilaritiesbetweenthe two artists.
The discoveryofpaymentrecordsfor Uccello'sactivityin the mid 1450sat San
Miniatodisprovedthe claimthat the Badiacyclewas dependenton Uccello's.112
ChiarinidisputedMeiss's linkbetweenthe BadiaMaster's paletteand that of
DomenicoVenezianoas riskyand deniedthat the OrangeCloistercompositions
demonstrateeitheran interestin or understandingof the interrelationbetweenfigures
and spaceevidentin the work of Angelicoby the early 1430s.
Acceptanceofthe nameGiovannidi Consalvoas the BadiaMaster became
more commonin the 1960s. LucianoBerti revisitedthe problemand foundstronger
supportfor the case of Giovannidi Consalvoin documentaryevidencediscoveredby
StefanoOrlandi.113 Giovanniwas recordedtwicein 1435as a witnessto chapter

111 Chiarini("Di un maestro'elusivo,"' 134)quotedMeiss,"Contributionsto

Two ElusiveMasters,"57.
112 For more on the datingof the San Miniatocycle,see note 40.

Acropoli2, no. 4 (1962):

113 LucianoBerti, "Miniaturedell'Angelico(e altro),"

299, 307, n. 55.
61

meetingsheldat Fra Angelico'sconvent,San Domenicoin Fiesole,once with the artist
ZanobiStrozzi,who was a followerand assumedworkshopassistantto Angelico.114
Berti thus deducedthat Giovanniwas also one ofthe chieffollowersof Angelico.
Giventhe attributionof the refectoryentranceoverdoorto Angelicoby Vasari,the
BenedictineFra Macariowhosepaintinglessonsat San Domenicowere sponsoredby
the Badia,115 and the stylisticaffinitybetweenthe Badiamuralsand Angelico's work,
Berti felt comfortableto identifythe "Masterofthe OrangeCloister"as Giovannidi
Consalvo. He then soughtGiovanni'shandin works fromAngelico'sstudio,
proposingthat the center pane[fromthe predellaof Angelico'sPerugiaAltarpiecewas
paintedby Giovannidi Consalvounderthe watchfuleye of his master.116 He argued
that manydetailsin the maritimescenesof St. NicholasAddressingan Imperia/
Emissaryand St. NicholasSavinga Ship at Sea (now in the VaticanPinacoteca)were
similarto featurespresentin the Badiamuralsand thus revealedthe handof Giovanni
in both: the chiseledrock formations;the streaked,duskysky; the bluntangularityin
the legs of the figures;the "syntheticbut effectiveand characteristic'Iberian' realism"
in the soldierswho carry heavysacksof grain,the loadedboats, and other narrative
details. Berti stressedthe difference,however,betweenthe Perugiapredella,where

114 See app. 2, docs. 2, 3.
115 See app. 2, doc. 69.
116 Fra Angelico,St. Nicho/asAddressingan Imperia!Emissaryand St.

NicholasSavinga Ship at Sea, temperaon pane[,PinacotecaVaticana(no. 252),
VaticanCity.

Angelicocontrolledhis assistant'soutput, and the Badiacycle,in whichGiovannihad
free reign.117 Berti repeatedthis attributionin his 1967monographon Fra Angelico
and againin his catalogueentriesfor anotherexhibitionof detachedfrescoesthat
traveledfrom 1968to 1971.118
At the time ofBerti's proposals,the Perugiaaltarpiecewas believedto have
been paintedin 1437,a date supportedby textualsourcesand thereforedeemedsecure.
This date accordedwell with Berti's attributionofthe predellato Giovannidi Consalvo
(knownto beat San Domenicoin 1435and at work in the Badiafrom 1436to 1439),
and likelyinfluencedhis attribution. However,recent argumentsby Andreade Marchi,
followingthe suspicionsofUlrich Middeldorf,convincinglysuggestthat the altarpiece
was paintedat least a decade later duringAngelico'sRomanperiod, most likelyin
1447.119

117

Berti, "Miniaturedell'Angelico,"1962,307-8, n. 55.

LucianoBerti,Angelico(Florence:SadeaEditore, 1967),37 Far Berti's
exhibitioncatalogueentry, see note 124.
118

The Perugiaaltarpiecehas long beendated 1437, based on a late sixteenthcenturychronicleof the churchof San Domenicoin Perugiafor whichthe picturewas
commissioned.UlrichMiddeldorf("L'Angelicoe la scultura,"Ri11ascime1110
6, no. 2
(December1955):188-9)noted the inconsistenciesbetweensuch an early date and the
styleof the picture,but most scholarshaveheldfast to the "documented"date,
resultingin certainassumptionsabout Angelico's styleand developmentthat have
provento be difficultto reconcile. Indeed,the figuretypes, drapery,use of light,
palette,and the use of large predellafieldsali pointto a late date for the polyptych. It
seemsthat the use of a traditionalpolyptychformatand gildedbackground,much like
the earlierexamplepaintedfor San Domenicoin Cortona,misledscholarsto accept the
1437 dating. More likelyis that conservativetastes stili reignedin the provincia!
Perugia,and so Angelicochose (or his patronsrequested)not to use the single-field
119

StefanoOrlanditook up the problemof Angelico'sworkshopin his 1964
monographon the artist.120 The nature and divisionof laborin this atelier have never

rectangularformatthat had becomeso popularin Florencebut a more traditionalgoldground polyptych.
Andreade Marchihas made a strong case for the redatingof the altarpiece
basedin part on an identificationof the figureof St. Nicholasof Bari, who stands
contemplatingan open book to the right of the enthronedVirginand ChiId, as a
portrait of Pope NicholasV, who reignedfrom 1447to 1455. As De Marchihas
shown,the saintin the mainpane)is givena radicallydifferentphysiognomythan that
of the samecharacterdepictedin the predella. In these narrativescenesNicholasis
shownin his moretraditionalcharacterizationas an elderly,beardedbishop. However,
the saint in the mainpane!is shownbeardlesswith an attentionto facialfeaturesthat
stronglysuggestsa portrait. These featuresresemblethose used by Angelicofor Pope
SixtusII in the CappellaNiccolina,recognizedby most as a portraitof the patron
NicholasV, with his long,beak-likenose andjowly face. AndreaDe Marchi,"Per la
cronologiadell'Angelico:Il trittico di Perugia,"Prospettivano. 42 (1985): 53-57;
idem,"Beato Angelico"in Pitturadi luce. Giovannidi Francescoe l'artefiorelllina di
metà Quattrocelllo,ed. LucianoBellosi,exh. cat., Casa Buonarroti,Florence(Milan:
Electa, 1990),94
De Marchi'sargumentswere acceptedand developedin the companion
catalogueto the 1999exhibitionheld in Perugiaon the altarpiece. In it TizianaBiganti
offereda detaileddescriptionofthe altarpiece'slikelypatron,ElizabethGuidalotti,
whichstrengthensthe case for a late-l 440s datingof the painting. VittoriaGaribaldi,
ed., BeatoAngelicoe BenozzoGozzo/i.Artisti del Rinascimemoa Perugia.Itinerari
d'arte in Umbria,exh. cat., GalleriaNazionaledell'Umbria,Perugia(Milan:Silvana,
1998),reviewedby Cari BrandonStrehlke,BurlingtonMagazine 141(August 1999):
477-79. For specificargumentsin the Garibaldicatalogueon the patronageand dating
of the altarpiecesee: VittoriaGaribaldi,"'Quando verrai... portamianche i libri,
specialmentele pergamene.'Il politticoGuidalottidi Beato Angelico,"19, 24-30;
GuidoComini,"La predelladi Beato AngelicoallaPinacotecaVaticana,"44; and
TizianaBiganti,"Un prestigioda riconquistare:la famigliaGuidalottinellaprimametà
del XV secolo," 103-11.
Thosewho havediscussedthe Perugiapredella'srelevanceto the Badia cycle
use its traditionaldatingof 1437.
120 StefanoOrlandiO.P.,Beato Angelico.Monografiastoricadella vita e delle

operecon un 'appendicedi nuovi documentiinediti(Florence:Leo S. Olschki, 1964),
26-27, 35.
64

been explainedsatisfactorily.Whilescholarshavenot doubtedthe existenceof
assistantsto help satisfythe demandfor Angelico'swork, an identificationof workshop
members,especiallyduringthe 1430s,remainsdifficult. Eventhoughscholarsbelieve
manyworks were paintedentirelyor in part by assistants,the identitiesof these shop
membersoften remainhopelesslycontested. Orlandiinterpretedthe 1435notarial
recordsfromchaptermeetingsat San Domenicoin Fiesoleto indicatethat Zanobi
Strozziand Giovannidi Consalvoworkedfor Angelicoat this time.121 Orlandithen
proposedGiovannias a possibleauthor for two ofthe elevenminiatureshe believed
were paintedby assistantsin the graduaiilluminatedby Angelicofor San Domenicoin
Fiesole:122 the Busi of St. Lawrenceand the St. !v!ichael.123
Ten yearsafter the exhibitionof detachedfrescoesin Florence,two of the Badia
scenesformedpart of a showthat traveledto New York, Amsterdam,London,
Munich,Brussels,Stockholm,Copenhagen,Lugano,Paris,and Milan. LucianoBerti,
author ofthe sectionon the Badiain the 1957and 1958exhibitions,was asked to

121 See app. 2, docs. 2, 3.
122 Fra Angelicoand workshop,Sanctoraleand Commonfrom a Graduai,

temperaand gold on parchment,Cod. 558, Museodi San Marco,Florence.Berti
("Miniaturedell'Angelico,"277-308)arguedthat nineteenofthe thirtyfigurated
miniatureswere illuminatedby Angelicowith the remainingelevenby an assistant
whom he identifiedtentativelyas ZanobiStrozzi. For the most recenttreatmentof the
manuscriptthat dates it ca. 1425-30,see Strehlkein Pailllingand Illumination,33238.
Cod. 558, Museodi SanMarco,Florence,fols. 70v, 80v. Orlandi,Beato
Angelico,35.
123

collaboratewith MillardMeissfor the new catalogue,and they againchose to be
cautious,entitlingtheir entry"Masterofthe ChiostrodegliAranci(activearound 143540)."124 Meissoffereda formaianalysisof the two scenesexhibitedcommentingon
their non-Italiantraits and use of spatialorganizationfor great dramaticeffect.125 (pls.
87, 89) Berti re-presentedthe case for Giovannidi Consalvoand cited the
documentarydiscoveriesof Poggiand Orlandithat locatedGiovanniboth at the Badia
and at Angelico'sconvent. He concludedthat Giovanni'spresenceat the Dominican
chaptermeetingssignifiedhis rank as an importantfollowerof Angelicoand again
suggestedthe Perugiapredellapane)as evidenceof a possiblecollaborationbetween
the two artists.126 Meissreiteratedthese observationsin his companionvolumeto the

124 Meissand Berti, TheGreatAge of Fresco:Giottoto Polllormo,150-5;

idem,"Masterofthe ChiostrodegliAranci,"in FrescoesfromFlorence,intro.John
Pope-Hennessyand Ugo Procacci,exh. cat., HaywardGallery,London.(London:The
Arts Councilof Great Britain,1969),142-5;idem,"Maitredu ChiostrodegliAranci
(1435/40),(Giovannidi Consalvo,portoghese),"in Fresquesde Florence,intro. Ugo
Procacci,exh. cat., Palaisdes Beaux-Arts,Brussels(Ledebergand Ghent:Imprimerie
Erasmus,1969),140-7;and idem,"Maestrodel ChiostrodegliAranci(Giovannidi
Consalvo,Portoghese)"in Affreschida Firen:edal XIII al XVI secolo,ed. Ugo
Procacci,exh. cat., PalazzoReale,Milan(Florence,A.G.A.F.,1971),cat. 34-37.
The entriesin the variouscataloguesare essentiallythe samewith changesin
diction. The editoria!note to the Londoncatalogueentry(FrescoesfromFlorence,
142)does piacemore emphasison the foreignoriginofthe cycle's artist and mentions
Meiss'sattributionofthe Berensonpredellato Giovannidi Consalvo.
Fora reviewofthe exhibitionand a response,see: Jurgenand AnneMarkham
Schulz,"The Great Age ofFresco in New York,"B11rli11gto11
Maga:ine 111(January
1969):51-55;and Eve Borsook,"Letters:'The Great Age of Fresco,"' B11rlingto11
Magazine111 (May 1969):303-4.
125 Meiss,
126 Berti,

TheGreatAge of Fresco:Giottoto Pontormo,l 50.

TheGreatAge of Fresco:Giottoto Pomormo,151.
66

exhibition,publishedin 1970,focusingon TheMiracleof the PoisonedBread in his
discussion.(pi. 89) He praisedthe composition'sspatialorganizationand fictive
pictorialdepth, and he remarkedon how "the new scienceof focusperspective,
introducedonlya decadeearlier,was immediatelyemployed[by the artistJin the
serviceofthe story."127
Despitethe growingacceptanceof Giovannidi Consalvoas the BadiaMaster,
debatecontinuedas to just what could be deducedfromthe documentaryevidence
about this shadowyfigure. EduardoNuneshopedto clarifythis situationwith a
completetranscriptionof ali paymentsmadeby the Badiato the Portugueseartist,
whichhe publishedin his biographyof AbbotGomezio.128 Nunes's conclusionsabout
the Abbot's leadershipand artisticpatronagewere drawnfrom painstakingresearchof
accountbooks, correspondence,and other primarysourcematerials.129 Nunes,
assumingthe muralcycleto be complete,tried to matchthe archaeologicalevidence
with the documents. He arguedthat Giovannidi Consalvopaintedthe first ten scenes
ofthe Life of St. BenedicifromMay 1436to June 1438and then departedfor Portugal
sometimethereafter. Aftera periodof inactivitylastingfom1eenmonths,another

127 Meiss,

TheGreatAge of Fresco.Discoveries,Recoveries,and Surviva/s,

121.
128 Nunes,270-74. See also app. 2 ofthis dissertation.
129 Nunes consulteddocumentshousedin the state archivesofFlorence, Padua,

Rome, VaticanCity, and Venice,and the nationallibrariesin Florence(Laurenziana
and Centrale). Fora list ofthe 43 manuscriptsused most,see his tableof abbrevations
( 15-16) as well as his annotatedlist of unpublishedsources(382-95).
67

unnamedartist ("the painterwho paintsthe cloister")was hired to paintthe remaining
two scenesfrom Septemberto December1439. 13° For some reason,perhapsbecauseit
was writtenin Portugueseor becauseof a limiteddistribution,Nunes's studyand useful
transcriptionshavegone unnoticedin ali but a few cases, and art historianshave
continuedto rely on Salmi'slimiteddescriptionofthe documentaryevidence.131
In 1969 NatalieRosenbergHendersonset out to remedywhat she believedwas
lackingin Chiarini'sotherwise"excellent"1963 articleby conductinga thorough
analysisof the firstten murals'sinopie.(pls. 94-103) RosenbergHendersonaccepted
Chiarini'sattributionof the first ten Benedictinescenesto Giovannidi Consalvodespite
the protestsof Procacciand CollobiRagghianti. She also foundBerti's suggestionfor
Giovanni'spresencein the Perugiapredellaconvincing.132 She added that Giovanni's
figuresin the Badiamuralsshow a strong resemblanceto the types used by Angelico
and his workshop,an assertionsupportedby severa!examplesof motifsthat appearin

130 Nunes, 274-77.
131 With the exceptionof Portuguesescholars,most studentsof the Badiahave

not consultedNunes's study. FrancescaCarrara(105-18)did consultNunes for her
essayon the Badia. However,in anothercataloguepublishedthe sameyear, Giovanna
Ragioneriwas unawareofNunes's transcription,and she mentionedthe failedetfort by
her researchteam to locatethe documentsrelevantto Giovannidi Consalvo:
"Nonostantele ricercheespressamentecompiuteda Gino Corti, questidocumentinon
risultanoal momentoreperibili."GiovannaRagionieri,"Giovannidi Consalvo,San
Benedettorecuperala roncola,"in Unascuolaper Piero. Luce, coloree prospelliva
nellaformazionejìorentinadi Piero della Francesca,ed. LucianoBellosi,exh. cat.,
GalleriadegliUffizi,Florence(Venice:Marsilio,1992), 73.
132 NatalieRosenbergHenderson,"Reflectionson the ChiostrodegliAranci,"

Art Quarterly32, no. 4 (1969):393, 409, n. 3.
68

the cycleand paintingsby Angelico.133 She attributedthe last two scenesof the cycle
to "an inferiorhand,"perhapsthe Fra Macarioofthe documents.134 Interestedin what
the differencesbetweenthe sinopia underdrawingsand the finishedpaintingscould
revealabout the artist's creativeprocess,RosenbergHendersonarguedthat they
demonstrateGiovanni'srelianceon SpinelloAretino'sLife of St. Benedicicycle
paintedin the sacristyof San Miniatoal Monte.(pls. 112-115) Accordingto
RosenbergHenderson,GiovannifollowedSpinello'scycleas an iconographicaland
compositionalmodelfor his preliminarydrawingswhichhe then "reworked,
modernized,and dramatized"in the finalpaintings.135 She claimedthat Giovanni
performeda "strict self-criticism"that refinedpreliminaryideasinspiredby Spinelloand
improveddetailsto create a "simpleand dramaticallypotent" narrative.136 She found
Giovanniat his best in TheMiracle of the PoisonedBread in whichhe was freed from
the precedentof Spinello,who did not portraythis event at San Miniato.(pi. 89)
In his 1970monographon Fra Angelico,UmbertoBaldiniincludedthe
fifteenth-centurymuraldecorationfromthe OrangeCloisterin his catalogueof
attributedworks. He deniedAngelico'sauthorshipfor both the refectoryoverdoorand
the narrativecyclebut concludedthat both workswere executedby the same hand.

133 Ibid.,409, nn. 9, 19;410, nn. 21, 23.
134 lbid., 408, n. 1; 409, n. 8.
135 Ibid.,394.
136 Ibid.,406.

Whileconcedingthat the Life of St. Benedicidemonstratedstrongstylisticties to the
art of Angelico,Baldinidecidednot to choosebetweenGiovannidi Consalvo(the
"usual" attribution)or the anonymousBadiaMaster.137
A selectionof the Badiamuralswas exhibitedagainin Florencein 1972in a
show organizedby Baldiniand PaoloDal Poggettothat focusedon conservation
techniques.138 Dal Poggettopraiseda cleaningsolventdiscoveredduringthe
restorationeffort conductedin responseto the great floodof 1966. Use of this solvent
on the OrangeCloistermurals,whichhad not been damagedin the flood,allowed
conservatorsto removelayersof linseed-oilvamishthat had cloudedtheir brilliance.
Dal Poggettobelievedtheir authorto be Giovannidi Consalvo,arguingthat the artist
derivedhis compositionalclarityand luminosityfromAngelico.139
In his revisedmonographon Fra Angelico,John Pope-Hennessywas unableto
draw firmconclusionsabout the natureof the master's shop, but he offereda short list
of artistswhomhe believedneeded"to be reckonedwith" as potentialcandidates:
Battistadi BiagioSanguigni,ZanobiStrozzi,and Giovannidi Consalvo.140 These men

137 UmbertoBaldini,L'opera completade~'Angelico,intro. Elsa Morante,

Classicidell'Arte,38 (Milan:RizzaliEditore, 1970), 116-7.
UmbertoBaldiniand PaoloDal Poggetto,Firenzerestaura.Il laboratorio
nel suo quaramennio,exh. cat., Fortezzadel Basso,Florence(Florence:G.C. Sansoni,
1972),23, 118-19. Reviewedby LuisaVertova,"RestoredWorksof Art in Florence,"
BurlingtonMagazine 114(July 1972):492-9.
138

139

Dal Poggettoin Baldiniet al., 119.

140

Pope-Hennessy,Angelico,2nd ed., 39.
70

ali appearin documentsthat linkthem to Fra Angelicoand to each other, but none are
well understoodas artists. In his first editionof 1952,Pope-Hennessyincludedthe
Badiarefectoryoverdoorin his list of lost works but believedthe lunetteto be in too
deteriorateda conditionto judge Vasari'sclaim.141 In his 1974revision,he attributed
this lunetteto the BadiaMaster,whomhe identifiedwith questionas Giovannidi
Consalvo.142 Pope-Hennessystated that Berti was perhapscorrect in his associationof
the Badiamuralswith the centraipane!fromthe Perugiaaltarpiecepredella,for which
Pope-Hennessyalso offereda tentativeattributionto Giovanni.143

141

John Pope-Hennessy,Fra Angelico, 1st ed. (London:PhaidonPress, 1952),

206.
In his firsteditionof 1952,Pope-Hennessydid not discussGiovannidi
Consalvo,but he did includeVasari'sattributionof the refectoryoverdoorin a list of
lost works by Angelico. In his secondedition,Pope-Hennessykept the BadiaSailll
Benediciin his list of lost works but addedthat the lunettehad been removedfromthe
wall of the Badiacloister. He attributedit to the "Masterof the OrangeCloister
(Giovannidi Gonsalvo?[sic])." It seemsstrangethat Pope-Hennessyacknowledged
the existenceofthe frescoand offeredan attribution,but includedit in a list of lost
works ratherthan in his list of refutedattributions.Pope-Hennessy,Angelico,2nd ed.,
237.
In a list ofworks ascribedto Angelicothat is appendedto the maincatalogueof
his monographon the artist, John Spikeincludedthe Badia's overdoorlunette. He
reviewedthe proposedattributionsto the Masterofthe OrangeCloister,Angelico,and
Giovannidi Consalvo,butjudged the fresco's conditionto be too deterioratedto allow
fora definitejudgmentand declinedto offerhis own attribution.John T. Spike,Fra
Angelico(NewYork: AbbevillePress, 1996),260.
142

"Bertirelatesthe centraipanel,wherethe romanticrock forrnshave no
parallelin Angelico's work, to the frescoed Scenesjrom the Life of St. Benediciin the
ChiostrodegliAranciofthe Badia,and this sceneand the frescoesmay be due to
GiovanniGonsalvi[sic]da Portogallo,who was associatedwith Angelicoat San
Domenicodi Fiesole." Pope-Hennessy,Angelico,2nd ed., 199.
143

The conclusionthat the Badiamuralshad been paintedby a non-Italianartist
whose styleshoweda mixof Fiorentineand Flemishtraits was fairlywell acceptedby
the mid-l 970s. RichardFremantleincludedthe Badiacyclein his corpus of Fiorentine
painters,but was hesitant,likeothers beforehim,to abandonthe use of"Master ofthe
OrangeCloister." He did note that this artist was most likelythe painterof Spanishor
Portugueseoriginmentionedin the monastery's documents,that is, Giovannidi
Consalvo.144 In a mannersuggestingan expectationof the reader's familiaritywith the
case of the Portugueseartist, FerdinandoBolognaincludedGiovannidi Consalvoas an
exampleof the give-and-takerelationshipbetweenwesternEuropeanartists of the early
fifteenthccntury,specificallyin his Badiamuralsthat Bolognaargued show a mixof
Eyckianand Angelicanstyles.w

FlorellfineGothicPainters/rom Gioi/olo Masaccio.A
Guide to Pailllingin and near Florence1300-1-150
(London:MartinSeckerand
Warburg,Ltd., 1975),598, pl. 1275.
1-1-1RichardFremantle,

BolognaincorporatedGiovannidi Consalvointo his discussionof Jean
Fouquet's effecton Neapolitanpainting:"[La "Cronaca"]Cockerell... implicanosicure
ed approfonditeconoscenzefiorentine;e queste,pur derivandosopratutto
dall'Angelico..., hannomoltoa che fare -- tanto da sorprendereche non sia mai stato
rilevato-- anchecon la lucidacongiunzionefra limpidezza"ponentina,"forse già
eijckiana,e tensioneprospettico-coloristica
dell'Angelico,che si legge negliormai
famosiaffreschidel ChiostrodegliArancia Badia;la cui altissimaqualitàe la cui
fondataappartenenzaal portogheseGiovannidi Consalvo,che avevapotuto incontrare
Van Eijcka Lisbonanel 1428-29e che operò a Firenze... fra il 1436e il 1439...."
FerdinandoBologna,Napolie le rotte mediterraneedellapittura. Da Alfonso il
Magnanimoa Ferdinandoil Cattolico(Naples:Societànapoletanadi storia patria,
1977),65-66. Reviewedby JulianGardnerin BurlingtonMagazine 122(Aprii 1980),
266.
145

In his study on Angelico,Mikl6sBoskovitsreattributedthe refectoryoverdoor
picturingSt. BenediciRequestingSilenceto Angelico.(pi. 63) He arguedthat most
scholarsrefutedVasari's attributiononlybecauseof the fresco's poor state of
conservation,counteringthat the very intenseimagehad an "absolutelyAngelican
quality"in the depictionofthe humanfigure. He supportedthis claimby comparing
Angelico'soverdoorlunetteof St. PeterMartyrEnjoiningSilencefrom San Marco,
the Badialunette,and the dwarfishmonkfromthe fifthsceneof the Benedictinecycle
to argue for the similarityof the firsttwo paintedby Angelico,and their distinction
fromthe third,whichhe assignedto Giovannidi Consalvo.146 (pi. 65)
In his doctoraldissertationon the workshopof Fra Angelico,Paul Cardile
consideredGiovannidi Consalvoas an artisticpersonality.Cardileattemptedto
establishnot onlywho workedfor Angelicoat San Domenicoin Fiesole,but also
whereindividuaiand identifiablehandsof assistantscould be foundboth in passagesof
altarpiecesby Angelicoand in independentworks. LikeOrlandiand Pope Hennessy,
Cardile'sthree candidatesfor Angelico'searlyworkshopwere the little-known
manuscriptilluminatorBattistadi BiagioSanguigni,Battista's documentedbusiness
partnerZanobiStrozzi,and Giovannidi Consalvo. Startingwith the Badiamurals,
Cardileattemptedto create an oeuvrefor Giovanni. He acceptedBerti's attributionof
the Perugiapredellapane!,callingit the "first reasonableattribution"to this unknown

Mikl6sBoskovits,"Appuntisull'Angelico,"Paragone27, no. 313 (March
1976):41, 52 n. 24.
146

artist.147 Cardilealso assignedpredellapanelsin Antwerp,Chantilly,Cherbourg,
Houston,New York, and Zagrebto Giovanni.148 He arguedthat these smallpanelsand
the frescoessharedcertaincharacteristicsthat derivedfroma Netherlandishrather than
an Italianinterest:sharp,jagged rock fonnations;small,manicuredtrees; and a love for
minutelyrendereddetails.
In her contributionto the multivolumeStoriade~'arte italiana,Fiorella
SricchiaSantoroincludedthe Badiamuralsin her discussionofthe rapport between
fifteenth-centuryItalianand Flemishart. She explainedthe 1430sas a period in which,
whiledifficultto prove,artistsnorth and south of the Alpsbeganto be aware of and

Cardile(207) acknowledgedthe difficultyin usingthe Badiamuralsto define
the styleof GiovanniConsalvogiventhe imprecisenatureof the documentary
evidence. He repeated,fromSalmi,the distinctionmadebetweenpaymentsto
Giovanniand those to "lo dipintoreche dipingeil chiostro"whomSalmiand others
interpretedto be a secondpainter. Cardilenoted Procacci'sargumentfor Giovanni's
identificationas a meregarzone,giventhat assistantswere often responsiblefor
gatheringmaterials.He also cited (213, n. 34) a conversationheld with Creighton
Gilbert,who agreedwith Procacci'sassessmentof Giovannias an assistantand had
"arrivedat a new solutionfor the identityof the OrangeCloister'smaster." To my
knowledge,Gilberthas neverpublishedany opinionson this subject.
For discussionofthe Badiamurals,see Cardile,343-9.
147

Fra Angelico(Schoolof), St. Romau/dAppearingto the Emperor0110 lii,
temperaon pane!,Muséedes Beaux-Arts(no. 3), Antwerp;Fra Angelico,St. Benedici
at Subiaco,temperaon pane!,MuséeCondé(no. 6), Chantilly;Fra Angelico,The
Conversionof St. Augustine,temperaon pane!,MuséeThomasHenry,Cherbourg;Fra
Angelico,The Temptationof St. AfllhonyAbbot, temperaon pane!,Museumof Fine
Arts (no. 44-550),Houston;Workshopoffra Angelico,TheNativity,temperaon
pane!,The MetropolitanMuseumof Art (no. 1983.490),New York (this paintinghad
not yet beenacquiredby the museumat the time of Cardile'sthesis);Fra Angelico,The
Stigmatizationof St. Francisand the Martyrdomoj St. PeterMartyr,temperaon
pane!,The StrossmayerGallery(no. 34), Zagreb. Theseworks are discussedby
Cardile,208-9,214, n. 38, 338-40,342-4.
148

interestedin the contributionsof their foreigncounterparts. In Florence,artists likeFra
Angelico,DomenicoVeneziano,and the "mysteriousmaster"Giovannidi Consalvo
enrichedthe innovationsofMasaccio-- the representationof spacefilledwith weighty,
solemnfigures-- withsumptuousdetailspaintedin brilliantcolors inspiredby
Netherlandishpainting. The inclusionof Giovanniin this trio of predecessorsdeemed
influentialfor the Fiorentinedevelopmentof Piero dellaFrancesca,showsa recognition
ofthe murals' progressivestyleand an interestin and attemptto includethe poorly
understoodartist in the historyof Italianpainting.149
Eve Borsookcreditedthe Badiamuralsto Giovannidi Consalvoin her
discussionofthe muraldecorationfromthe AssumptionChapelin Prato Cathedral.
She noted that both the "Prato Master"and Giovannisharedan "old-fashioned,"loving
attentionto detailthat vergedon still-lifeand favoreda use of "lunarlight"that gave a
shimmerto glass, a warmthto fruit,and a highlightto detailssuch as draperyfoldsand
strandsof hair.150
Other thematicstudiesto includethe Badiamuralswere MarcellaCastelli's
work on Fiorentinecloistersand that by AlbertoBusignaniand RaffaelloBencinion
Fiorentinechurches. Castellichosenot to decideon an attribution,ascribingthe cycle

FiorellaSricchiaSantoro,"Arte italianae arte straniera.l O.Rapportifra arte
italianae arte fiamminganel Quattrocento,"in L'esperienzadell'antico,de/l'Europa,
della religiosità,voi. 3, Storiade~'arte italiana.Parteprima, materialie problemi,
ed. GiovanniPrevitali(Turin:GiulioEinaudi,1979), l O1.
149

150 Borsook,Mural Paintersof Tuscany,80. For historiography
on the Prato

Master, see note 30.

to eitherGiovannidi Consalvoorto an unknownFlorentine.151 Busignaniand Bencini
claimedthat the life of St. Benedicicycleearnedthe OrangeCloistera positionamong
the mainmonumentsof the earlyFiorentineRenaissancedespitethe tangled historyof
its attribution. Theybelievedthe case for Giovannito be convincinggiven the foreign
motifsevidentin the scenes,the Portuguesenationalityof both abbot and painter,and
Giovanni's documentedreceiptof payments.152
The contributorsto the iconographicstudyofTuscan imagesof St. Benedict-one of manyorganizedin 1980to celebratethe fifteenthcentenaryof the saint's birth -preferrednot to identifythe fifteenth-centuryartists responsiblefor the BadiaLife of St.

Benedici. Instead,they ascribedscenesone throughthree and fivethrough elevento
the "Master of the OrangeCloister,"scenestwelveand thirteento the "Second Master
of the OrangeCloister,"and the fourth scene,added ca. 1526-30,to Bronzino. Laura
dal Prà and ClaudioPaoliniused each sceneofthe cycleand the lunetteoverdoor, also
givento the first"Masterofthe OrangeCloister,"as examplesin their comparative
analysesof Benedictineimagery.153 Paolinidiscussedthe pictorialtraditionof Thelife

151 M. Castelli,18.
152 Busignaniand Bencini,190-3.
153 Laura Dal Prà, "L'immaginedi San Benedettoin Toscanadalle originial

XVI secolo,"and ClaudioPaolini,"Scenedellavita di San Benedettoin Toscanadal
XIV al XV secolo.Problemiiconografici,"in Iconografiadi San Benedettonella
pittura della toscana,120-21,figs.47-48; 135-36,139-187,figs. 52, 56, 61, 69, 73,
74, 79, 80, 84, 87, 89, 90, 94, 99, 104-5.
76

of St. Benediciand showedhow the Badiamuralswere sometimesconventionaland
other timesinnovativein their representationsof the saint's miraculousIife.
AlessandroGuidotticontributedan extensiveessayon the architecturalhistory
ofthe Badiaand its artisticpatrimonyto the 1982monographLa Badia Fiorentina,
and he also publisheda separateshort guidebookto the complex.154 In his discussion
of the cloistermurals,Guidottireviewedthe attribution debateand the division
betweenthose who acceptedthe documentedGiovannidi Consalvoand those who
preferredto see himas an assistantworkingfor an unidentifiedmaster. Guidotti
attributedboth the refectoryoverdoorand cycleto an anonymousfifteenth-century
painter,suggestingthat the fifthsceneof TheMiracleof the PoisonedWineoffered
clues to the mysteriousmaster's identity.(pi. 85) He believedthe bald monkwho
cheekilysmilesat the viewerto be a self-portraitof the artist, interpretingan inscription
of the initialsI. M. (writtenover his head on the architraveof the room in whichthe
scene takes piace)as a crypticsignature.(pi. I 50) From this evidence,Guidotti
concluded,as Neumeyerhad, that the artist musthavebeenan ecclesiasticin the Badia
communitywho wouldnot havereceivedpaymentfor his work and thus wouldnot
appear in the documents.155

154 Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistiche
dellaBadiaFiorentina,"120, 139-40,

nn. 218-23,227; and idem, TheBadiaFiorentina,trans. CarolWasserman,Biblioteca
de "Lo Studiolo",3 (Florence:Becocci,I982), 34-39.
155 "lftrue, this wouldalso explainwhy there are no precisedocuments

regardingthe painter;for as a memberof the monasticcommunity,he certainlywould
not have receivedpaymentfor his work." Guidottinoted that he intendedto "undertake
a more accurateanalysisofthe entireproblem,whichshould,in the end, clarifythe rote
77

LianaCastelfranchiVegasmade a briefreferenceto the Badiamuralsin her
work on the relationbetweenItalianand Netherlandishpaintingofthe fifteenth
century. She includedthe cycleas an exampleofFlorentineinterestin Flemishart,
paraphrasingLonghi'sassessmentofthe cycleas the work of a foreignerin Florence
who combinedthe perspectivalsystemof Angelicowith a Flemish"opticallucidity."
Inexplicably,she identifiedthe Portugueseartist as Gonsalvodi Cordova (suggestinga
birthplacein Spain)and offeredno citationsto clarifywhethershe had new information
about the artist, or as seemsmore likely,madean orthographicerror.156
GiulianaCarbicarneto the problemofthe OrangeCloistermuralsthrough
work on the artisticformationof AlessoBaldovinettifor her tesi di laurea at the
UniversityofTrieste.157 She did net acceptGiovannidi Consalvoas the cycle's author,
believingthem to be too Fiorentinein styleto havebeen paintedby a foreigner.158 She
offeredcounterargumentsfor the supposedlyforeigntraits in the cycle:the Flemish
clarityso praisedby Longhiresultedmore fromthe murals'decaythan from deliberate
will,and the so-calledexotic architecturewas as Fiorentineas Fra Angelicowhose

of Giovannidi Consalvoas well." Guidotti,TheBadia Fiorelllina,38, 43, nn. 123,
125.
156 LianaCastelfranchiVegas,Italia e Fiandranellapittura del Quattrocelllo

(Milan:Jaca Book, 1983), 192,227, n. 6.
157 GiulianaCarbi,"Esordidi AlessoBaldovinetti,"
tesi di laurea,Prof Decio

Gioseffi,Facoltàdi lettere,Universitàdi Trieste, 1982-83.
158 GiulianaCarbi,"Nomifiorentiniper il Chiostrodegli Aranci,"Arte in Friuli.

Arte a Trieste7 (1984):39-51.

paintingsand predellasare filledwith similarbuildings.159 Carbiinsistedthat Giovanni
was responsibleonlyfor the last two scenes,whichshe believedto show a markedly
un-Fiorentinecharacterin their spatialcompositionsand costumes. Following
Procacci,she cited the commonpracticeof assistantsbuyingsuppliesand receiving
paymentsas explanationfor Giovanni'spresencein the documents.160
For the authorshipof the remainingten fifteenth-centuryscenes,Carbi
proposedthat the muralswere paintedby a team of painterswhomshe identifiedas
three youngFiorentineartists:Pesellino,Giovannidi Francesco,and Alesso
Baldovinetti.161 Withthis tripartiteattribution,she soughtto explainthe various
influencesat work in the cycle. She claimedPesellinowas responsiblefor the stylistic
similaritiesto Angelico(and perhapsalso to Lippi);she attributedto Baldovinettithe
similaritiesto DomenicoVeneziano;and she ascribedthe Uccellesquetraits to
Giovannidi Francesco. By comparingworks of these three artists to passagesin the
frescoes,Carbiconcludedthat Pesellinowas the majorcontributorto the cycle;that
Giovannidi Francescowas onlya marginaifigure-- presentmore as a companion
helpingout his friendsthan as a memberof the projectteam;and that Baldovinetti,the
coordinatorof the project,was responsiblefor the spatiallayoutof each sceneand for

Carbi("Nomifiorentini,"39-40)suggestedthat the use oflinseed oil may
have contributedto the decayedstate ofthe murals' colors.
159

°Carbi,''Nomifiorentini,"40.

161

lbid., 42, 46, 48.

the correspondingdecorativeborder. Withextremecaution,she alludedto the
possibilitythat DomenicoVenezianoservedas an expert consultantto guide these
three youngartists. However,accordingto the biographicalinformationused by Carbi,
in 1439,the year in whichthe muralprojectunderwayby 1436seemsto have come to
a close, Pesellinowould have been onlyseventeenyears old;162 Baldovinetti,also
seventeen;163 and Giovannidi Francesco,eleven.164 The likelihoodthat three immature

Francescodi Stefano,calledPesellino,livedfrom 1422to 1457,and there
seemsto be universalagreementon his birthand death dates. Pesellinois usually
characterizedas a followeroffra FilippoLippigiventhe knowncollaborationbetween
the two artists in the 1440s,and his stylealso reflectsstudy of DomenicoVeneziano
and Andreadel Castagno. See FrancescaPetrucci,"Pesellino/Francesco
di Stefano,"in
la pittura in Italia. li Quattrocelllo,2: 731-32;and FrancisAmes-Lewis,"Pesellino,"
in TheDictionaryof Art, 24: 537-38.
Whilehis earliestapprenticeshipwas with his grandfatherGiulianod'Arrigo,
calledPesello,Pesellino'snext teacherseemsto havebeen Fra Angelico,whose
paintingsand manuscriptilluminationswere formativefor the young artist. Werner
Weisbach,FrancescoPese/linound die Romantikder Renaissance(Berlin:Bruno
Cassirer,190l ), 41-43;Pietro Toesca,"FrancescoPesellinominiatore,"Dedalo l 2
(1932): 85-91;and AlessandroAngeliniand MargheritaFerro, "FrancescoPesellino,"
in Pitturadi luce, 125-33.
162

The year of AlessoBaldovinetti'sbirth is usuallygiven as 1425,which
wouldrenderhimonly elevenin 1436and fourteenin 1439. Ruth Wedgwood
Kennedy,A/essoBa/dovinetti:A criticaiand historica/study (New Haven:Yale
UniversityPress, 1938), 199-200. CristinaFrulli,"Baldovinetti,Alesso,"in la pittura
in Italia.Il Quattrocento,2: 569; RobertoBartalini,"AlessoBaldovinetti,"in Pittura
di luce, 1990, 159;and AilsaTumer, "Baldovinetti,Alesso,"in TheDictiona,yof Art,
3: 98-101.
Carbi(''Nomi fiorentini,"46, 50, n. 28), however,proposeda birthdateof 1422
whichshe supportedwith citationsto her own tesi di laurea(pp. 7-8) and a vague
referenceto the catastoof 1427for proof of the earlier 1422birthdate.
163

The birthdateof Giovannidi Francescois debatedwith a significantdisparity
that resultsfrom conflictingdocumentaryevidence. Carbi("Nomifiorentini,"45, 50,
n. 22) citedthat in his 1451catastoGiovannideclaredhis age as 23 from which she
deduceda birthdateof 1428. However,a 1435catastoalso states Giovanni'sage to be
164

artists trainedin differentshopswould havebeengiventhe fullresponsibilityfor such a
projectseemshighlydebatable. Moreover,the possibilitythat DomenicoVeneziano,
who was in Perugiafrom 1437to 1438and seemsonlyto havereturnedto Florencein
1439,was in chargeof the projectis also doubtful.165
Like SricchiaSantoroand CastelfranchiVegas,EnricoCastelnuovocited
Giovannidi Consalvoas a precociousexampleof an itinerantnorthernartist at work in
Italyin his essayon the subjectfor la pittura i11Italia. li Quattrocelllo.He argued
that this Portuguesemasterwas an "intelligent"artist familiarwith the new trends of
Italianpainting. Specifically,he was a followerof Fra Angelicointerestedin
experimentingwiththe latest developmentsin pictorialperspectivein his Badia
murals.166 FrancescaPetrucciwrote the biographicalessayon Giovannidi Consalvoin

23, whichwouldpiacehis birthdatein 1412. Iftrue, then Giovannidi Francescowould
havebeen twenty-sevenin 1439. CristinaFrulli,"Giovannidi Francescodi Giovanni
del Cervelliera,"in la pittura i11Italia. li Quattrocento,2: 642; and AnnaPadoa
Rizzo,"Giovannidi Francesco(del Cervelliera),"in TheDictiona,yof Art, 12: 712-3.
Obviously,one of the catastiis an incorrecttranscriptionof anotherdocument.
A notationto the 1435versionthat Giovannisold propertyin 1449and the fact that the
1435 entry is writtenby two differenthands,one of whichmatches the 1451catasto,
suggeststhe recordof 1435was emendedand that Giovanniwas born in 1428. Far a
presentationand analysisofthe documents,see BurtonB. Fredericksen,Giovannidi
Francescoand the Master of Pratovecchio(Malibu:The J. Paul Getty Museum, 1974),
13; 33-35;nn. 49, 54-56;LucianoBellosi,"Giovannidi Francescoe l'arte fiorentinadi
metà Quattrocento,"in Pitturadi luce, 1990), 17, n. 7; 28-31.
Domenicowrote a letter to Piero de'MedicifromPerugiaaskingfor work
on l Aprii 1438. GiovanniGaye,Carteggioineditod'artisti dei secoliXIV, XV, XVI,
voi 1, (Florence:GiuseppeMolini,1839;reprint,Turin:Bottega d'Erasmo), 136-7.
165

EnricoCastelnuovo,"Presenzestraniere:viaggidi opere, itineraridi artisti,"
in La pittura in Italia.Il Quattrocento,2: 522.
166

the samevolumein whichshe presentedthe few knownfacts about the artist and
concludedthat the combinationofFlorentineand foreigntraits in the Badiamurals
confirmedhis authorship.167
RosarioGordalinawas the thirdPortuguesescholarto undertakea serious
considerationofthe Badiamurals. Afterpresentinga briefhistoryofthe problem,she
presented a technicalanalysisof the frescoesand theirsinopiein an attemptto settie
168 Whileshe offered
the debateover Giovannidi Consalvo'srole in the commission.

interestingobservationsabout the use of three differentdrawingtechniquesin the
creationof the murals(sinopiaunderdrawings,pricked-cartoonsfor the decorative
borders,and incisionsmadedirectlyonta the wet surfaceplaster),169 she was unableto
reach firmconclusionsabout their authorship,preferringto attributethe frescoesto the
Master of the OrangeCloisterand leavingthe dilemmaof Giovannidi Consalvofar
anotherstudy.170 She returnedto the problemof Giovannidi Consalvoin an essay
writtenfar an exhibitionabout anotherfifteenth-centuryPortugueseartist workingin
Italy,AlvaroPires d'Évora.171 As the onlyknownPortugueseartist in Italy

FrancescaPetrucci,"Giovannidi Consalvo,"in La pittura in llalia. li
Quattrocento,2: 642.
167

Mariado RosarioGordalina,"PrimeirasImpressòesRelativasao Processo
Criativodo Mestredo Claustrodas Laranjasda BadiaFiorentina,"in Primeiras
Jornadasde historiamodema, ed. ManuelaMendonça,(Lisbon:Centrode històriada
Universidadede Lisboa, 1986),2: 1161-80.
168

169

Ibid., 1165-7

170

Ibid., 1172.

contemporaryto Alvaro,Giovannidi Consalvois of great interestto scholarsstudying
the movementof artistsand ideasbetweenItalyand Portugalin the early fifteenth
century.172 In her essay,Gordalinaabandonedher earlierhesitationabout the identity
ofthe BadiaMasterto acceptGiovannidi Consalvoas the cycle's author, basingher
attributionon the documentedpaymentsto him.173 Shetried to fleshout the few
knownfacts about Giovanniand suggestedthat he workedas a notary in Lisbonin
March 1432. At that time, a notarynamedJohanneGonsalvi,whomGordalina
identifiedas the Badia's painter,drew up somedocumentsfor AbbotGomezio.174 She
also proposedthat anotherdocumentcouldbe linkedto Giovannidi Consalvo. Leonor
Fernandes,a rich propertyowner in Lisbon,drew up her willin that city on 17
December1465in the presenceof severalwitnessesincludingtwo men namedJoào
Gonçalves,one of whomwas identifiedas a painter. Whileit is possiblethat one or
both ofthese referencescould referto the sameGiovannidi Consalvowho was
documentedin Florencebetween 1435and 1438,the seemingpopularityof this name

171 RosarioGordalina,"Outros pintoresPortuguesesem Italiano iniciodo

séculoXV: o caso Joào Gonçalves,"inAlvaroPiresd'Évora. Umpintor portuguésna
Italia do Quattrocento,ed. Pedro Dias(Lisbon:ComissàoNacionalpara as
Comemoraçòesdos DescobrimentosPortugueses,1994),73-85.
172 J. C. Cruz Teixeira,"O séculoXV no horizonteda memoria:Alvarodi Piero

di Portogallo,Giovannidi Chonsalvo,"Coloquio,artes2, no. 98 (1993): 5-15.
173 Gordalina,"Outros pintoresPortugueses,"73, 75-76.
174 Gordalina(77) promisedto publishthis documentin the future. To my

knowledge,it has not yet been published.
83

makesit difficultto accept Gordalina's assertion that the Badia's Giovannidi Consalvo
is the sameJoao Gonçalveswho acted as a notaryin 1432or as a witnessin 1465.
Scusa Viterbo,who publishedthe 1465testament,also publisheda documentof 1492
relatingto another painternamedJoao Gonçalves,thus underscoringthe popularityof
the name.175 Even ifthe 1432and 1465referencescited by Gordalinaare to the
Badia's Giovanni,they do littleto explainhis career as an artist. Indeed,Gordalina
acceptedthe often repeatedcharacterizationof Giovannidi Consalvoas an eclectic
artist who drew on the work of Angelico,Lippi,Uccello,DomenicoVeneziano,
Pesellino,and Masolinoas wellas Netherlandishpaintingfor his stylisticformation.
Despitethe preferenceby someart historiansto see the BadiaMaster as an
eclecticartist responsiveto ali of the leadingFiorentineartists of his day, in the last
decade,opinionhas retumedto the originaiproposalsof Crowe and Cavaicasellethat
the muralsmost closelyresemblethe work of Angelico. CastelfranchiVegastook up
the case of Giovannidi Consalvofor the secondtime in her 1989study,L'Angelico e

l'umanesimo. In a footnoteto her discussionof Angelico'smuralcommissionfor San
Marco, CastelfranchiVegasincludedGiovanniin a list of possiblecollaborators. She
agreedthat the variousdocumentarynotes foundby Poggiand OrlandilinkedGiovanni

175 Leonor Femandes,a rich propertyowner in Lisbon,drew up her will in that

city on 17 December1465in the presenceof the notaryFemao Martinsand severa!
witnessesincludingtwo men namedJoao Gonçalves,one of whomwas identifiedas a
painter.Scusa Viterbo,Noticiade AlgunsPintoresPortuguezese de outrosque, se11do
estrangeiros,exercerama sua arte em Portugal(Lisbon:AcademiaReal das Sciencias,
1903),87, docs. 59, 60.

to Angelico'sshop, though she did not offerany attributionsto the Portugueseartist.176
She did mentionin a footnoteto her discussionof a paintedCntcijix attributedto
Angelico,now in the Museodi San Marcoin Florence,that in oral communication
LucianoBellosihad proposedGiovannidi Consalvoas its possibleauthor giventhe
painting's"graphicand typologicalaccentuation."177
In an exhibitionmountedin 1990to coincidewith the reopeningof the
Brancaccichapelafter its restorationcampaign,two of the Badiamuralswere included
as examplesof Florentinepaintingfrom"the age of Masaccio." MariaSframeli's
catalogueentry restatedthe two campsof attribution:those who acceptedthe
documentedGiovannidi Consalvoand those who insistedon the "fiorentinità"of the
artist. She preferredthe latter, assigningthe muralsto the BadiaMaster,whose style
she describedas an eclecticmixofMasaccio,Angelico,Fra FilippoLippi,Uccello,and
DomenicoVeneziano-- a descriptionreminiscentofBerenson, Meiss,and others. She
acceptedGuidotti's suggestionthat the I. M. monogramfrom the cycle's fifthscene

LianaCastelfranchiVegas,L'Angelicoe l'Umanesimo(Milan:Jaca Book,
1989),107,n. 39.
176

"Bellosi(com. orale)ritieneche il Crocifissopossa esseredi Giovannidi
Consalvoper la sua accentuazionegraficae tipologica."Ibid., 43, n. 19.
Fra Angelico,Cntcijixion,temperaand gold on pane!,Churchof San Marco,
Florence. For discussionand bibliographyon this paintingsee Spike,Fra Angelico,
221.
177

helpedto denyGiovannidi Consalvo'sauthorshipand servedas a crypticsignatureby
the cycle's anonymousartist.178
Studentsof Piero dellaFrancescahaveshowngreat interestin the Badiamurals,
believingthem to havebeen importantfor the Fiorentinedevelopmentof the artist.179
In his monographon Piero,Carlo BertelliincludedGiovannidi Consalvoin his
discussionofFlorenceca. 1439as fertilegroundfor Piero's artisticdevelopment.180
He cited the Badiamuralsas an indirectexampleof how Piero could haveappreciated
the new northemstyleof paintingthen beginningto be prizedin Florenceby collectors
and artists alike. He describedthe styleof Giovannidi Consalvoas a mixtureof nonItalianand Fiorentinetraits in whichthe relationshipbetweenfiguresand spaceseems
reversedwhencomparedto Italiantraditionbecausethe Badiacycle's figures,while
stronglyreminiscentoffra Angelico,are dominatedby the landscapethat surrounds

FrescoesfromF/orence,the 1990
exhibitionincludedscenes7 and 9: TheA1irac/eof the Los/ Billhookand TheNfirac/e
of the PoisonedBread. Maria Sframeli,"Maestrodel ChiostrodegliAranci,"in l'età
di Masaccio.Il primo Quattrocellloa Firenze,ed. LucianoBerti and Antonio
Paolucci,exh. cat., PalazzoVecchio,Florence(Milan:Electa, 1990), 196. For an
unfavorablereviewofthe exhibition,see Christiansen,"Masaccio and the 'pittura di
luce,"' 737-8.
178 Likethe 1969-71travelingexhibition,

179 AntonioPaoluccisuggestedthat the BadiaMaster,whomhe cautiously

identifiedas Giovannidi Consalvo,wouldhaveattractedPiero becauseof his combined
use of Albertianprinciplessuch as copia, varietas,and linearperspective,with
Netherlandishrealism,expansivespaces,and colorsreminiscentof Angelico. Antonio
Paolucci,PierodellaFrancesca,with notes on conservationby MargheritaMoriondo
Lenzini(Florence:Cantini,1989),20, n. 13.

Pierodella Francesca,trans. EdwardFarrelly(Milan:
Silvana,1991;trans.,New Havenand London:YaleUniversityPress, 1992), 10.
18 Carlo Bertelli,

them. Bertelliarguedthat like his Flemishcontemporaries,Giovannifloodedhis scenes
with an even light,givingimmediacyand significanceto the simplestobjects,and
includedviewsof riversand lakesdotted with sailingshipstypicalof northem
painting.181
LucianoBellosichoseto includeone of the Badiamuralsin his exhibitionUna

scuolaper Piero,a selectionof Fiorentinepaintingfromthe late 1430s and 1440s,that
soughtto recreatethe "school"fromwhichPieroleamedhis effectsof color and light
after his arrivaiin Florence.182 In his introductoryessay,BellosidiscussedGiovannidi
Consalvo,whomhe calleda Portuguesestudentof Angelicowith a precocious
knowledgeofFlemishpainting,as the unequivocalauthor of the Badiamurals.183 The

(The Paintingso/ DomenicoVene:iano,84, n. 26) had earlier
arguedthat the motifof a lake dotted with sailboatswas first introducedto Florenceby
Giovannidi Consalvoin the OrangeCloistermurals. Wohlacceptedthe notionthat the
understandingof lightand shadowin the muralssuggestedthe hand of an artist
partiallytrainedoutsideof Italy,if not in the Netherlands,then by artists familiarwith
current northemstyle. Interestingly,Wohl(lbid., 74) arguedthat Domenicoacquired
his knowledgeof Netherlandishstyleindirectlythroughpaintingsand manuscripts
broughtto Italy. He did not, however,considerthis as a possibilityfor the transferof
ideasto the artist of the OrangeCloistermurals.
181 HellmutWohl

Unascuolaper Piero,reviewedby Cari BrandonStrehlke,
BurlingtonMagazine134(December1992),823-4.
182 Bellosi,ed.,

bas depage that depictsSt. Benedictin a
roundelbetweenSs. Maurusand Placidus,Bellosimentionedthe OrangeCloister
muralsas by the "portogheseitalianizzato"Giovannidi Consalvo. He attributedthe
manuscriptcuttingto Fra Angelicoand suggestedthat it mayhavecome from a
manuscriptownedby the Badia. LucianoBellosi,"Beato Angelico,San Benedettofra
san Mauroe san Placido,"in Da Biduinoad Algardi.Pitturae sculturaa co11fro11to,
ed. GiovanniRomano,Exh. cat., Turin.(Turin:UmbertoAllemandi& Co, 1990),39.
183 In an articleon a manuscript

clear expansesof reflectingwater, microscopiedescriptionsof distantlandscapedetails,
luster of metalobjects,cast shadows,and spectacular"liquidity"of the poisonedwine
as it spillsto the groundin the fifth sceneali demonstrate,for Bellosi,Giovanni's
intelligentunderstandingofFlemishpainting. Bellosiargued,however,that whilethe
artist could haveacquiredsuchtechniquesin Portugal,he more likelylearnedthem in
Florence,whereNetherlandishpaintingswere knownand appreciatedand where artists
such as Fra Angelicosoughtto recreatetheir luministiceffects.184
In her briefbut thoroughentry for Bellosi'scatalogue,GiovannaRagionieri
wove togetherthe variousthreadsof inquiryappliedto the OrangeCloister. She
offeredan analysisthat, despiteits focus on issuesof authorshipand style,represents
one of the firstattemptsto piacethe cycleinto a widerhistoricalcontextas it addressed
issuesof iconography,architecturalsetting,and patronage.185 She mentionedthe
cycle's well-knownhagiographicsourceof the biographyby Gregorythe Great and
transcribedthe passagefrom a fourteenth-centuryvernaculareditionby AntonioFiorini
that was relevantto the exhibitedscene.186 (pi. 87) Ragionierireviewedthe
architecturalhistoryof the cloister,acceptingPiero Sanpaolesi'sproposalfora
collaborativeeffortbetweenAntoniodi Domenicoand BernardoRossellinoas the

Bellosi,"Sullaformazionefiorentinadi Piero dellaFrancesca,"in Una
scuolaper Piero,47.
184

185

Ragionieri,73-76.

Ragionieri(73) took her quotationfromGregorythe Great, Vita e miracoli
di San Benedelto,trans. A. Fiorini,intro. I. Boccolini,74-75.
186

cloister'sarchitects. WhilenotingVespasianoda Bisticci'sascriptionto Ser Filippodi
Ser Ugolinoas the financierof the cloisterproject,she arguedthat AbbotGomezio
shouldbe givencredit for the project's conception.
She then reviewedthe problemof the muralcycle's authorship,tracingits
criticaireceptionas firstlinkedto the schoolof Uccelloand later acceptedby manyas
the work of Giovannidi Consalvo. Ragionierifavoredthis "suggestive"attribution
giventhe Portugueseheritageofboth artist and abbot,the "exotic,"potentially
Portuguesearchitecturedepictedin certainscenes,and above ali the stylisticfeatures
unableto be understoodin a purelyFiorentinecontext. Traits such as the prevalenceof
landscape,the clarityofthe images,and the diversephysiognomiesof the faces were
explicableto Ragionierias resultingfroman earlycareer in Portugalwhoseartists, like
their Spanishneighbors,were stronglyinfluencedby fifteenth-centuryFlemishmasters.
She explainedthe Fiorentineaspectsof Giovanni'sstyleby referringto his association
withFra Angelicothat couldbe deducedfrom documentaryand stylisticevidence.
RagionieriacceptedBoskovits'attributionof the refectoryoverdoor lunetteto
Angelico,whichshe used to bolsterher argumentsfor Giovanni'sfamiliaritywith that
artist. Ragionierinoted that none of the suggestionsfor other attributionsto Giovanni
by Boeck,Meiss,Berti, and Cardilehave foundmuchfollowing;nor shouldthey be
accepted. She did acknowledgeProcacci'sobjectionsthat Giovannimay have only
been a garzone,but she condemnedthe essaysby Carbiand Sframelias distractions.
After a briefdiscussionof the cycle's conservation history,Ragionierimentioned

Guidotti'shypothesisregardingthe I. M. monogramwithoutcomment. Ragionieri
then soughtto piacethe Badiacyclein an art-historicalcontext,specifically-followingthe themeofthe exhibition-- to showhow the muralsrelateto the art of
PierodellaFrancesca. She arguedthat Giovanni'sknowledgeof Flemishpaintingand
linearperspectivewould have appealedto the youngPiero.187
In her monographon fifteenth-century
Italianpainting,Paola Santucciincluded
the Badiamuralsin her discussionof the wide-reachinginfluenceofNetherlandish
paintingin Florence. She proposedthat the life of St. Benedicicyclewas probably
paintedby the PortugueseGiovannidi Consalvo,who combinedelementsfrom
Angelicolikethe organizationof spaceor the curving,sickle-shapedrocks with the
opticalclarityof Van Eyck. She arguedthat Giovanni,likeFra Angelico,lookedto
Flemishpaintingfor his luminoustransparencyof objects,a senseof distancerendered
microscopically,
his draperiesdrenchedin lightand cangiantecolor, and his description
of interiors.188

187 AldoGalli's biographicalentryon Giovannidi Consalvofor the exhibition

cataloguereiteratedmostof the pointsraisedby Ragionieri.He noted the scarcityof
documentaryevidenceand the lack of other attributableworks as impedimentsto a
fullerunderstandingof Giovanni'scareeras an artist. AldoGalli,"Biografiedegli
Artisti:Giovannidi Consalvo,"in Unascuolaper Piero, 151-2.
188 SantuccireproducedTheMiraculousRecoveryof the Scythe/rom the Lake

with a captionattributingit to the Masterofthe GrangeCloister. Paola Santucci,la
Pitturadel Quallrocelllo,Storia dell'artein Italia,ed. FerdinandoBologna(Turin:
UTET, 1992),31.

Francoand StefanoBorsiincludedthe Badiacyclein a chapteron Fiorentineart
at the timeofUccello in their monographon the artist. Theytook a cautiousstanceon
the issueof attribution,preferringto identifythe cycle'sauthor as a precocious
anonymousmaster,who, they parentheticallynoted, is usuallyidentifiedas Giovannidi
Consalvo. Theyrepeatedthe standardcomparisonsofthe cycleto Uccello,and
proposedthat the OrangeCloistermuralsderivedfromhis lost cycleat SantaMaria
degliAngeli. However,unlikeother authorson Uccello,the Borsiarguedthat the
BadiaMasterlookedforemostto Fra Angelicofor his spatialand chromaticclarity.189
In his book FraAngelicoat San Marco, WilliamHood exploredthe ways in
whichreligiousorders used imagesto expressthemesof corporateidentity. In his
chapter"RitualSites:FiorentinePaintedCloistersand the Representationof History,"
he presenteda surveyof earlyRenaissancecloisterdecorationin Florenceas an
introductionto Angelico'swork at San Marco.190 Hood arguedthat, likeits
counterpartsat SantaMariadel Carmine,SantaMariaNovella,SantaMariadegli
Angeli,San Miniatoal Monte,and San Marco,the Badiacyclestressedthe authenticity
and importanceofBenedictineRule,ritual,and tradition.191 Unlikehis predecessors,
Hood did not enter into the attributiondebate,therebyallowingthe readerto focus on

189

Borsi, 84-85.

190

Hood, 123-45.

191

lbid., 129-36.
91

the centraiargumentof his analysis. Hood discussedthe cyclein termsof its relation to
the series of monasticreformsundertakenby AbbotGomezioat the Badia.
Hood acceptedGiovannidi Consalvoas the probableauthor ofthe muralsand
assumedthat he leamedto handlethe challengesoflarge-scalenarrativepaintingsin
Florence,perhapsmigratingbetweenthe workshopsof Uccelloand Fra FilippoLippi
beforeundertakingwork at the Badia. He chose not to engagein the "labyrinthine
complexities"ofthe authorshipdebateand blamedthe foggyunderstandingof
Giovannias an artist for the cycle's inabilityto attainits deservedpiacein the canon of
Fiorentinemuralpainting. Hood suggestedthe need for a studyof the muralsthat
wouldbeginwith questionsabout their functionand reception,ratherthan about their
attribution,so that issuesof style,iconography,and contextcouldbe broughttogether
to previdea more satisfyinginterpretationofthe cycle. Whilehe acceptedthe
traditionalattribution to BernardoRossellinoas the cloister's chiefarchitect,Hood
stressedthe need for a studyof the entirebuildingprogramof whichthe cycleformed
only a part. 192
Mainstreamacceptanceof Giovannidi Consalvoas an artisticpersonalityis
demonstratedby the decisionto includean essayon the artist by MarcoChiariniin the
MacmillanDictionaryof Art. Withthe exceptionsofHenderson's 1969sinopie essay,
Ragionieri'scatalogueentry,and Hood's seven-and-one-half-page
treatmentin his
cloistersurvey,no author had undertakenan extensivestudy on the Badiacycle

192 lbid., 312, n. 30.

betweenChiarini'sessaysof 1963and 1996. Whilemanyhavediscussedthe Badia
cyclein the interim,they havedone so onlyin exhibitioncatalogueentriesor in passing
referencesas comparisonsto other works;they have not investigatedthe muralsas a
subjectthat meritsits own study. Boundto the biographicalformatof the Dictionary,
Chiarinireviewedthe documentaryevidencefor GiovanniConsalvo'sauthorshipand
membershipamongAngelico'sdisciples,and he discussedthe stylistictraits that
comprisethis artist's uniqueFlemish-Florentine
style.193 DespiteChiarini'sarguments,
manyart historiansare unwillingto acceptGiovanni'sauthorshipunequivocally,
preferringto say onlythat he was possiblyor probablyresponsible.194 Others stili
preferto leavethe issueopen as did SteffiRoettgenin her surveyof fifteenth-century
Italianfrescoes,where she brieflymentionedthe Badiacyclein a discussionof
detachedmuralsand listedthemas by "Masterof the OrangeCloister."195

193

MarcoChiarini,"Giovannidi Consalvo,"in TheDictio11a1yof
Art, 12: 710-

12.
Most Italianart historiansnow acceptGiovannidi Consalvoas the Badia
Master and interprethis artisticpersonalityas that of a northemartist attracted to and
affectedby the work of Angelico.Bellosi,"BeatoAngelico,San Benedettofra san
Mauroe san Placido,"39; LisaVenturini,"Firenzee la Toscana"in Pittura muralein
Italia. Il Quattrocento,ed. MinaGregari(Bergamo:EdizioniBolis, 1996), 16-17;and
AlessandroCecchi,"The conservationof Antonioand Pierodel Pollaiuolo'saltar-piece
for the Cardinalof Portugal'schapel,"BurlingtonMagazine 141(February1999):83,
n. 20.
194

SteffiRoettgen,ItalianFrescoes.TheEarly Renaissance,J.I00-1-170,trans.
RussellStockrnan(New York:AbbevillePressPublishers,1996),24-25.
195

AnnaPadoaRizzooffereda new attributionto Giovannidi Consalvoin her
recent monographon the Chapelof the Assumptionat Prato Cathedral. She revisited
Salmi'sproposalthat the OrangeCloistermuralsbelongin the orbit of Paolo Uccello,
the artist to whomshe and most authorsnow give the Prato cycle.196 In a chapteron
contemporarycommissionsfor the cathedral,PadoaRizzodiscussedan altarpiece
depictingTheAssumptionof the Virginwilh Ss. Francisand Jerome,whichshe
suggestedwas paintedoriginallyfor the Chapelofthe Assumptionand is now in the
NationalGalleryof Ireland.197 Long attributedto Domenicodi Michelino,and more
recently,'Pseudo-Domenicodi Michelino,'198 she arguedinsteadthat it demonstratesa
stylisticaffinityto the Badiacycleand shouldthereforebe ascribedto Giovannidi
Consalvo. PadoaRizzochallengedthe use of the nameDomenicodi Michelinoas a

196

For discussion of the Prato murals' attribution,see note 30.

PadoaRizzo( 1O1) suggestedthat the altarpieceand its predella,whichboth
have a provenanceofthe SpedaledellaMisericordiain Prato, couldhavebeen intended
originallyfor the Chapelof the Assumptionin the Cathedral. Padoa Rizzo namedthe
saintsin the altarpieceas Jeromeand Francis,an identificationthat corrects the
informationgivenin the generaimuseumcataloguewherethe altarpieceis recordedas,
PseudoDomenicodi Michelino,TheAssumptionof the VirginwithSs. Francisand
Bonaventura,inv. no. 861. NationalGalleryoflreland, Illustra/edSummary
Catalogueof Paintings,intro.HomanPotterton(Dublin:Gilland Macmillan,Ltd.,
1981),36.
197

The name'Pseudo-Domenicodi Michelino'was coinedto identifyan artist
believedto beone of Angelico'sclosestfollowersand assistantswhose identityremains
unknown. This anonymousartist is also knownas the Masterofthe Buckingham
PalaceMadonna. Manyofthe works once ascribedto Domenicodi Michelinowere
deemednot to be by this artist, and, likethe DublinAssumption,were giveninsteadto
this 'Pseudo-Domenico.'FedericoZeri, "Majorand MinorItalianArtistsat Dublin,"
Apollo 99 (February1974):92, 94, pi. 6.
198

"convenientlabel"for a group of worksthat demonstratean affinityto Angelicobut
cannotbe attributedby any meansother than style.199 Manyofthe picturesin this
group havealso been assignedto ZanobiStrozzi,anotherAngelicoassistantwhose
stylecan be verifiedby severa)illuminatedmanuscriptsand a signedA11m111ciatio11
in
the NationalGallery,London.200 The careersofthe artistsassociatedwith Angelico's
shop of the 1430sand early 1440s,however,remainhazilydefined. Padoa Rizzo
arguedthat the group of works gatheredaroundDomenicodi Michelinois not
homogenous,and that the Assumptionaltarpieceshouldbe removedfromthe list and
creditedto Giovannidi Consalvo,eventhoughshe maintainedthe attributionto
Domenicofor its predella. She presentedrathergeneraicommentsabout the
similaritiesin styleof the altarpieceand the Badiamuralswithoutmentioningspecific

Indeed,despiteVasari'sclaimthat Domenico,togetherwith Benozzo
Gozzoli,ZanobiStrozzi,and Gentileda Fabriano,were studentsof Angelico,199 only
one work can be authenticatedby the artist, a portraitof Dantefor the cathedralof
Florence,paintedin 1465.Despitea Jackof any other documentedworks, art historians
use Domenico'snamefor picturesthat clearlycomefromAngelico'ssphereof
influencebut are otherwiseunattributable.Domenicowas commissionedby the
Operaidel DuomoJanuary30, 1465to executeDanteReadingJrom the 'Divine
Comedy'in the north aisleof FlorenceCathedralbasedon a designsuppliedby Alesso
Baldovinetti.EliotW. Rowlands,"Domenicodi Michelino,"in TheDictionaryof Art,
9: 95-96.
Berenson(ltalianPictures, 1963ed., 60-61)characterizedDomenicodi
Michelinoas a "[f]ollowerof Fra Angelico;influencedby Baldovinettiand Pesellino."
Van Marle(IO: 188)agreedwith Berenson'sattributions"althoughat a firstglance,
they seemto differvery considerablyone fromanother,in the endjustifythe
attribution." Fremantle(602) said Domenicowas "stronglyinfluencedby Angelico."
199

Strehlkein Paintingand lll11mi11atio11,
349-50;DillianGordon,"Zanobi
Strozzi's 'Annunciation'in the NationalGallery,"Burlington!vfagazine140(August
1998):517-24.
200

points of comparison.Despiteher discussionof Giovanni'sassociationwith Angelico,
Padoa Rizzoconcludedthat givenGiovanni'sauthorshipof the altarpieceand
Uccello'softhe muralsat Prato, Salmi'searlyassertionthat the former's style
descendedfromthe latter was correct.201
This summaryof the literatureunderscoresthe confusion that stili remains
about the authorshipof the Badiamurals. Eventhoughmanynow embraceGiovannidi
Consalvoas the cycle's author, this acceptanceis basedon a set of unchallenged
assumptions:Manyinterpretationsofthe muralsare simplyrepetitionsof hypotheses
proposedby Neumeyer,Salmi,and Longhi. Historiansacceptthe thirteenscenesthat
adom the OrangeCloister'ssecondstory as a completedcommissionand have not
consideredthe likelihoodthat there were once muralsdecoratingthe unpaintedlunettes
ofthe cloister'ssouth and cast loggias. They havetried to matchthe survivingmurals
with the documentaryrecord. OnlyNeumeyerand Procaccihave consideredthe
cycle's last two scenesin any detail,and eventhen in quite summarytreatments. The
clear differencein handsbetweenthe first ten fifteenth-centurylunettesand the last two
is explainedas the resultoftwo separatecampaigns-- a theoryseeminglycorroborated
by the documentaryevidence. However,neitherthe documentarynor the
archaeologicalevidencecan be unquestionablyacceptedas complete,and both sets of
evidencerequirefurtherinvestigation.

201

Padoa Rizzo,La Cappelladeli 'Assunta,I06-7.
96

Conclusionsabout Giovannidi Consalvo's styleare basedonlyon the
assumptionthat he is the Badiacycle'sauthor sinceno other works by his hand have
been identified.Furthermore,his knownactivityis limitedto his engagementas a
witnessat Fra Angelico'sconventin 1435and his employmentto procurepainting
materialsfor the OrangeCloister. Giovanni'spresencein Fiesolemay signalhis
membershipin Angelico'sworkshop,and the natureof the paymentsto himby the
Badiasuggestthat workedon the OrangeCloisterproject as an assistant. When
studentsof the OrangeCloisterhavesoughtthe murals' authors,they haveassumed
that onlyone artist was responsiblefor the designand executionof each set of
paintings. Followingthis logie,two "mastersofthe OrangeCloister"havebeen
identified-- one responsiblefor the firstten scenes,another for the last two. Those
who identifythe first BadiaMasteras Giovannidi Consalvohavebasedtheir
interpretationsof the cycleon Giovanni'sartisticpersonality,even thoughthis
personalityis basedsolelyon Giovanni'spresumedauthorshipof the Badiacycle-- a
circularlogiethat does littleto supportthe claim. In addition,these art historianshave
been luredby Giovanni'sPortugueseheritageto find"foreign"qualitiesin the murals
rather than acknowledgethe extensivenortheminfluencein progressiveFiorentineart
at this time.
Whenstudyingearlyfifteenth-centuryItalianart, it is criticaito rememberthe
collaborativenatureof art production-- especiallyin large-scalemuralprojectswhere
masterpaintersusuallyrequiredthe helpof severa!assistants. Ratherthan pursuean

elusivesingleauthorwho paintedin an "eclectic"style,it would seemmore logica)to
explainthe manystylistictrends by lookingfor severalhandsat work in a collaborative
endeavor. Close stylisticanalysisof the cycleshouldestablishthis divisionofhands; a
usefuldiscoveryevenif the differentiatedartistsremainanonymous.

CHAPTERTWG
THE ARCHITECTUREGF THE GRANGECLGISTER

A Reviewof the literature
Like studentsof the GrangeCloistermurals,architecturalhistorianshave
attemptedto isolatethe designerof the cloisterand his consequentcontribution to the
historyofRenaissancearchitecture.(pls. 5, 14) Whilesuch inquiryis usefuland
informativefar the historiesof individuals,it precludesan understandingof how the
cloisterfunctionedfar the monasticcommunityat the Badiaand obscuresthe way
buildingprojectswere conceivedand executed. Architecturalhistorianshave limited
their investigationsof the GrangeCloisterto questionsof authorshipand have been
mostlyuninterestedin questionsof functionand reception. They havealso ignoredthe
muralson its wallsexceptwhen the paintingshelp to establisha terminusame quem for
the cloister's completion.
The first noticeofthe GrangeCloisterat the BadiaFiorentinacomesfrom the

Vitedi uominiillustridel SecoloXVwrittenin the 1480sby Vespasianoda Bisticci.1

Vespasianoda Bisticciwas a Fiorentinebooksellerwho livedfrom 1421to
1498. His bookshopwas locatedin one ofthe bollegherented out by the Badia on the
corner of Via del Proconsolo,across fromthe Palazzodel Podestà(Bargello). While
he wrote his manuscriptin the 1480safter retiringfromthe book trade, the Vitewere
not publishedunti!the nineteenthcentury. Vespasianoda Bisticci,Renaissance

In the biographyof Ser Filippodi Ser Ugolino,Vespasianoreported that in additionto
being a leamedand pious scholar,Ser Filippoprovidedthe fundsto builda cloisterat
the Fiorentinemonasteryand two new dormitoriesat the Badiacommunity'ssummer
residenceat Santa Maria alle Campora.2 Vespasianodid not, however,offer any
infom1ationabout the cloister'sarchitect.
As he did for the monastery'sartistictreasures,Vasarilimitedbis discussionof
its architectureto the buildingcampaignsfor whichhe could identifyan architect.
Thus, he creditedArnolfodi Cambiowith the late thirteenth-centuryrenovationof the
complex-- an event recordedwithoutattributionby the fourteenth-centurychronicler
GiovanniVillani.3 (pls. 31, 33, 34) This amplificationof Villani'saccount
demonstratesVasari's inabilityto discussart and architecturewithouta known author.
Vasarialso discussedthe earlysixteenth-centuryconstructionof the Pandolfinichapel
by Benedettoda Rovezzano,4 but he madeno mentionof the OrangeCloisterproject
undertakenin the secondquarterof the fifteenthcentury.

Princes,Popes,and Prelates.The VespasianoMemoirs:Lives of lllustriousA1enof
the XVth Ce111111y,
Torchbooked., trans. WilliamGeorgeand EmilyWaters,intro.
Myron P. Gilmore(New York:Harper& Row, 1963), xi-xviand 1-12. See also A. C.
De la Mare, "Vespasianoda Bisticci,"in TheDictio11a1y
of Art, 32: 384-5.
"Facevainfinitelimosinesegrete. I dua chiostridellabadia di Firenzee di
sotto e di sopra fece fare ser Filippo,e i dua dormentorinuoviche sono alle campora,
dal late dell'orto; e in ignunoluogo non pose mai arme." Vespasianoda Bisticci,Vitedi
uominiillustri,446.

G. Villani,8.99. 22-26; Vasari-dellaPergolaet al., 1: 224.

Vasari-dellaPergolaet al., 4: 214.
100

PlacidoPuccinellipresentedrich materiaion the constructionhistoryof the
Badiain his variousseventeenth-century
publicationson the monastery. His
descriptionsofthe churchoffercrucialcluesfar a reconstructionofthe complexas it
appearedbeforethe radicalseventeenth-century
renovationprojectbegunin 1627.
Unfortunately,Puccinelli'sfacts are scatteredthroughouthis chronicles,often without
any identifiableor comprehensibleorganizationalsystem.5 Nevertheless,his work has
servedas the basisfar ali subsequentstudies of the Badia. Puccinellirepeatedthe
attributionto Arnolfofar the thirteenth-centuryrenovationsand providedthe nameof
Matteo Segalonias the architectresponsiblefar the seventeenth-century
remodelingof
the church.6 WhileSegaloni'sauthorshipis supportedboth by Puccinelli's
contemporaryaccountand by documentaryevidence,7 Arnolfo'senteredthe literature

Cronica, l-6, 8, 22, 24-27,48, 70.

5 Puccinelli,

PlacidoPuccinelli,Istoriadel/ 'eroicheallionidi Ugoil Grande.Duca della
Toscana,di Spoleto,e di Camerino,Vicariod'Italiaper 011011e
lii. Imperatore,e
Prefeuodi Roma (Milan:GiulioCesareMalatesta,1664), 63; and idem,Cronica,6-7.

7 FilippoBaldinucciincludeda short discussi
on of the changesto the Badia

undertakenby Matteo Segaloniin a dialoguefirst publishedin Lucca in 1684. Through
the voice of "Amico,"he praisedSegaloni'sradicalmodernizationof the church
interior,and clarifiedsome of Puccinelli'sscattereddescriptionsin his succinct
descriptionof the church's reorientation.Particularlyusefulfar a reconstructionof the
originaichurchare his statementsthat the choirwas originallyat the westernend of the
churchand that this area was slightlytruncatedby Segalonito create the interiorspace
of the sanctuary. FilippoBaldinucci,La Veglia.Dialogodi Sincero Veri(Florence:
Piero Matini, 1690), 18.
Far more on Baldinucci'sdialoguesee EdwardL. Goldberg,After vasari.
History,Art, and Patronagein Late MediciFlorence(Princeton,NJ: Princeton
UniversityPress, 1988), 117-22.
101

only with Vasari. Nevertheless,the namesofboth architectsare repeatedby
subsequentstudentsof the Badia.
Puccinelli'sdiscussionof the fifteenth-centuryarchitecturalprojectis limited.
He mentionedthe OrangeCloisterin the contextof the variousrooms around it,
identifyingit as the "cloisterwhere one enters the refectory"or the "cloisterof the
sacristy."8 (pls. 5, 7, 8) Puccinelli'sdescriptionshelpto reconstructthe cloister
complexand otfer evidenceof its originailayout,its modesof accessand circulation,
and the changingfunctionsof its variousspacesaver time.9 WhilePuccinellidid state
that Abbot Gomezio"remadethe churchand ali of the monastery,"10 makingno
mentionof Ser Filippo,he did not otfer any attributionfar who built the Orange
Cloisterand its surroundingbuildings. Puccinellialso claimedthat Cosimoil Vecchio
de'Mediciproposeda renovationpian far the monasterythat would have extendedits
wallsnorth to the Corso, west to the Via dei Calzaiuoli,and south to the Piazzadella
Signoria,after whichCosimowould providean endowmentsufficientto support one
hundredmonks.(pls. 2-4) Puccinellicited the existenceof a modelas proof of this
project,whichwas supposedlyabandonedbecauseCosimowantedto replacethe coat
of arms of Count Ugo, the Badia's legendaryfaunder,with his own.11

Puccinelli,Cronica,4-6.

Ibid., 2, 4-6, 8, 48.

Ib"d
I ., 3"'
J.

102

The nineteenth-centuryhistoryofthe Badiawrittenby G. B. Uccellidrew upon
Puccinelli'saccount,thoughhe presentedthe monastery'sdevelopmentas a more
straightforwardand chronologicalnarrativefleshedout with descriptionsand
documentaryevidence.12 Uccellidid mentionthe "so-called"OrangeCloisterand its
decoration,refutinga suppositionthat the upper-storymuralcyclepredatedthat by
SpinelloAretinoat San Miniatoal Monte. Uccelliarguedthat the styleofthe cloister's
Ionie loggiaspostdatedSpinello'slate fourteenth-centurycycle,but he did not otfer an
attributionfor the cloister's construction.13
Comeliusvon Fabriczywas the first twentieth-centuryscholarto undertakea
study of the OrangeCloister'sbuildinghistory. Interestedin the work ofthe sculptorarchitectBernardoRossellino,Fabriczypublisheda seriesof paymentsto Bernardo

11 Puccinelli,Isloriadi Ugo, 62.
12 Uccelliwas the first to write a completehistoryof the Badiaafter Puccinelli's

chronicle. Pier LuigiGallettidid write a historyof the earlyperiodofthe Badia,
focusingon the monastery'sfoundationand developmentin the earlyeleventhcentury.
He consequentlydid not includethe OrangeCloisterin his discussion.Pier Luigi
GallettiRagionamemode~'originee de 'primieritempidella Badia Fioremina(Roma:
ArcangeloCasaletti,1773).
13 Uccelli(82) did not cite who believedthe OrangeCloistermuralsto predate

the late fourteenth-centurycycleby SpinelloAretino. His later datingwas repeated in
1903by ArnaldoCocchiin Le Chiesedi Firenzedal SecoloIV al SecoloXX Quartiere
di S. Giovanni(Florence:StabilimentoPellas, 1903), 115, n. l. Burckhardt(Der
Cicerone.Eine Anleillmgzum Genussder Kunstwerkeitaliens, l: 182)brietly
describedthe OrangeCloisterwithout otferinga date or an attributionexcept to say
that perhapstwo ditferentarchitectshad workedon it: "Die Klosterbautender Badia,
besondersder vordereverrnauerteSaulengangmit zwei treftlichenCapellenund ein
hinterder SacristeigelegenerreizenderkleinerHof mit gewolbterionischer
Doppelhallescheinenvon zwei verschiedenenArchitektenherzuruhren."
103

found in the Badia's accountbook duringthe years 1436to 1441.14 These records
demonstratedBernardo'sactivityas a stonecutter(he is calledeitherscarpe/latoreor
lastraiuolo),and he providedworkedstone far the new dormitoryas wellas a sculpted
sacramentaitabernacle. WhileFabriczywas interestedmainlyin the tabernacle,his
publicationof paymentsto Rossellinofor architecturaldetailsused in the cloisterled to
the assumptionthat Rossellinowas its architect.
JuliusBaumincludedthe OrangeCloisterin the selectionof courtyardsfor his
Baukunstund dekorativePlastikder Friihrenaissancein ltalien. Baumdated the
BadiaCloisterto the middleof the fifteenthcenturyand suggestedas its possible
architectMichelozzodi Bartolomeo,15 whoseMediciPalacecontained,in Baum's
opinion,the first Italian"Renaissancecourtyard."16 (pi. 15) In his studyof the mural
cycleAlfredNeumeyeralso proposedMichelozzo,or a very ableassistantfrom his
workshop,as the cloister's architect. The Ionie capitals,he argued,are similarto those

14 The transcriptionscome froma dailyaccountbook knownas the Libro

Giornale(segnatoB dal 1-135al /-1-11)
that begins 1 February1436(new style
calendar,hereafterreferredto as n.s.). See app. l, doc. 41. Corneliusvon Fabriczy,
"Ein JugendwerkBernardoRossellinosund spatereunbeachteteSchopfungenseines
Meissels,"Jahrbuchder KoniglichPreussischenK1111stsamml1111ge11
21 (1900): 10810.
15 JuliusBaum,Baulamstund dekorativePlastikder Friihrenaissance
in Italien

(Stuttgart:JuliusHoffinann,1920),112.
16 Ib"d
••
I ., XXVII.

104

in Masaccio'sTrinityand Michelozzo'scloisterat San Marco.(pi. 17) He disagreed,
however,with Baum's dating,pushingit back to ca. 1435.17
In her 1928monograph,MarylaTyszkiewiczbrieflydiscussedBernardo
Rossellino'sactivityat the Badia. She transcribedsomeof the documentsfrom 1436
to 1437publishedby Fabriczythat recordedRossellino'swork on the sacramentai
tabernacleand variousarchitecturaldetailsin the cloistercomplexsuch as doors and
windows.18 Anticipatinga challengeto Bernardo'sstatusas an artist givenhis
appellationas a merestonecutterin the documents,she explainedthat no distinction
was madebetweenartist and craftsmanin the fifteenthcentury,sincearchitects,
sculptors,stonecutters,and carpenterswere ali membersof the sameguild. "No
wonderthen that we see our masterexecutingat the sametime the tabernacle... and
other worksof craftsmanship,combiningwithinhimselfartist and craftsman."19
Tyszkiewiczalso discussedRossellino'swork fora contemporaryarchitectural
projectundertakenby the Badia. After acquiringthe monasteryat SantaMaria alie

Neumeyer(26) believedan earlierdate wouldcoincidewith the story of
Cosimode' Medici'sinterestin fundingsuch a project,whichwould havebeen possible
after his return fromexilein 1434,as wellas withthe chargeby Pope EugeniusIV to
AbbotGomezioto reformthe Badia,whichNeumeyeralso dated to 1434.
17

MarylaTyszkiewicz,BernardoRossellino(Florence:n.p., 1928),25-26, doc.

VI.
MarylaTyszkiewicz,BernardoRossellino,typescripttranslationfrom the
Polishby RosaRosmarynand ed. AnneMarkham,The InstituteofFine Arts, New
York University(n.p., 1965), 13.
19

105

Camporain 1434,the FiorentineBadiahad it renovatedfor use as a summer
residence.20 The monkskept recordsfor work done at Camporain the same account
book as for the Badia,hiringmanyofthe sameworkersfor both projects. Tyszkiewicz
reportedBemardo's work, gleanedfromthe documents,on doors and fireplacesfor
Camporaas wellas the supervisionof an apprenticewho carvedthe monastery's
wellheadfollowingBernardo'sdesign. Basedon this information,Tyszkiewicz
concludedthat Bernardowas in chargeofthe Camporarenovation.21
The next serioustreatmentof the Badia's constructionhistoryto includethe
OrangeCloisterappearedin 1940in the firstvolumeof Die KirchenvonFloren: by
Wolfgangand ElisabethPaatz. Paatz questionedthe validityofthe story about a
Mediceanrenewalproject,postulatingthat the modelseen by Puccinelliwas instead
madeby the Sangallobrothersat the end of the fifteenthcenturyas part of a different
project. He did not discardthe hypothesisout of hand,however,citinga drawingin
the Uffizilabeledin a nineteenth-century
hand"Cappelladel VestibolodellaBadiadel
Brunelleschi,"whichhe felt mostlikelyrelatedto the sixteenth-centuryPandolfini

Duringhis stay in Florencein 1434,Pope EugeniusIV entrustedthe
monasteryof SantaMariaalle Campora(locatedbeyondthe Porta Romanain the hills
south ofFlorence) to the Badia. Afterthe renovationwas completed,the monastery
becamea popularsite for the patronageof richFiorentinefamiliessuch as the Albizzi,
the Gianfigliazzi,and the del Garbo. Tyszkiewicz,typescripttranslation,14.
20

"Froma state of abandonment[BernardoRossellino]tumed the monastery
[at Campora]into a Renaissancethingofbeauty." Ibid., 13-14.
21

106

chapelby Benedettoda Rovezzano,but could be the Mediciproposaland therebylend
weightto Puccinelli's claim.22 Regardlessof a linkto the Medici,Paatz argued, a
renovationwas undertakenin the early 1430sto renewand expandthe cloisterand its
surroundingbuildings.Paatz claimedthat BernardoRossellino"built"the dormitory,
an assertionhe supportedwith the documentspublishedby Fabriczy. He proposed that
Bernardowas most likelyresponsiblefor the modificationsto the cloistergiven his
work on the adjoiningdormitoryand on a doon.vaythat openedonte the stairs
connectingthe cloisterto its third-floorterrace.23 (pi. 58) Paatz went on to proclaim
the OrangeCloister's significanceas a monumentof the earlyRenaissance,identifying
it as an exampleofthe "transitionalstyle,"that is, stiliGothic but with an interestin the
new, progressivemotifsof the Renaissance.He also cited the cloister's importanceas
one of the earliestworks of Rossellino,though cautionedthat such an attribution was
complicatedby uncertaintyabout this periodof the architect's career.24 Despitehis
hesitation,Paatz felt able to concludethat Rossellinoprobablydesignedthe Orange
Cloister,whichPaatz praisedas "the secondRenaissancecounyard in Florence."25

22 Paatz,

Die KirchenvonFlorenz,1: 265, 297-8, n. 16.

23 Ibid., l: 298, n. 17.
24 Ibid., 1: 265-6, 282, 307, n. 94.

25 Paatz arguedthat Ospedaledegli Innocentirepresentedthe first Renaissance

courtyard: "So wird manjedenfallsmit der Moglichkeitrechnendurfen,dal3der
Kreuzgangder Badia,der zweiteRenaissancehofin Florenz(erster: InnocentiHospital),von BernardoRossellinoentworfenwurder." Ibid., 1: 307, n. 94.
107

In an articlepublishedin 1942,Piero Sanpaolesifocusedon the fifteenthcenturybuildingcampaignundertakenat the Badiaand challengedBernardo
Rossellino'sauthorshipof the project. He returnedto the archivesto investigatethe
accountbook selectivelytranscribedby Fabriczyand Tyszkiewiczand discoveredthe
namesof manyother craftsmenbesidesBernardowho were paid for work on the
OrangeCloisterand its surroundingbuildings.Basedon this research,he concluded
that one Antoniodi Domenico,sometimesreferredto as capomaestro,was the author
of the cloisterprojectand was responsiblefor the designand executionof the entire
complex.26 Not onlydid Sanpaolesi'sarchivalresearchrevealthe namesof manyother
participantsin the cloister'sconstruction,but also it establisheda more detailedand
specificchronologyof events. Unfortunately,the accountbook studiedby Sanpaolesi
only spansthe periodfrom l Februaryl 436 through28 August 144l. 27 No daily
accountbook for the first halfofthe decadesurvives. Nevertheless,he was able to
determinethat work on the cloisteritselfwas in its finalstagesin the earlymonthsof
1436whenvaulting,roofing,and paintingmaterialswere purchased.28 LikeBaum and

26 Piero Sanpaolesi,"Costruzionidel primoquattrocentonellaBadia

Fiorentina,"Rivistad'Arte, 2d ser., 24, no. 3-4 (1942): 155-6.
27 This is the samebook studiedby Fabriczy,"Ein Jugendwerk." See app. 1,

doc. 41.
28 Nails,putty,and meshwere boughtfor the roofin February1436as were

bricksfor the cloistervaults. Lead gutters wherepurchasedin earlyMarch,and glass
roundelsfor windowsin Aprii. Sanpaolesiinterpretedthe beginningof paymentsto
108

Paatz, Sanpaolesiconcludedthat the OrangeCloisterprovideda link betweenthe
fourteenthand fifteenthcenturiesin its combineduse of traditionaland new forms,the
latter specificallylinkedto the work of Michelozzo.
SanpaolesirevisitedPuccinelli'sanecdoteabout Cosimode'Medici's renewal
project after his discoveryand restorationof a smallchapellocatedon the ground floor
of the cloisterin the southeastcorner (pls. 49-52). Sanpaolesisurveyedand analyzed
this smallchapeland includedhis findingsin his 1942article. He argued that the chapel
predatedthe OrangeCloisterand was designedby Brunelleschibecauseof its
similaritiesto the BarbadoriChapelat SantaFelicitàand to the Old Sacristyat San
Lorenzo(pi. 53).29 Sanpaolesirepeatedthis attributionin his 1962monographon the
architectand suggestedthat the little chapelin the Badiacould have been
Brunelleschi'sfirst experimentalattemptat his domedchapeldesign.30 This suggestion
has been ignored,unnoticed,or rejectedby other Brunelleschischolars.
Sanpaolesi's denialof Rossellinoas the cloister's architectdrew a challenge
from Tyszkiewicz,who expandedher short commentaryof 1928to argue for
Rossellino'sauthorshipon stylisticgrounds.31 She criticizedSanpaolesi'sclaimthat

Giovannidi Consalvofor paintingsuppliesin May to indicatethat the cloisterloggias
were completedand readyfor decoration. Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"154.
29 Ibid., 143-4, 147-9.

Piero Sanpaolesi,Brunelleschi(Milan:Edizioniper il Club del Libro, 1962),
38, 161,fig. 18.
30

109

Rossellino,to whomhe ascribedthe palacesof GiovanniRucellaiin Florenceand Pope
Pius II in Pienza(pls. 24, 25), could not havealso designedthe "transitional-style"
OrangeCloister(pi. 14). Tyszkiewiczarguedthat sucha comparisonwas unjustgiven
the thirtyyearsthat separatedthe cloisterfromthe palaces. Instead,she argued,the
cloistershowedstylisticsimilaritiesto Rossellino'sother work ofthe 1430s:the
completionofthe Misericordiapalacefacadeat Arezzo(pi. 26). Even though the
namesof manyother workersappearin the Badiadocuments,Tyszkiewiczsuggested
that the pilastersused to connectthe upper and lowerstoriesvisuallyresembledthe
attentionto omamentaldetailand fondnessfor decorativepilastersprevalentin
Rossellino'swork. She concluded,therefore,that Bernardodesignedthe Orange
Cloister. It was Rossellino'sauthorshipthat wouldbe perpetuatedin subsequent
referencesto the cloister.32
EduardoNunesdevoteda chapterof his biographyon AbbotGomezioto the
problemof the cloistercompiex and its authors. He retumedto the same accountbook
reviewedby Fabriczy,Sanpaolesi,and Tyszkiewicz,as wellas to other ledgers,
correspondence,and chroniclesthat he cited, reproduced,and analyzedto reveala
clearerpictureof the cloister's constructionhistoryand severa!mistakesof

31 MarylaTyszkiewicz,
"Il ChiostrodegliArancidellaBadiaFiorentina,"

Rivista d'Arte, 3 27, no. 2 (1951-1952):203-9.

See for exampleBerti's discussionofthe OrangeCloisterin the 1957
cataloguefor the exhibitionof detachedmurals. Berti,Mostra, 69.
32

110

33 After a discussionof
transcriptionand interpretationby Fabriczyand Sanpaolesi.

Gomezio's motivationfor the project,highlightingthe Abbot's desireto create a
functionalspacethat wouldalso carry spiritualsignificance,Nunespresenteda detailed
historyofthe financingand constructionofthe cloistercomplex. He dividedthe
project into four generaiphases:by 1428the smallchapelon the ground tloor had been
built;from 1429to 1431,the new lowercloisterand new refectory;from 1434to 1437,
the upper cloisterand new dormitoryaver the refectory;and in 1440the new infirmary
was builtand planswere laid for the guest quarters,orforesteria. (pls. 7-9) Nunes also
discussedthe contemporaneousprojectfor the summerresidenceat Campora.
Regardingattribution, Nunesdiscussedthe namesof the workers presented by
Sanpaolesias well as manyother artisansnot mentionedpreviously. He dividedthe
documentedworkersinto three categories:sculptor-stonecutters(scarpe/latoriand
/astraiuo/i),masterbuilders(maestridi murare),and manuallaborers(manovali).3-1
Based on this more extensiveaccountof the craftsmenemployedby the Badia,Nunes
proposeda third candidateas the project's "architect." He challengedSanpaolesi's
identificationof Antoniodi Domenicoas the sole architect,sincehe is namednot
simplyas capomaestro,but as capomaestroallaparte.35 Nunespostulatedthat this

Nunes,241-65. Nunes misunderstoodTyszkiewiczto believethat she agreed
with Sanpaolesi'srefusalof Rossellino'sauthorship.
33

lbid., 257.

35 Ibid.,264, n. 174.

111

appellationindicatesthat Antonioonlydirectedwork at the Badia"in part," actingas
the headbuilderwho directedthe constructionof wallsand vaults.36 The scarpe/latore
Giovannid'Antonio servedas the principalsupplierofworked stone for the cloister
complex,and he receiveda substantialamountof money. Sanpaolesihad considered
Giovannito be an importantpersonalityand interpreteda paymentof 17 March 1436
as the last of many.37 Nunesdiscovereddocumentsin previouslyunpublishedaccount
booksthat supportedSanpaolesi'stheory,and he interpretedthese and other payments
to indicateGiovanni'srote as leaderofthe stoneworkersresponsiblefor finishedstone
and architecturaldetailsin the cloistercomplex. Moreover,he argued,as a sculptorstonecutter,Giovannid'Antoniowouldbavemore likelybeen the designerof the
projectfromits overallconceptionto its finishingtouchesthan the masterbuilder
Antoniodi Domenico. He concludedthat Giovanniand Antonioco-directedthe
project,overseeingtwo teamsof workersat the Badia,those who constructedand
those who providedmoldings,capitals,and other decorativedetails. These teamswere
augmentedby the variousindependentcraftsmensuchas suppliers,brick makers,
carpenters,and metalworkersalso namedin the documents. Nunes's study has gane
unnoticedby almostali subsequentstudentsof the OrangeCloister's architectural
history.

lbid., 262.

Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"150, 152. See app. 1, doc. 58.
112

In an articlepartlydevotedto definingthe architecturalstyleof Michelozzo,
Howard Saalmanmentionedthe OrangeCloisteras one of manybuildingsconstructed
betweenthe 1420sand 1460sthat sharedstylisticsimilarities.He describedsevera!
prolificFiorentineworkshopsthat approachedarchitecturaldesignwith an overarching
interestin functionality.These shopscombinedtraditionalFiorentinemedievalforms
with creativelyinterpretedclassicizingmotifsdrawnfromantiquemodels.38 For
Saalman,Michelozzoand bis followers,unlikeBrunelleschi,did not approachclassica!
architecturewith an "archaeological"interest,and theymixedstylesto create a varied
repertoireof architecturalsolutions. SaalmandefinedMichelozzo'sstyleas eclectic,
distinguishedby its deliberatejuxtapositionof medievaland Renaissanceelements.
Unfortunatelyfar scholarsof fifteenth-centuryarchitecture,this approachto building,
not uniqueto Michelozzo,was sharedwith BernardoRossellino,AntonioManetti,and
the manyunknownbuildersat work from 1420to 1460. Saalmancomposeda list of
buildingsrelatedto those by Michelozzoas a meansto differentiatebetweenthe similar
stylesof earlyfifteenth-centurybuildersand to suggestattributionsfor manyof their
buildings.He cited the OrangeCloisteras a "textbookexample"of the architectural
styleand methodofMichelozzoand his followers,thoughhe foundthe sloppydetails
at odds with Rossellino'slater, consistentlyhigh-qualityproduction.39 Nevertheless,he

HowardSaalman,"The PalazzoComunalein Montepulciano.An Unknown
Workby Michelozzo,"Zeilschriftfiir Kunstgeschichte28 (1965):3-8, 29-31.
38

lbid., 44-46.
113

acceptedthe documentaryevidencethat craftsmenfromRossellino's shop had worked
in the Badiaas proof ofhis guidingbandas architectofthe OrangeCloister.
Two nearlycontemporarydissertationsaddressedthe !ifeand work of Bernardo
Rossellino.AnneMarkhamfocusedon his work as a sculptorbut also presentedhis
architecturaloeuvrein a lengthybiographicalintroduction.40 She discussedthe
documentaryevidencecitedby Fabriczy,Tyszkiewicz,and Sanpaolesias proof of the
participationofBemardo and his workshopboth at the FiorentineBadiaand at the
Benedictine'ssummerresidenceat Campora. WhileMarkhammentionedthe typically
low amountsof moneypaid to Rossellinoand his assistantsmainlyfar menialjobs, she
did not directlyaddressthe problemof authorshipraisedby Sanpaolesi.Her inclusion
ofthe two Benedictinemonumentsin her discussionsuggestsacceptanceof
Rossellino'sparticipation,but she was not willingto claimhimunequivocallyas the
cloister's designer.41 Markhamdid identifya door documentedas by Bernardo"at the
foot of the stairsthat go up to the terrace"as one in the secondstory of the cloister,
walledup in the southeastcorner(pi. 58).42

AnneMarkham,"The SculptureofBernardo Rossellinoand his Workshop"
(Ph.D. Dissertation,New York University,1968),5-81.
40

In a footnote,Markham(15, n. 28) mentionedthe differenceof opinion
betweenSanpaolesi,who supportedAntoniodi Domenicoas the project's architect,
and Paatz, Tyskiewicz,Saalman,and others who acceptedBernardo.
41

42 lbid., 15. See also in this dissertati
on, app. 1, doc. 84.

114

CharlesMack's dissertationwas also concernedwith BernardoRossellinoand
focusedinsteadon his architecturalcareer. Mackdevotedan entirechapter to the
OrangeCloisterand the renovationwork done at Camporain his investigationof
Rossellino'sarchitecturaloeuvre.43 He provideda detaileddescriptionof the Orange
Cloister,discussedthe functionofvarious roomsand buildingsaround it,44 and focused
attentionon the cloister's structure,ornament,and style. Mack characterized
Rossellino's styleas eclecticwith a specificinterestin the sculpturalqualitiesof
buildingsurfacesand a consequentlove for decorativedetail. He praisedRossellino's
abilityto borrowand synthesizearchitecturalideasto create persona!,inventive,and
originaisolutions. For Mack,the BadiaCloisterstandsas a "landmark"in the history
of Italianarchitecturesinceit "was the firstofFlorence's fifteenthcenturycloistersto
speak with the new languageof the Renaissance,albeitwith a somewhatGothic accent
..., the first cloisterin Florenceto be erectedwith an awarenessof some ofthe new
principies beingdevelopedby Brunelleschiand his contemporaries.
"45 In addition to
the nove!use of classicizingIoniecapitalsand cross-vaultedloggiasin the second

CharlesRandallMack,"The AranciCloisterofthe BadiaFiorentinaand the
Cloisterof SantaMariaalle Campora:1436-38,"chap. 3 in "Studiesin the
ArchitecturalCareerof Bernardodi Matteo GhamberellicalledRossellino"(Ph.D.
Dissertation,UniversityofNorth Carolinaat ChapelHill, 1972),34-61.
43

-1-1Mack("Studies,"41-43) discussedthe guestrooms,dormitcry,and infirmary
documentedas part of the cloisterproject,but lamentedthe difficultyof reconstructing
the appearanceofthe originaififteenth-centurybuildingsbecauseof remodeling
conductedafterthe suppressionand secularizationof the monastery.

115

story, Mackpraisedthe applicationof pilasterstripsabovethe columnsof each story
that enliventhe loggiafacadesand create "an orderedand balancedimpressionwhich
reflectedthe EarlyRenaissanceprinciplesofharmonyand mathematicalproportion"as
Rossellino's mostoriginaiinvention.46
As the catastrophictlood ofNovember 1966temporarilyrenderedthe daily
accountbook of the Badiainaccessibie, Mack had to relyon the transcriptionsby
Fabriczy,Tyszkiewicz,and Sanpaolesi.His opinionson chronologyand attribution
were madewithoutthe knowledgeof the additionalrecordsdiscoveredby Nunes.
WhileMackfoundSanpaolesi'sargumentsfor Antoniodi Domenico'sauthorship
convincing,he insistedthat Rossellinoalso had an influentialvoice in the design
process. Mackconcludedthat giventhe frequencyof paymentsto Rossellinofrom
1436to 1438-- forty-twoentriesfora tota) of over 187florins-- and the stylistic
similaritiesbetweenthe OrangeCloisterand his earlierwork at the MisericordiaPalace
in Arezzo,Bernardoshouldbe "consideredas an almostequalpartnerin the project."
He suggestedthat Antonioprovidedthe originaidesignfor the cloisterca. 1432and
supervisedmost of its constructionfor severalyears. In 1435Bernardocarneto the
cloisterproject,whichhe substantiallyalteredwith decorativesuggestionslike the
ornamentalpilastersofthe loggiafacades. Mackwas ableto identifytwo works by

lbid., 39-40.

lbid., 41.
116

Bernardospecificallydescribedin the documents:the terracedoorwaydiscussedby
Paatz and Markhamand a uniquelystyleddormitorywindow(pls. 58, 62).-1

LikeTyszkiewicz,Mack arguedthat Bernardohad fullcontrolover the cloister
built for the Badia's summerretreatat SantaMariaalle Campora. Rossellino's
appearancein recordsrelatingto Campora,whileinconclusive,suggestedto Mackhis
leadingrote in the work there. Macksupportedthis claimwith stylisticevidencehe
believedto demonstratea "firmlyRenaissancequality''possibleonly from the handof
Bernardo,and not fromthe shop of the old-fashionedAntoniodi Domenico,who was
8 In the Camporacloister,
also documentedamongthe stoneworkersactiveat the site.-1

the traditionalstylestilievidentin the Misericordiapalaceand the OrangeCloisterwas
rejectedin favorof progressive,classicizingforms. Mackconcludedthat at Campora,
Bernardodesigned"the first cloisterto be builtin the pure styleof the Renaissance.
,,-1

LudwigHeydenreichincludedBernardoRossellinoand the OrangeCloisterin
his contributionon fifteenth-centuryItalianarchitectureto the PelicanHistoryof Art.
He stated that Rossellino"workedon the decorationof the ChiostrodegliAranciin the

CharlesRandallMack,"Notesconcerningan unpublishedwindowby
BernardoRossellinoat the BadiaFiorentina,"SECACReviewand Newsletter5, no. I
(December1970):2-5; and idem,"Studies,"47-50;60, n. 36.
-17

-1sMack ("Studies,"50-51)listedfivestone masonsat work on the Campora
renovationproject:Antoniodi Domenico,his son Zanobid'Antonio,Giovanni
d'Antonio(Nunes' candidatefor designerofthe OrangeCloister),Giovannidi
Domenicoda Fiesole,and BernardoRossellino.
9 lbid., 50-53.
-1

117

Badia"wherehe demonstratedhis "originalityin the treatmentof architectural
ornament... in the articulationof each loggia-- flattenedarcheswith pilasterstrips."50
Proof ofRossellino'sauthorshipfor suchmotifswas suggestedto Heydenreich(as it
had beento Mackand Sanpaolesi)by the cloisterat San Francescoin Prato that was
built by Domenicodi Pino, one of Rossellino'sassistantswho also worked at the
OrangeCloister. Heydenreichbelievedthe Pratesecloister,whichwas built soon after
the OrangeCloisterwas completed,to be "a copy, ~xactto the last detail,"ofthat at
the Badia.51
WhileHeydenreichdid discusscertainfifteenth-centuryprojectsas
"anonymous,"he preferredto attributeother projectslikethe OrangeCloisterto "well52 However,his descriptionsof the
known"personalitieslike BernardoRossellino.

LudwigH. Heydenreichand WolfgangLotz,Architecturein Italy, J.1001600, trans. MaryHottinger,The PelicanHistoryof Art, ed. NikolausPevsnerand
Judy Nairn(Harmondsworthand Battimare:PenguinBooks, 1974),42, pi. 34.
Heydenreich'ssectionwas republishedas: LudwigH. Heydenreich,Architecturein
flaly, J.100-1500,rev. Paul Davies,PelicanHistoryof Art (New Havenand London:
Yale UniversityPress, 1996),49, pi. 49.
50

51 Heydenreich,1974ed., 338, n. 20; and idem, 1996ed., 158,n. 20.

Domenicodi Pino was paid by the Badiaon eightoccasionsfrom May to
October 1436.Sanpaolesitranscribedfive(ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fols. 22v,
23, 36v, 37v, 38v),givingone incorrectdate: doc. 4, fol. 22v shouldbe 26 May rather
than 6 May. Additionalpaymentsto Domenicodi Pino took piaceon 25 August, l
September,and 27 October 1436. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fols. 39, 40, 51v.
For referencesto the similaritiesbetweenthe OrangeCloisterand that of S.
Francescoin Prato, see also Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"162, 165;and Mack,"Studies,"
41, 58, n. 20.
52

Heydenreich,1996ed., 48.
118

"anonymous"buildingcampaignsat the BadiaFiesolanaand variouspalaceslike the
PalazzoPitti resemblethe historyofthe OrangeCloister:
Thereis a wealthof documentsabout [the BadiaFiesolana],the designof
whichwas obviouslydue to a large extentto its very culturedpatron .... [The
documents]mention a large numberof good capomaestriand masons,but no
masteris namedfor the buildingitself.... [It] wouldbe more to the point to
leavethe questionof attributionsopen and take stock ofthe Badia [Fiesolana]as
an achievementof Fiorentinearchitecturewhicha practicallyanonymousteam of
Fiorentinemasterswas capableof producing.... Manydifferentpersonalities-patronand capomaestri-- took part in its executionand deservethe praise ....
[For the PalazzoPitti],as in the BadiaFiesolana,the questionof authorshipof
the projectis, to my mind,less importantthan the fact that this extremely
distinctivework was the productof a collaboration by an anonymousteam.53
Whydo the "good capomaestri,""culturedpatron,"and "practicallyanonymousteam"
ofthe OrangeCloisternot receivesimilarpraiseand credit from Heydenreich?It seems
that he, likethose beforehim,preferredto discussthe activityof knownmasterslike
Rossellino,even ifthis bias resultedin an incompleteand inaccuratepictureof the
cloister's construction. RichardGoldthwaitewarnedof the difficultiesin differentiating
betweenstonecutters,sculptors,supervisors,and architectsin the earlyfifteenth
centuryand downplayedRossellino'srole at the Badiaby identifyinghimas a mere
supplierof decorativearchitecturaldetailssuch as doors, windows,and simpleblock
stone.54

53 Ibid.,45-48.
54 RichardA. Goldthwaite,TheBuildingof RenaissanceFlorence.An

Economieand Socia!History(Baltimoreand London:The Johns HopkinsUniversity
Press, 1980),236-7. See also Goldthwaite'sdiscussionof"the architect"in fifteenth119

AlessandroGuidottidiscussedthe entirearchitecturalcomplexof the Badia,
fromits foundingin the tenth centuryto the presentday, in an essayand a separate
guidebookthat were both publishedin conjunctionwith the fifteenthcentenaryof St.
Benedict'sbirth in 480. Guidottiaddressedthe issueof the cloister's name,referredto
in documentsas the "of the well,""of the sacristy,""of the chapterroom," and after
the constructionof a muchlargercloisterto the northwest,"small." Yet he was unable
to determinewhenthe name"ChiostrodegliAranci"carneinto use, or whenand
whetherorangetrees ever grew there.55 GuidottiacceptedSanpaolesi'sconstruction
chronology( 1432-38)and suggestionof Antoniodi Domenicoas capomaestro,but he
also agreedwith Mack's assessmentthat after his arrivaiin 1435,BernardoRossellino
took over as the creativeinventorresponsiblefor the cloister's finalappearance.56
Guidottireconstructedthe originaipianof the cloisterand its adjoiningspaces
basedon discoveriesby Sanpaolesiand Mack. He repeatedPuccinelli'sanecdoteabout
Cosimo'sinterestin the Badiaand acceptedSanpaolesi'sassociationof the small
Brunelleschianchapelwith this tale.57 Of particularinterestto Guidottiwere the many

centuryFlorence(351-96)in whichhe discussedthe difficultyto understandand apply
the term in a historicallyaccuratemanner.
55The variousnamesgivento the OrangeCloisterin archivalsourcesinclude:
"chiostrodel pozzo," "dellasacrestia,""del capitolo,"and "piccolo." Guidotti,The
BadiaFiorentina,31, 42, n. 109;and idem,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadia
Fiorentina,"91, n. 156.
56Guidotti,TheBadia Fioremina, 31; and idem,"Vicendestorico-artistiche
dellaBadiaFiorentina,"68-69.
120

workshops,or botteghe,that encircledthe Badiaand provideda large source of income
to the monkswho rentedthemto locaiartisans. Thesebouegheservedas the ground
floor for the east and south sidesofthe cloistercomplexalongVia del Proconsoloand
Via dellaCondotta(pls. 4, 6, 40, 41).58 Guidottialso transcribedan inventorydatable
1441/2and arguedthat its orderingwas probablynot randombut perhapsreflectedthe
internalarrangementof the cloistercomplex.59
The OrangeCloisterwas includedin two studiesof Fiorentineecclesiastica!
architecturepublishedin 1982. In their study of Fiorentinechurches,Alberto
Busignaniand RaffaelloBencinirepeatedthe attribution of the cloisterto Bernardo
Rossellinoas "probable."60 MarcellaCastellidiscussedthe Badiacomplexin her more

Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"67-68.

58 Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"56-57, 70-73;

and idem,"Indaginisu botteghedi cartolaie miniatoria Firenzenel XV secolo," in la
miniaturaitalianatra gotico e rinascimento.Alli del Il Congressodi Storia della
MiniaturaItaliana.Cortona2-1-26sellembre1982,Storiadellaminiatura.Studi e
documenti,6, ed. EmanuelaSesti,voi. 2 (Florence:Leo S. OlschkiEditore, 1985),
473-507.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 386 (Privilegiorum,l, part Il) transcribedin part
by Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"165-85. For his
interpretationofthe orderingofthe inventorysee Ibid.,69-71, 93, n. 176.
This inventorywas also studiedby Nunes,who dated it, however,to 1442.
Nunes,384. See also GiovanniPoggi, "Il ciboriodi BernardoRossellinonellaChiesa
di S. Egidio(1449-1450),"Miscellanead'Arte 1 (1903): 107;Paatz,Die Kirchen von
Florenz,1: 290,313, n. 136;Markham,108;and in this dissertation,app. 1, doc. 130.
59

Busignaniand Bencini,176, 190.
121

specificstudy of Fiorentinecloisters. Sheacceptedthe attributionto Bernardo,noting
61
the cloister's stylisticsimilarityto worksby Michelozzo.

Ten years later, the OrangeCloisterwas includedin two exhibitioncatalogue
essays. FrancescaCarraracalledit "one ofthe most beautifulexpressionsof the
Renaissance"in her discussion of the renovationsand renewalspearheadedat the Badia
by AbbotGomezio. Her emphasiswas on the abbot's patronageofthe cloisterproject
vis-à-visinstitutionalreform,thoughshe did discussthe identityof the cloister's
architectand muralpainter.62 Tentativelyacceptingthe documentedGiovannidi
Consalvoas the author ofthe murals,63 she arguedthat the cloistercannotbe attributed
to BernardoRossellinobecausehe is namedin the documentsonlyas a stonecutter
responsiblefor variousarchitecturaldetails. She conceded,however,that he could
haveofferedstylisticsolutions,and she believedthat Antoniodi Domenico,while
perhapsnot the project's author,was certainlythe coordinatorand directorof the
constructioncrew.64 In her essayon the muralcycle,GiovannaRagionieriacceptedthe
attribution of the cloisterto BernardoRossellinoin collaboration with Antoniodi

M. Castelli,16-20.

Carrara,"L'ampliamentodellaBadiae la costruzionedel Chiostrodegli
Aranci,"105-6, 112-3,no. 6.7.
62

Carrara(113) calledGiovannia Spanish,ratherthan Portuguese,painter.
She stated that he was perhapsthe authorofthe cycle,and that paymentsto himin
May 1436help to date the completionof the Cloister'sconstruction.
63

Ibid., 113.
122

Domenico. She also mentionedSer Filippodi Ser UgolinoPeruzzias the probable
financierof the cloisterrenovationsbut creditedAbbotGomeziowith the inspiration
for the project. Her discussionof the cloisterconstructionservedas a contextual
backdropto her discussionofthe murals,whoseauthorshipshe believedto be a much
more complicatedproblemthan that ofthe buildinghistory.65
As has been mentioned,WilliamHood has calledfor a comprehensivestudyof
the OrangeCloisterthat considersboth its architectureand its muraldecorationin the
context of the cloister's function. His discussionof the BadiaCloister"only indicates
where suchan investigation mightgo, as a fulltreatmentof the subjectlies outside the
scope of this study."66 WhileHood was interestedin the physicallayoutof the Orange
Cloisterand the activitiesconductedtherein,he did not addressthe problemof who
designedand built the complex. Instead,he simplifiedthe matter with an attributionto
a team ofmasons directedby BernardoRossellinofrom 1434to 1436,though in his
notes to this text he saidBernardo's directorialrote was "likely."67 By turninghis
attention awayfromissuesof authorship,Hood was able to focus on questionsabout
the functionand receptionof the decoratedcloister. For example,he suggestedthat

Ragionieri,73.

Hood, 312, n. 30.

Ibid., 130, 136,312, nn. 30, 32
123

unspecifiedliturgica!and ceremonialneedsdeterminedthe layoutof the cloisterand the
placementof its muralcycle.68
AlessandraAnselmidiscussedthe Badiaprojectsin her entry on the
architecturalcareer ofBemardo Rossellinofor the MacmillanDictionaryof Art. She
was carefulto avoidthe denomination"architect"and identifiedBernardoas one of
manyartisansemployedby the Badiafor the cloisterproject. Anselmiacknowledged
the attributionto Antoniodi Domenico,but acceptedMack's assertionofBemardo's
creativeinfluencein decorativedetailsand cautiouslyacceptedthe attributionto
Rossellinofor the pilasterstrips. She also affirmedthe documenteddormitorywindow
as Bernardo'sdesign.(pi. 62) She commentedon the similardifficultyto attributethe
Camporaprojectgiventhe ditferencebetweenwhat the documentsrevealand what
69
stylisticsimilaritiesand Bernardo'sfamesuggestabout his role in the commission.

This reviewdemonstratesthe powerthat issuesof authorshipexert over
discussionof the OrangeCloister's construction.The documentedpresenceof
BernardoRossellinoat the projectcoupledwith his fameas a sculptor-architecthave
led architecturalhistoriansto attributethe OrangeCloisterprojectto himin spiteof
evidencethat suggestshe workedas part of a teamdirectedby other lesser-known
builders. An interestin BernardoRossellino'srole in the project is understandablein

lbid., 132.

AlessandraAnselmi,"BernardoRossellino.2. Architecture,"in The
Dictionaryof Art, 27: 181-2.
69

124

monographicstudieson the sculptor-architectthat seek to understandhis formative
years. However,his participationin the OrangeCloisterprojectdoes not signalhis
authorship,and focusingon his work aloneresultsin an incompletepictureofthe
complex'sconstructionas wellas distortsRossellino'srote in the project. Also
problematicis the fact that most historiansonlydiscussthe OrangeCloisteritself.(pi.
14) That is, they highlightthe courtyardand surroundingloggiasthat carry the pilaster
stripsdeemedso importantby historiansof architecturalstyleat the expenseof
discussingthe cloisteras part of a complexof buildingsconstructedfor a specific
purpose.(pls. 5, 7, 8) Groundplansare rarelyincludedin such discussions,and onlya
few scholars,with limitedresults,haveattemptedto reconstructthe dispositionand
functionof the spacesthat surroundthe cloister. Indeed,if not for the refectory,
dormitory, infirmary,and guest quartersrequiredby AbbotGomezioas part of his
reformprogramat the Badia,a new cloistermost likelywould not have been
commissioned.The archivalwork carriedout by Nunesis crucialto any understanding
of the complexand needsto be integratedinto the historyof the OrangeCloisterand
its decoration. Furthermore,a new historyofthe OrangeCloistercan lead to a more
inclusivemethodfor understandingfifteenth-century
buildingpractice,one preferable
to the personality-basedmodel,favorableonlyto "famous"architects.

125

CHAPTERTHREE
THE ARCHITECTURAL
HISTORYOF THE ORANGECLOISTER
AT THE BADIAFIORENTINA
From the beginningofhis abbacyin 1419,AbbotGomeziodi Giovannida
Lisboastrove to reformthe Badia.1 Despiteits noblefoundingand well-established
positionin the heart of centraiFlorence,by the tum of the fifteenthcenturythe
Benedictinemonasteryhad fallenon hard times,its communityreducedto onlya
handfulofmemberswho neglectedtheirobligationsas followersof St. Benedict. To
effecta rebirthof his abbey,AbbotGomeziosoughtto revitalizethe Badiaby
increasingits membership-- a pian that requireda renovationand expansionofthe
dilapidatedand inadequatemonastery.

For clarityand consistency,I havechosento use the modemltalianspellingof
AbbotGomezio'snamefoundin the Badiarecordsrelevantto the OrangeCloister,that
is, Gomeziodi Giovannida Lisbona. See app. 1, docs. 2, 5, 7.
Portuguese,Latin,and other Italianderivationsfound in documentsand
secondarysourcesinclude:Gomez,Chometio,Cometius,Ghometio,Gomes,Gometio,
Gometius,and Gomezius.Fora discussionofthe variousformsof AbbotGomezio's
name,see Nunes, 19-20.
Referencesto GomezFerreirade Silva-- a common,but incorrect,versionof
the Abbot's name-- is repeatedin the Iiterature. This namewas usedby GuidoBattelli
and has been taken up by manyauthors. Nunes (20, nn. 14-16)correctedthis mistake
by demonstratingthat Gomeziowas fromLisbon,not Silva,as shownin documents
such as those cited above. The nameFerreiraderivesfrom a chroniclewrittenby
Teot6niode Mellowho mistookAbbotGomeziofora contemporarynamedGomez
Ferreira.

126

Site of the Monastery

The monasticcompoundofthe BadiaFiorentinacoveredwhat is now one city
block boundat the north by Via Dante Alighieri(then knownas Via San Martino),2 at
the east by Via del Proconsolo(also knownas Via dei Cartolai)3and Piazza San
Firenze(then PiazzaSant'Apollinare),"at the southby Via dellaCondotta(then known

2 Via Dante Alighieri,whichruns from Via del Proconsoloto Piazza dei

Cimatori,was renamedafter the Italianpoet 3 July 1880. Earliernineteenth-century
sourcesreferto this street as "Via Ricciarda,"and duringthe fifteenthcentury it was
knownas "Via San Martino"sinceit led to the smallchurchof San Martino,directly
oppositethe Torre dellaCastagnathat was incorporatedinto the northwestcorner of
the Badiacompound. DomenicoTordi, GiovanniPoggi,and UmbertoDorini,
Stradario storico e amministrativo della Città e del Comnmne di Firen:e, 2nd ed.
(Florence:EnricoAriani,1929),33, no. 307; and Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistiche
dellaBadiaFiorentina,"54.
Via del Proconsoloruns from PiazzaSan Firenzeat the south to the Piazzadel
Duomoat the north, and it has separatenamesfor variousdivisionsalong its course.
Via del Proconsolois also knownas Via dei Libraior Via dei Cartolaifrom PiazzaSan
Firenzeat the south to Via Ghibellinaat the north. This namederivedfrom the many
stationersshops(carta/ai) rented by the Badiato locaicraftsmenthat ran along this
road on its westernside. Fifteenth-centuryinventoriesof propertyowned by the Badia
referto this street as Via del Palagioas wellas Via del Proconsolo. Via Ghibellina,
whichruns perpendicularto Via del Proconsoloalongthe northernside of the Palazzo
del Podestà(Bargello),was also calledVia del Palagioin earlysources. Uccelli,60;
Tordi et al., Stradario, 48, no. 441; 99, no. 901; and Guidotti,"VicendestoricoartistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"54.

" The currentPiazza San Firenzethat extendssouthto Borgo de' Greci is larger
than the formerPiazzaSant'Apollinare.The originaipiazza,whichfrontedthe nowdestroyedchurchof Sant'Apollinare,coveredthe area betweenVia della Vigna
Vecchiaand Via dell'Anguillara/dellaCondotta. Tordi et al., Stradario, 42, no. 380;
Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"54, 81, n. 6; and Marvin
Trachtenberg,"Scénographieurbaineet identitécivique:réflexionsur la Florencedu
Trecento,"Revue de l'art, no. 102(1993): 11-31.23, fig. 38. For more on the church
of Sant'Apollinare,see Paatz, Die Kirchen von Floren:, 1: 205-1O.
127

as Via del Garbo),5and at the west by Via dei Magazzini(pls. l, 3, 4, 6).6 Originally,
anothernarrowstreet, or chiasso,runningfrom north to south existedbetweenVia dei
Magazziniand the westernfacadeofthe Badiachurch(pls. 6, 27-29). This road once
connectedVia SantaMargheritato Via dellaCondottaand presumablyotfered access
to the monastery.7 Over the course of its development,the Badiaengulfedthis

5 Via dellaCondottaruns fromPiazza San Firenzeat the east to Via dei

Calzaiuoliat the west and was knownas Via del Garboor 'Il Garbo' in the fifteenth
century. Later, the street was calledVia degliAntellesiin the sectionnorth of the
BadiabetweenVia de'Magazziniand Via de'Cerchi. The nameCondottaderivesfrom
the Officeof the Condottathat had a residencenear the PalazzodellaSignoriaon the
southemsideof Via dei Magazzinibetweenthe PiazzadellaSignoriaand Via del
Garbo/dellaCondotta. Tordi et al., Stradario,30, no. 273; and Guidotti,"Vicende
storico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"54. For moreon the officeof the Condotta
and its locationnext to the PalazzodellaMercanziaon Via dei Magazzini,see Jodoco
Del Badia,La nuovasede neipalazzi della Condo/lae dellaMercanzia.Notizie
Storiche(Florence:ComizioAgrariodi Firenze,G. Ramella& Co., 1907),7-13; and
NicolaiRubinstein,ThePalazzoVecchio,1298-1532:Government,Architecture,and
lmageryin the CivicPalaceof the FiorentineRepub/ic(Oxford:ClarendonPress,
1995),87-89.
Via dei Magazziniruns fromPiazzadellaSignoriaat the south to PiazzaSan
Martinoat the north. Thisroad was also sometimesreferredto as Bracciodi San
Giorgioand Via dietro la Badia. Its currentnameis derivedfromthe storage rooms
originallyon the groundfloorof the Badia.Tordi et al., Stradario,68, no. 627; and
Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"54, 58.

Puccinelli(Cronica,4-5) was the first to describethe alleythat ran from
Canto del Garbo (Via dellaCondotta)to the churchof SantaMargherita. The Badia
purchasedthis alleyand incorporatedit into its compound. Uccelli,62; D. F. Tarani,
La Badia Fiorelllina.ConferenzaStorica(Florence:Rinaldie Ciani,1920), 15;Cirri,
108-9;Paatz,Die Kirchenvon Florenz,1: 265; Mack,"Studies,"36; Fanelli,Firenze,
architetturae città, 13;Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"
54, 81, nn. 5-9; and Busignaniand Bencini,180.
Cirri(109) and Guidotti("Vicende,"57, 86, n. 36) suggestedthat traces of this
street are also visiblein the blindalley,the Vicolode'Gondi,on the southernside of
Via dellaCondotta. This alleywas formerlyknownas Chiassodel Fondelloand
connectedVia dellaCondottawith Via dellePrestanze(now Via dei Gondi)to the

128

alleyway,expandingits fortification-like
presencein the center ofthe city. Whileit is
not clearexactlywhenthis alleywas incorporated,it was no longerin use by the
fifteenthcentury,seeminglyclosed-- as reportedby Puccinelli-- in 1444.8

south. The formerChiassodel Fondellowas acquiredby the Gondi familyand covered
over in the sixteenthcenturyby their familypalace. Thus, a street once ran from the
Corso, alongVia SantaMargherita,past the Badia,along the Chiassodel Fondelloto
Via dellePrestanzewhichborderedwhat wouldbecomethe easternend ofthe Palazzo
della Signoria. For more on the Chiassodel Fondello,see Del Badia,9; Tordi et al.,
Stradario,56, no. 519; and AndreasTonnesmann,Der PalazzoGondiin Floren:
(Worms:Werner'scheVerlagsgesellschaft,
I983), 12-17,fig. 2.
"Per fabricare!'Officinepressoal Reffetoriofu necessariocomprarealcuni
vicoli,ò Strade,trà le qualiquella,che tiravadal canto del Garbo alla Chiesadi Santa
Margarita,che venivaà sboccareove di presentesono le Case, e Stufa de Becchi,e
perciò la Repubblicaaggravòil Monasteroogni trè mesinell'ingressodel Magistrato
nuovode'Priori mandareun Migliacciograsso,ò Torta grande, sopra una Barella
ornata,& onorevolmenteaccompagnatadalleTrombe,e Piffari,che dipoi l'an. 1444
fù permutatain tanta cera lavoratabianca,comealla scritturanum. 82: si comprarono
ancorala Torre de Sacchetti,le Casedel Garbo,la Torre dellaCastagna,& altre
fabbricheper fare l'Infermeria,Foresterie,Magazzini,e Cortile." Puccinelli,Cronica,
4-5.
Guidotti("Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"58) interpreted
Puccinelli'sdatingofthese closuresand propertyacquisitionsin 1444as a generic
terminusame quem,eventhoughinventoriesof 1441and 1442indicatethat this alley
was stillin existence. Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"
179-80. See also app. l, docs. 3, 6, 94, 99, 125.
Uccelli(62-63, n. 1) mentionedthe closureof severa!alleysas the monastery
continuedto acquirepropertyand establishits boundaries. He dated these acquisitions
and closuresto the end of the fourteenthand beginningof the fifteenthcenturies.
Taranisuggested(15) that the closureofthe SantaMargheritaalleywaytook piace
duringthe monastery'sexpansionfromthe eleventhto the thirteenthcenturies. Paatz
(265, 295, n. 8) acceptedthis descriptionof the earlyexpansion,and stated that the
monasteryreachedits presentboundariesca. 1280. Mack (36, 56, n. 7) believedthat
the alleydisappearedat sometimeduringthe fifteenthcentury. Guidotti("Vicende,"
54;57-58;81, n. 8; 83, n. 36) identifiedthis road as that describedin documentsas the
"via pressoil monastero"and suggestedthat the alleywas enclosedduringthe fifteenth
centurywhenworkshopsalongVia dei Magazziniwere built.
Fora reconstructionofthe westernsector of the Sesto di S. Pietro Scheraggio
that includesthis lost alleyway,see the mapsand discussionin FrancisJ. Carmody,
"Florence:Projectfar a Map, 1250-1296,"Speculum19(January 1944):46-49; and

129

The originaiBadiawas establishedby CountessWillajust withinthe oldest ring
of city wallsin the civitasvetus,that is, the oldest part ofFlorence, enclosedby
partiallyrebuiltRomanwalls.9 The monasterywas boundon its easternside by these
walls,whichran alongthe currentVia del Proconsolo.10 (pls. 2-4) On primereal estate
in the old city,the Badiawas unableto expandveryfar in any direction,even whenthe
ancientwallswere torn downby the Communeto extendthe city's bordersand
constructnew fortificationsin the late twelfthcentury.11 Althoughthe Badiadid own
workshops,vineyards,and other propertyoutsidethe originaicity walls,the monastery
could not extendits easternborderafter these wallscarnedown becausethe Commune
had chosenthis area as the site for its new Palazzodel Capitanodel Popolo,who used
the Torre dellaCastagna-- a tower withinthe Badia's compound-- for officiai

Loris Macciand ValeriaOrgera,Architetturae civiltàdelle torri. Torriefamiglie
nella Firenzemedievale(Florence:EDIFIR, 1994), 138-40.(pls. 22, 24)
For moreon the OttonianBadiasee Puccinelli,A4emoriesepolcrali
de/l'AbbadiaFiorentina,149;Galletti,14-20,27-30, 30-38;Uccelli,6-7; Cocchi 1057; Cirri, l 07; Paatz,Die Kirchenvon Florenz, l: 265, 269-271;Davidsohn,l: 173-4,
1102-4;Guidotti,"La chiesadellaBadiaFiorentinae le sue trasformazioni,"7-8;
Busignaniand Bencini,173, 177;Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadia
Fiorentina,"54-6;and Carrara, 105.

10 Duringthe ninthcentury,Florencereusedthe ancientRomangrid-planand its

wallswith someadaptations.For more on the RomancastrumofFlorence and the
ancientRomanand later so-calledCarolingianwalls,see Fanelli,Firenze,architetturae
città, 2-4; idem,Firenze,Le città nellastoriad'Italia, ed. CesareDe Seta (Florence:
Laterza, 1980),1-12;FranekSznura,"CivicUrbanismin MedievalFlorence,"in City
States in Classica/AntiquityandMedievalItaly, ed. A. Molhoet al. (Ann Arbor:,
1991),403-6, fig. 4; and the city pianca. 1200providedby Davidsohn.
For more on the constructionof this secondring of city wallsbuilt 1172-75,
see Sznura,404-5,407.
11

130

meetingswhilehis new palacewas under construction.12 {pls.7, 30) This palacewas
begun in 1255 and knownafter 1260 as the Palazzodel Podestà.13 Indeed,after ceding
some propertyto the new CommunalPalace,the Badiahad to fightto hold on to the
remainingland it possessed. For example,the Communewantedto constructa new
east-westroad to connectthe grain loggiaon PiazzaOrto San Michelewith the new

12 This tower was also used by the Anzianibefore the constructionof their

palace,the PalazzodellaSignoria,whichwas begunin 1299. Uccelli,96-97; Tarani,
15; Cirri, l 09; Paatz,Die Kirchenvon Florenz, l: 295, n. 8; Carmody,46, no. 264; and
Macciet al., 148.
13 This buildingwas knownas the Palazzodel Capitanodel Popolo from 1255

to 1261, when it changedto becomethe Palazzodel Podestàafter a revisionof the
governmentalsystem. lt carneto be knownas the Bargelloafter 1574, when it became
the seat of the Capitanodi Giustiziaor Bargello. The buildingis now the Museo
nazionaledel Bargello. The palacewas constructedin severa)phases,the first from
1255 to 1260 with a considerableexpansionprojectfrom 1260 to 1285. Colin
Cunningham,"For the honour and beautyof the city: the designof town halls,"in
Siena, Florenceand Padua:Art, Societyand Religion 1280-1-100,
ed. DianaNorman,
voi. 2: CaseStudies (New Havenand London:Yale UniversityPress, 1995), 42-43.
Somehistorianshave confusedaccountsof this projectto assumethat the
constructionofthe palaceled to the destructionof parts ofthe OttonianBadia's
church. However,documentaryevidenceindicatesthat whilevineyardsand workshops
in the monastery'spossessionwere taken over for use by the Commune,the church
was unharmedas it was insidethe boundaryof the ancientwalls,and the new Palazzo
was built outsidethesewalls. Puccinelli(Cronica, 1-2) reportedthat the Badiahad to
cede land and part of its churchfor thefabbrica of the Palazzodel Capitanodel
Popolo. The Via dellaVignaVecchia,whichruns along the south side of the Palazzo
del Podestà,was so namedafter the vineyardsceded by the Badiato the Commune
(Ibid., 1, 19). Uccelli(30) discussedarbitrationbetweenthe Communeand the Badia
over the land once occupiedby the Badiawherethe wallshad stood. Cocchi(108)
took this informationto indicatethat the constructionof the Palazzonecessitatedthe
rebuildingofthe church. Whileit is likelythat the twelfth-centuryopeningofthe Via
del Proconsoloand the thirteenth-centuryconstructionof the Palazzodel Capitanodel
Popolo did inspirethe renovationofthe Badia's church,whose previouslyhiddenback
facadenow faced an importantcivicspace, neitherof these projectscausedharm to or
destructionof the church. See Cirri, 108 and Paatz, Die Kirchenvan Florenz, 1: 296,
n. 9.

131

Palazzodel Podestà,a projectthat wouldhaveinvolveddemolitionand interruptionof
the Badiacomplex.14 (pls. 3, 4) Thus, despitea victoryto thwart the Commune'sroadbuildingproject(the new Via dei Cimatorihad to end at the westernboundaryofthe
BadiaalongVia dei Magazzini)and smallacquisitionsof neighboringtowers, alleys,
and houses,the boundarieswithinwhichthe Badiacouldbuildnew structureswere
fixedby about 1280(pls. 3, 6).15 Suchlimitedspacewas an importantfactor in
subsequentconstructionprojectsundertakenby the monastery.

14 A decreeof 7 January 1298stated the commune'sdesireto builda road

whichwouldhaveconnectedthe piazzaof Orto San Michelewith the Palazzodel
Podestàcrossingthroughpropertyownedby the Badia. This road would have gane
east fromOrsanmichelealongthe presentVia dei Cimatorito Via del Proconsolo
where it wouldhavecontinuedalongthe presentVia Ghibellina.See Guido
Pampaloni,Firenzeal tempodi Dante.Documentisul/'urbanisticajìorelllina(Rame:
Ministerodell'internopubblicazionidegliArchividi Stato, 1973),doc. 66, pp. 115-6.
Far excerptsee app. l, doc. l.
The Communerestatedthe samedesiresto buildthis intrusiveand destructive
road in anotherdecreeof 1301,transcribedby Uccelli,105-6,doc. L. A documentof
11 July 1302recordsthe resolutionofthe disputebetweenthe Badiaand the
commune. ASF,Diplomatico,BadiaFiorentina,1302luglio11, publishedin full by
Pampaloni,doc. 67, pp. 118-120. See also Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedella
BadiaFiorentina,"58-59;BrendaPreyer,"Two CerchiPalacesin Florence,"in
RenaissanceStudiesin Honor ofCraig Hugh Smyth,ed. AndrewMorroghet al., voi.
2 (Florence:GiuntiBarbèra, 1985),613-4; Sznura,41O;DianeFinielloZervas, ed.,
Orsanmiche/ea Firenze(Modena:FrancoCosimoPanini,1996), 17-18;37, n. 48; and
MarvinTrachtenberg,Dominionof the Eye. Urbanism,Art, and Powerin Ear/y
Modem Florence(New York and Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1997),
309, n. 293.
15 Paatz,Die Kirchenvon F/orenz, 1: 265.

132

Backgroundlo the Fiftee11th-Ce11111ry
CloisterProject
Threechurcheshaveservedthe Benedictinecommunityof the Badiain centrai
Florencesincethe monastery's foundingin the tenth centuryby CountessWillaof
Tuscany.16 By the end of the thirteenthcentury,the originaiOttonianchurchhad fallen
into disrepair,and, as GiovanniVillanirecounted,it was decidedthat this "most
backward,small,and dishonorable"buildingshouldbe replaced.17 Villanireportedthat
reconstructionbeganin early 1285,and the new highaltar was consecratedin 1310.18

16 CountessWilla,daughterofBonifazio,MarquisofTuscany and widow of

Uberto,MarquisofCamerinoand Spoleto,madeplansto builda monasteryin Florence
as earlyas 967. Purchasesofland are recordedbetween967 and 969. Uccelli,5-6;
Robert Davidsohn,Storiadi Firenze,voi. 1, Le origini(Florence:Sansoni,1956), 174.
The foundationdate is recordedas 3 I May978 basedon a documentknownas
the "carta di offersione"statingthat the monasteryhad beenbuilt and fundedby Willa.
LuigiSchiaparelli,ed., Le cartedel monasterodi SantaMaria in Firenze(Badia),voi.
1 (Rome:ErmannoLoescher& Co., 1913),10.
Traditionally,Willa'sson Count Ugo ofTuscanyis honoredas the monastery's
founder. Perhapsthis mistakearose fromconfusionofthe monastery'sfoundation
earlierin the centurywith a generousendowmentprovidedby Ugo in 997. Historians
as earlyas the eighteenthcenturyrecognizedthis mistake. For more on the foundation
ofthe Badiaby Willaratherthan by Ugo, see: Richa, I: 190;Galletti, 14-20,27-38;
Uccelli,6-7; Cocchi, 105-7;Tarani, 15;Cirri, 107;Paatz,Die Kirchenvon Floren:, l:
265; Davidsohn,1: 173-4;AlessandroGuidotti,"La chiesadellaBadiaFiorentinae le
sue trasformazioni,"in UnparatodellaBadiaFiorenlina,ed. Dora LisciaBemporad
and AlessandroGuidotti(Florence:NardiniEditore, 1981),7; idem,"VicendestoricoartistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"54; Busignaniand Bencini,173;M. Castelli, 16;and
Carrara, 105.
"E nel detto anno [1284o.s.] si cominciòa rinnovarela Badiadi Firenze,e
fecesiil coro e le cappelleche vengonoin su la via del Palagioe 'l tetto; che primaera
la Badia piùaddietro,piccola,e disorrevolein sì fatto luogodellacittade"G. Villani,
Cron. 8.99.22-26. Puccinelli(Cronica,24) reportedthat the vault ofthe originai
churchcollapsedin 1282duringthe reignof AbbotMaffeoI.
17

GiovanniVillani(Cron.8.99. 22-26)reportedthat the renovationofthe
Badiabeganin 1284o.s., that is between1 Januaryand 25 March 1285. Villani
includedthis informationin a chapterdedicatedto the initialplanningof the new
18

133

Responsibilityfor the renovationis traditionallygivento Arnolfodi Cambio,architect
for the communeofFlorence,eventhoughthe firstconnectionbetweenthis project and
the architectwas not madeunti!the mid-sixteenthcenturyby Vasari.19 Regardlessof
Arnolfo'sparticipation,a reconstructionofthe late thirteenth-centurycomplexis
crucialfor an understandingof the fifteenth-centurycloisterproject,as it was this
communalwalls. At this time,the Communealso builtthe loggiaof Or San Michele
(Cron. 8.99.18-22).
Vasari(DellaPergolaet al., I: 224) and Puccinelli(Cronica,2, 24) also
reportedthat the buildingwas begunin I285. Thesesourcescan be corroboratedby a
privelegegrantedby Pope HonoriusIV on 13 February1286that speaksofthe
renovationof the entiremonasticcomplex:"qui monasteriumde novo edificare
coeperunt." Quotedin Paatz,Die KirchenvonFlorenz,l: 296, n. IO. See also
Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"60, 66.
UnderAbbotAzzoneIl, the highaltar was consecratedby the archbishopof
Pisa, GiovanniGaetani,on PassionSunday,5 Aprii 131O. Puccinelli,24 (with
incorrectnamefor officiatingarchbishop);Uccelli,63; Paatz,Die Kirchenvon Florenz,
1: 265, 297, n. 12,and Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"
61, 85, n. 69.
"L'anno poi 1285[Arnolfo]fondòla loggiae piazzade'Priorie fece la
capellamaggioree le due che la mettonoin mezzo,dellaBadiadi Firenze,rinovandola
chiesa,et il coro, che primamoltominoreavevafatto fare il Conte Ugo, fondatoredi
quellaBadia,e facendoper lo CardinaleGiovannidegl'Orsini,legatodel Papa in
Toscana,il campaniledi detta chiesa,che fu, secondo!'opere di que'tempi,lodato
assai, comenon avesseil suo finimentodi macigni,se non poi l'anno 1330." VasariDellaPergolaet al., 1: 224.
For additionalattributionsto Arnolfosee: Puccinelli,Cronica,2, 24; Filippo
Baldinucci,Notiziedei Professoridel disegno...., 7 vols.(Florence:Studioper Edizioni
Scelte, 1974-75),1: 84; Uccelli,60; Cocchi, 111-2;Cirri, 108;UlrichMiddeldorfand
WalterPaatz,"Die GotischeBadiazu Florenzund ihr ErbauerArnolfodi Cambio,"
Mitteil1111ge11
des Kunsthistorischen
Institutesin Floren::3, no. 8 (1932):492-517;
Paatz, Die KirchenvonFloren::,1: 265, 296, n. 11;JohnWhite,Art and Architecture
in Italy I 250-/.100,PelicanHistoryof Art (London:PenguinBooks Ltd, 1966;3d ed.,
New Havenand London:Yale UniversityPress, 1993),52-54;Mack,"Studies,"35;
GiovanniFanelli,Firenze,architetturae città (Florence:Vallecchi,1973), 13;Guidotti,
"La chiesadellaBadiaFiorentinae le sue trasformazioni,"8; Busignaniand Bencini,
176, I 80; Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"60-61; Sznura,
19

134

"Amolfian"churchthat servedAbbot Gomezioand his brethrenduringtheir own
period of renewaland the constructionofthe OrangeCloister.(pi. 8)

TheSecondAbbey Church(1285-1627)and ils SurroundingComplex
The new church,built from 1285to 1310,remediedspatialand aestheticneeds
for the FiorentineBenedictines.Not only had their originaichurchbecometoo small,
but also the back facadewas now exposedand facedonto what had becomean
importantthoroughfarethat connectedthe Duomoto the Palazzodel Podestà, and
continuedon to the Palazzodella Signoriabegun in 1299.20 (pls. 2, 4) The second
abbeychurchrose on the site of the first as revealedby the discoveryof the truncated
Ottonianapse and two side chapelsfoundduringthe resurfacingof the church floor in
1663.21 Whilethe Ottonianchurchwas demolishedto make way for the larger, second

409; Enzo Carli,Arnolfo (Florence:Edam, 1993),226-8;and JoachimPoeschke,
"Arnolfodi Cambio,"in TheDictionaryof Art, 2: 484.

°For more on this circularroute that connectedthe Duomo,Baptistery,
Orsanmichele,the Piazzaand Palazzodella Signoria,and the Palazzodel Podestà,
passingthe Badiaon its eastem (Via del Proconsolo)and southem (Via della
Condotta) sides,see Trachtenberg,Dominionof the Eye, 236-8, fig. 223.

Puccinellirecordedhis eye-witnessaccountof the discoveryof what were
believedto be the foundationsof the originaitenth-centuryBadia. On 3 September
1663workersremovingthe flooringofthe churchto replaceit foundthe truncated
tribuneand side chapelsof the tenth-centurychurchthat had been cut and filledwith
earth duringthe late thirteenth-centuryrenovationproject. PlacidoPuccinelli,Memorie
sepolcralide~'AbbadiaFiorentina,e d'altri monasteri...Galleriasepolcrale
de~'Abbadiadi Fiorenzaaggiulllaal Trattatode 'Tumuli,con/ 'introduttionedella
divotionedi S. MauroAbbate (Milan:GiulioCesareMalatesta, 1664), 149.
For more on the OttonianBadia see: Cirri, I 07; Paatz, Die Kirchenvan
Floren:, I: 265, 269-71;Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedeilaBadia Fiorentina,"
54-56;and Carrara, 105.
21

135

church,the smallSanto Stefanoal Popolo-- an earlychurchannexedby Countess
Willainto the monasterycompound-- remainedas a separatechapelon its northem
side.22 (pls. 7, 8, 11, 12)
The secondabbeychurchretainedthe east-westorientationof its predecessor
and was builton a T-shapedpian with a long,wide,centrainaveand two shorter,
narrower,sideaisles.23 (pls. 8, 34) The cross-barofthis T consistedof a presbytery
raisedabovetwo tripartitebays. The sideaislescould not continuewestwardto repeat
the basilicanpian of the narrowerOttonianchurchbecausethe campanileremainedin
its originaipositionat the foot of the new northemaisie.24 The nave continuedpast the

22 Recordsdated 969 mentionthe smallchurchof Santo Stefanoal Popolo,

a.k.a. SantoStefanoin Palco, indicatingits constructionbeforeWilla'sproperty
acquisitionsand foundationofthe Badia967-78. Galletti,47-48; Paatz, Die Kirchen
von Florenz, 1: 264, 269; Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"
54; and Carrara, 105.
23 Middeldorfand Paatz, 494-500;Cirri, I08; WalterPaatz, "Die Badia in

Florenz(1284-1310),"part 3, eh. 2 in Werden1111d
Wesender Trecento-Architektur
in
Toskana(Burgbei Magdeburg:AugustHopfer, 1937),51-55;and idem,Die Kirchen
von Florenz, 1: 271-2.
24 The medievalchurchprojectreusedthe originaicampanilewhose round base

stillexists. Severa)earlyauthorsattributethe presentcampanileto Arnolfodi Cambio,
includingit as part ofthe renovationprojectof 1285-1310.However,the campanile
was destroyedin 1307-- the resultof a punishmentleviedby the Communeagainstthe
Badiafor refusingto pay civictaxes. The belitower was rebuiltin 1330,manyyears
after Amolfo'sdeath.G. Villani,9.89.55-68;and 11.175.9-13.
Whetherthe campanilerepeatsany designotferedby Arnolfoor another late
thirteenth-centuryarchitectis indeterminable,thoughsevera)authors argue that the
reconstructedcampanilerepeatedthe late thirteenth-centurydesign,whichthey
attributeto Arnolfo. Puccinelli,Cronica,26; Uccelli,34; Cocchi, 108, 111;Middeldorf
and Paatz, 501-2, 516-17;Cirri, 109;Paatz,Die Kirchenvon Florenz, I: 265,274,
278-9;Guidotti,"La chiesadellaBadiaFiorentinae le sue trasformazioni,"9;
136

campanileand led to a narthexat its westernend.25 The eastem end ofthe presbytery
ran alonga diagonallineand formedan obliquequadrangularenclosure. This layout
resultedfromthe limitedspaceavailablefor the churchbetweenthe angledline of Via
del Proconsoloto the east and the preexistingcampanileand narrownorth-southstreet
to the west.26 Suchan unconventionalpiandemonstratesthe institution'sdesire to
utilizefullyits confinedpropertyholdings.

Busignaniand Bencini,176, 180;Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadia
Fiorentina,"61-62;Carii, 228.
25 Puccinelli,
Cronica,2, 8; Uccelli,62; and Paatz,Die Kirchenvon Floren:, 1:

293.
26 Most authorsargue that the obliqueangleof Via del Proconsoloresulted

from the preexistingpath of the first ring of city wallstom down in 1172. Paatz, Die
Kirchen von Floren:, 1: 272; Guidotti,"La chiesadellaBadiaFiorentinae le sue
trasformazioni,"9; Busignaniand Bencini,180;Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistiche
dellaBadiaFiorentina,"61, 64.
Trachtenberg("Scénographieurbaineet identitécivique,"20-22, 29-30, n. 43;
and Dominionof the Eye, 295, n. 115)has suggestedthat the southemend ofthis
obliqueanglewas causedby the wideningofthe Via del Proconsoloto create a small
piazzaacrossfromSant'Apollinarefromwhichthe Palazzodel Podestàcould be
viewed. In other words,the sharpanglein Via del Proconsolothat beginsapposite Via
della VignaVecchiaand continuesto Via dellaCondottais nota remnantofthe course
of Florence'soriginaiwallsbut insteadwas deliberatelycreatedin the fourteenth
centuryby the Communeto previdea viewingpoint for the Palazzodel Podestà at the
eastem end of Via dellaCondotta. Trachtenberg("Scénographieurbaineet identité
civique,"29-30,n. 43, figs.39-40)arguedthat the rusticatedpilastersexposedin the
facadeof the Badiaalongthis angleonce formedan arcade. This arcadeprovides
evidenceofthe rearrangementofthis area sincethe communebuilt similarrusticated
arcadesto unifybuildingfacadesthat frontedother communalpiazzelike those along
Via dei Fondamentinorth of the cathedral,alongVia dei Calzaiuoli,and alongthe
PiazzadellaSignoria.Trachtenberg'sproposalwouldexplainthe referencesby
Puccinelli(1-2, 19) and Uccelli(30) to the destructionofthe Badiacausedby building
the Palazzodel Podestà.
137

The interior of this churchwas completelyremodeledin the seventeenthcentury
by the architectMatteo di Marco Segalonifor AbbotSerafinoCasolani.27 Segaloni
rotated the orientationof the churchby ninetydegrees,resultingin the closureof the
narthexand the constructionof a new entranceon the north side (pi. 5). The former

cappellamaggioreand choir becamethe lateralarmsof a Greek-cross,and the former
right aislebecamethe highaltar, with a newlybuiltdeep choirextendingbehindit to
the south in the area of the formersacristyand other conventualbuildings.28
In the sixteenthcentury,beforeSegaloni'sreorientationand renovation,the
northeastcornerof the monasticcompoundunderwentmanychanges. Benedettoda
Rovezzanobuilta new portai to penetratethe monastery'seastem enclosurewalls,
allowingaccessfromVia del Proconsolo(pls. 31, 32).29 Thisentranceled througha
barrel-vaultedvestibuleto a smallcourtyardwith the formerSanto Stefanoal Popolo

27 Puccinelli(Cronica,6-7) dated the foundationof the third abbeychurchto 24

February1627,whileCinelli(Bocchi-Cinelli,
Le Bellezze,381) and Richa( 1: 197)
dated it in 1625,Richaon 26 February. The 1627date is acceptedby Uccelli(47, 70),
Paatz ( 1: 267), and Busignaniand Bencini( 177). Guidotti("Vicendestorico-artistiche
dellaBadiaFiorentina,"77, 99, n. 285) arguedthat the foundationstone was placedby
AbbotCascianihimselfon 2 February1628,believingthat Puccinelliand the inscription
referredto the year in anno ab incamatione,that is, the old-styleFiorentinecalendarin
whichthe new year beganon the Feast ofthe Annunciation,March25. Thus 2
February1627wouldin fact be 1628. Guidottidid not explainwhy he cited the date as
2 ratherthan 24/26February.
28 For near-contemporary
seventeenth-century
descriptionsof Segaloni'schurch

see Bocchi-Cinelli,
Le Bellezze,377-88;and Baldinucci,La Veglia,18.
29 Vasari-Della
Pergolaet al., 4: 214; Puccinelli,Cronica,5; idem,Memorie

sepolcrali,18;Uccelli,59; Cocchi, 113;Paatz,Die Kirchenvon Florenz, 1: 266;
Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"73-4; and Busignaniand
Bencini,177.
138

on its eastern side. (pi. 5) This pre-Romanesquechurchwas convertedby Benedetto
into a familychapelfor the Pandolfini.A secondchapelwas built on its northernside
for the Bonsifamily.30 The courtyardin front ofthese chapelswas enclosedby vaulted
loggias,one ofwhich led to a secondentranceon Via San Martino(now Via Dante
Alighieri).31A drawingfromthe RusticiCodex,ca. 1447-53,32 offersa viewof the

Puccine!li(Cronica,5) recordedthat the Bonsichapelwas dedicatedto St.
Benedict. He attributedit to Benedettoda Rovezzano. Uccelli(58-59) stated that the
chapelwas built (presumablyby Benedettoda Rovezzano)and then later givento the
Bonsi Succhielifamilyas indicatedby a tomb inscriptiondated 1569. In 1513,
Benedettod'Andrea Bonsiprovidedfundsto endowa chapeleither in the abbeychurch
or in the cemeterywhere it was eventuallybuiltin 1566. Guidotti,"VicendestoricoartistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"74, 196,doc. 13.
30

Paatz, Die Kirchenvon Florenz,1: 266, 281-2; Guidotti,"VicendestoricoartistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"73-4;Busignaniand Bencini,177;and M. Castelli,
18. The northeastcourtyardunderwentsomealterationsin the seventeenthand
eighteenthcenturies. See Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"
80.
Benedettoda Rovezzanoalso constructeda chapelfor Bernardodel Biancoin
the south aisleofthe church. Other sixteenth-centuryalterationsto the Badiacomplex
include:the conversionofthe dormitoryaver the chapterroom (on the east side ofthe
Orange Cloister)into a library( 1504), the constructionof new quarters for the abbot,
the constructionof a vault and second-storynightchoir in the western end ofthe nave
(1529), the constructionof a chapeldedicatedto S. Jeromefor the Cimatorefamily
(1550/73);and the constructionofthe largecloister(now the Pretura) in the northwest
corner of the compound(1586/88). Puccinelli,Cronica,6, 70; Paatz, Die Kirchenvon
Florenz, 1: 266-7; Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"74-6.
31

Marco di BartolomeoRustici,Dimostrazionedell'andataal Santo Sepolcro,
a.k.a. CodiceRustici, 1447-8,1451-3(BSAF),fol. 25r. The RusticiCodex,writtenby
Marco di BartolomeoRustici,containswatercolordrawingsof more than thirty-seven
churchesfoundwithinthe wallsof Florence. Fol. 25r. showsthe churchand monastery
of the Badiaand a detailof Santo Stefanoal Popolo. Each buildingis accompaniedby
its titular saint -- here a standingSt. Benedictand a kneelingSt. Stephen. LiciaBertani
in Carrara,"La BadiaFiorentinae la congregazionecassinese,"109, no. 6.4. For more
on the creation of the RusticiCodexand its firstbook dedicatedto Florenceand its
territory see Lucia Gai, "La 'Dimostrazionedell'andatadel Santo Sepolcro' di Marco
32

139

northernside of the monasteryprior to the sixteenth-and seventeenth-century
alterations.{pi. 11) It showsthe north side of the abbeychurch-- its nave continuing
past the tali campanileand frontedby a three-storystructurepartlyidentifiableas the
narthex.33 Two tree-lined,walledenclosureslay to the north ofthe churchand were
separatedby a low wallthat extendedfromthe campanileto the northernedge of the
compoundalongVia San Martino.
Despitethese later alterationsand accretions,someparts of the originai
medievalexteriorsurvive. The facadethat frontsVia del Proconsolowas originallythe
easternexteriorof the highaltar (now the left transept)and is the most complete
remnantof the thirteenth-centurychurch(pi. 31).3-1 Threestringcoursesdividethe
facadeinto four horizontalzoneswhilefour pilastersseparatethe facadeverticallyinto
three sectionswiththe centraisectionsubdividedby a fifthpilaster. These pilaster
divisionsarticulatethe correspondingparts of the churchinterior. The two centrai
sections,each piercedby a single,tall lancetwindowand topped by a highwall and

di BartolommeoRusticifiorentino(1441-42),"in Toscanae Terrasalllanel Medioevo,
ed. FrancoCardini(Florence:Alinea,1982), 189-98.
Carrara(109) suggestedthat this three-storybuildingperhapscontainedthe
abbot's residence,and it is possiblethat the upper storiesabovethe narthexwere used
for such a purpose. The narthexwas convertedin the seventeenthcenturyto serve as
the capitolonuovo. Paatz (DieKirchenvon Florenz, I: 275) identifiedthe presenceof
this three-storeyedbuildingon the site of the Ottonianatrium,but did not offer a
suggestionfor its function.
33

The easternchurchfacadeoverlooksthe sectionof the Via del Proconsolo
also knownas the Via de' Librai(Uccelli,60) or Via dei Cartolai. G. Villani,8.99. 2226; Uccelli,60; Middeldorfand Paatz, 497-8, 508, fig. 5; Paatz, Die Kirchenvon
Florenz, 1: 272, 276-8;Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"
61; White,53-54;and Carli,226-7.
3-1

140

triangulargable,indicatethe widthof the originaicappellamaggiore. The two outer
sections,each with a single,smallerlancetwindow,correlateto the presbytery'stwo
shorter side chapels. Four openingsin the ground story ofthe facadeled to workshops
rented by the Badiato locaiartisans. A stringcourse separatesthis commerciai,
externalstory fromthe sacred,interioraltar chapelsabove. Betweenthe centraigable
and the windowsofthe cappellamaggiorerises a blankwallthat is flankedby two
triangularsectionsthat originallysupportedto the slopinglean-toroofs of the side
aisles.(pls. 8, 31, 34)
Remnantsofthe westernfacadeare also visible,thoughmoreobscuredby later
building. Aerialphotographsand viewstaken fromthe large,late sixteenth-century
courtyardin the northwestcornerof the monasticcompiex (nowthe Pretura,pi. 5)3

allowone to see the westernfacade'slarge round window,stringcourse,and gable
articulatedwith decorativebrickwork.36 (pi. 33) The orientationof the thirteenthcenturychurchsuggeststhat this facadeonce containedthe primaryentranceto the
church,thoughthe exactmodeof accessis not clear. As has beenmentioned,the nave

This largecloisterwas begunin 1586,and its surroundingbuildingsincluded
a new dormitory,guest quarters,granaries,and storerooms. Paatz,Die Kirchenvon
Florenz, 1: 266-7, 283, 288; and Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadia
Fiorentina,"74, 76.
The northwesternpart of the monasteryincludingthe largecloisterwas
restructured1926-31to serveas the seat of the Pretura."BelleArti,"Firenze,
RassegnaMensiledel Comune1, no. 9-10 (Sept-Oct 1932):91; and Guidotti,
"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"76.
35

Uccelli,61; Guidotti,"La chiesadellaBadiaFiorentinae le sue
trasformazioni,"9; idem,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"62, 86, n.
82; and Carli,226.
36

141

was precededby a narthex,and the wallsof this spacestiliexist. Duringthe
seventeenthcentury,this anteroom-- no longerneededafter reorientationof the church
interior-- was convertedinto a new chapterroom (the capitolonuovo)sincethe
originaiwas destroyedto makeway for the new sacristy.37 (pi. 5) Thus, the doorway
fromthe formernarthexinto the navewas walledup, as were any other openingsin the
narthexwalls. A large, round-archeddoorwaywas openedin the south wallof the

capitolonuovo onto the OrangeCloister,possiblyreplacinga preexistingdoorway. A
smallrecesson the northemside of the capitolonuovo mayalso have beena doorway
that led to the northwestcornerofthe monasticcompound(pls. 8, 37).
Fragmentaryevidencesuggeststherewas a doorwayin the westernwallof the
narthexalignedwith the east-westaxisof the nave. At some time in the late 1340s,
TaddeoGaddipainteda muraldepictingthe Transjigurationof Christon the interior
westernwallof the narthex(pi. 35).38 Thismuralwas later coveredwith whitewash,
and thus unknownto Middeldorfand Paatzfor their reconstructionof the medieval
church. The frescowas discoveredin 1967duringcleanupafter the great floodof
1966and publishedby UmbertoBaldini.39 Unfortunately,he did not describethe

Puccinelli,Cronica,8; Uccelli,82; Paatz,Die Kirchen von Florenz,1: 267,

293
AndrewLadis, TaddeoGaddi.CriticaiReappraisaland Cata/ogueRaisonné
(Columbia& London:UniversityofMissouriPress, 1982),53; and Guidotti,"Vicende
storico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"104-5.
38

Baldinipublishedthe discoveryofthe Transjigurationin La Nazioneand
includedit in the exhibitionof Fiorentinefrescoesthat traveledfrom 1968to 1971.
UmbertoBaldini,"Affrescodi TaddeoGaddinellaBadiafiorentina,"La Nazione(12
39

142

originailocation of the Transfigurationin detail,and photographsdo not explainits
exact positionon the wall. A plasteredpatch 143cm fromthe northernside ofthe
interiorwest wall suggeststhat the Transjìgurationwas originallylocatedin this spot.40
(pi. 36) Sucha placementsuggeststhat a centralizeddoor could haveopenedthe
westernwallofthe narthex,whichalso seemsto havebeen entered fromthe north and
south. (pls. 7, 8)
The northernentrance,visiblein the RusticiCodexdrawingand perhaps
correspondingto the smallrecessmentionedabove,led to a walledenclosurelinedwith
trees that most likelyservedas a cemeteryfor lay burials.41 (pls. 7, 11) The Rustici

December1967);Baldiniin The GreatAge of Fresco.Giotto to Pontormo,74; Meiss,
The GreatAge of Fresco.Giotto to Pontormo,56; Baldiniet al., Firenzerestaura, 115;
Ladis, 156-7;and Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"104-5.
Baldini(in The GreatAge of Fresco.Giottoto Pomormo,74) measuredthe
fresco as removedto be 214 x 87 cm, its sinopia, 188 x 75 cm. At its widestpoint,the
plasteredpatch is about 180cm wide. Guidotti("Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadia
Fiorentina,"95, n. 197; 126,n. 18) postulatedthat the Transjigurationfresco is the
tabernaclementionedby Puccinelli(Cronica,2) that Paatz (Die Kirchen von Floren:,
I: 290) deemedto be lost. However,Puccinelli(Cronica,2) describeda tabernacle
madeof macigno,or sandstone,that depictedthe Ascensionof Christ, not the
Transfiguration,and was locatedin the area ofthe maindoor to the church,the 'atrio',
and the cemetery. WhilePuccinelli'sdescriptionofthe tabernacle'slocationis vague,
he clearlystated that it was madeof stone, depictedthe Ascension(it seemsunlikely
that Puccinelli,abbot of the Badia,wouldmistakea Transfigurationfor an Ascension),
and had deterioratedover time. He addedthat the fragmentsof this tabernaclewere
depositedin the cloister.
40

Puccinelli(Cronica,2) describedthe cemeteryas beingto the north of the
church. Whilethe northeastenclosuredepictedin the RusticiCodex was certainlyused
as a cemetery,as attestedby documents,the presenceoftombs depcitedin both
enclosuresindicatesa secondcemeteryin the northwestcorner of the compound.
Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"54-56, 71, 74-76;and
LiciaBertani,no. 6.4 and FrancescaCarrara,no. 6.5 in Carrara, 109-11.
41

143

drawingindicatesthat an archedentrywaypiercedthe northernwallof the monastery's
exterior,givingaccessto Via San Martino. This door can be locatedacross from Via
del Presto at the currentVia Dante Alighieri,3. The Rusticidrawingshows evidence
of other portalsalongthe westernside of this northwestenclosure. Unfortunately,the
Rusticidrawingdoes not explainthe Badia's relationshipto its neighbors. The absence
ofthe Torre dellaCastagna(pi. 30) locatedin the compound'snorthwestcorner at the
intersectionofVia dei Magazziniand Via San Martino,42 suggeststhat the Codex
drawingdepictsthe monasteryas far west as the chiasso.(pi. 7) The northernnarthex
entrancewouldhavebeen used by visitorscomingfromoutsidethe monasterywho had
enteredby the portalson the west and north sides. Conversely,the southernnarthex
entrance-- correspondingto the currentcapilo/onuovodoor -- would have provided
entry fromthe cloisterbuildingsto the south.43 Once insidethe narthex,entry to the
churchwas possiblethroughthe westernwallof the nave.

42 The Torre dellaCastagnamarksthe northwestcorner ofthe Badia compound

and facesonta piazzaSan Martino. It was givento the monksof the Badiaby the
emperorCorradoin 1038. Thistower was used by the Communefor officiaimeetings
prior to the constructionofthe PalazzodellaSignoria,begunin 1299. This tower,
originallyknownas the Boccadiferroand then dellaCastagnais also sometimes
referredto as the Torre dell'Abate. The buildingwas restoredin 1920by the Ufficiodi
BelleArti. Uccelli,96-97;Tarani, 15;Cirri, 109;Paatz,Die Kirchenvon Floren:, I:
295, n. 8; Carmody,46, no. 264; and Macciet al., 148.
Cistercianmonasteries,first built in Franceand Germanyby this reformed
Benedictinecongregation,typicallyhavetwo doors on the cloisterside of the church
throughwhichthe monasticcommunitycouldenter. One usuallyleadsdirectlyfrom
the cloisterinto the choir. Thistype of door existsin the OrangeCloister,locatedin
the northeastcornerbay. (pi. 39) This doorwayled into the centrainave ofthe abbey
church,and gave accessto the monks' choir. A seconddoor may havebeen locatedin
the westernend of this sameloggia,givingaccessto the narthex. This secondary
43

144

A bird's-eyeview ofFlorence designedin 1584by StefanoBonsignoriindicates
how the Badiawas enteredfrom Via dei Magazziniand recordsthe appearanceof the
monastery's westernedge beforeits restructuringin 1591.""(pi. 13) The Bonsignori
pian revealsthe piecemealnatureof the monasticcomplex:the Torre dellaCastagna
standsat the left in the northwestcornerof the compound,next to this tower is a threestory structurethat is two windowswide;finally,a lower,gate-likestructurewith two
smallwindowsand a canopyroof over a largearchedopeningthat probablywas an
entrancecompletesthe northernend of this facade. However,it is not clear where this
doorwayled, nor is the area in front ofthe churchwell-describedin the Bonsignori
pian. This pian suggeststhe presenceof a columnedarcadealongthe westernfacade

entrancemayhaveservedthe lay-brothersandfamigli,or servants,of the community,
as commonlyseenin Cistercianplans. Or, it mayhavehad a separateliturgica!function
for the monks,who on certainoccasionswouldhaveenteredthe narthexbefore
enteringthe church. One possibilityis the ritual"maundy"ceremonyof foot-washing,
usuallyconductedin the cloisterof Cistercianbuildings,but also sometimesperformed
in a narthex. Braunfels,75-76.
The Cistercianswere foundedin 1098at Citeauxby St. Robert ofMolesme
who stroveto establisha stricterand moreprimitiveobservanceofBenedictineRule
than his Benedictinecounterpartsat Cluny. The Cistercians'first seat in Tuscany,
wherethey eventuallyhad about twentymonasteries,was establishedin the late twelfth
centuryat San Galgano. Cross and Livingstone,295; and P. GoffredoViti, "Il
monachesimobenedettinoin Toscana,"in Iconografiadi San Benedettonellapittura
della toscana,ed. P. Castelli,27.
StefanoBonsignoriand BonaventuraBillocardi,"Nova pulcherrimaecivitatis
Florentiaetopographiaaccuratissimedelineata,"1584(MuseoTopograficoFiorentino,
GabinettodelleStampedegliUffizi,Florence)perspectivalpianof Florencein 9 sheets
(125 x 138cm). See Mori et al., 40-43.
A projectto providea new facadefar the variousbuildingsand store-rooms
alongVia dei Magazzinifrom the Torre dellaCastagnaat the north to the Torre dei
Sacchettiat the south was devisedand approvedin 1591. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,
355, part l, fols., 77, 79, 81. Publishedby Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedella
BadiaFiorentina,"214-5.
4"

145

of the churchthat is not describedin the RusticiCodexdrawing. Whetherthis
structureis a porch,the narthex,or simplya decorativefacadedetailis unclear.
Anotherentranceto the churchwas locatedin the northemtransept,just to the
east ofthe campanileand to the west ofthe currententrance.(pi. 8) Visiblein the
RusticiCodexdrawingand evidentin existingchurchfabric,this rectangulardoorway,
topped by a pointed-archlunetteand flankedby tombs,gave accessfromthe northeast
courtyard,used as a cemetery,to the secondbay of the northemaisie.45 (pls. l l, 38) A
double-lancetwindow,also visiblein the RusticiCodexdrawing,correspondedto the
eastem-mostbay of the churchinterior. The tree-linedenclosureinto whichthis
entranceled was separatedfromthe other northemcourtyardby a low wall extending
north fromthe campanile.Thiscourtyardcum cemeterywas accessiblefrom Via del
Proconsolothroughan archedentryjust to the north of Santo Stefanodel Popolo.46 In
additionto the depictionofthe monastery'snorth side,the RusticiCodexprovidesa
recordof the appearanceof Santo Stefanoas it was in the fifteenthcenturybeforeits
conversioninto the Pandolfinifamilychapel. This drawingshowsthe portai that gave
accessfromVia del Proconsoloto the cemeteryand Santo Stefanoand a platform
raisedby severa)steps that led to the northeastementranceof the abbeychurch.47 (pls.

45 Uccelli,62; Paatz, Die Kirchenvan Floren:, l: 273, 303, n. 62; Guidotti,

"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"61; and Carrara, 109-111.
Fifteenth-centuryinventoriesof the workshopsrentedby the Badia alongVia
del Proconsolocorroboratethe locationofthe door to the north of Santo Stefano.
Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"177-8. See app. l, docs.
46

4, 124.

146

7, 11, 12) The portai was closedduringthe sixteenthcenturyand replacedwith a new
door builtby Benedettoda Rovezzanoon the oppositeside of the former Santo
Stefanothat slightlydisruptedthe northemedge ofthe fourteenth-centurychurch
facade.(pls. 5, 31, 32)
DespiteSegaloni'sradicalrenovationof the interior,documentaryevidence,
eyewitnessaccounts,and physicalremainshelpto reconstructthe appearanceof the
abbeychurchbeforeits demolitionin 1627.48 As explainedabove,the churchhad two
modesof accessthrough a portaion the northernside and the narthexat the west. The
narthexled into the nave, whosewesternend was boundon the north by the campanile
and on the south by cloisterbuildings.(pi. 8) The two side aislesbeganat the eastem
boundaryof the campanileand continuedfor two bays untiI they terminatedin the
cappellamaggioreand two side chapels.(pi. 34) Each aislewas separatedfrom the
nave by two pointedarches carriedon piers. The easternset of these archeswas also
supportedby pilastersattachedto the presbyteryscreenfacadethat led to the altar
chapelsthroughthree pointed-archentryways.49 The cappellamaggioreand its two

47 Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistiche
dellaBadiaFiorentina,"71-72. Carrara

(111) has suggestedthat this doorwayexistedin the ancientcity wallsthat were
incorporatedby the Badia into its compound.
Eyewitnessaccountsofthe medievalchurchprevidesome knowledgeof its
interior's originaiappearance. Middeldorfand Paatz (492-517)used the early
descriptionsof GiovanniVillani,Vasari,and Puccinelli,as well as architectural
remnants;earlyhistoriesby Uccelli,Cocchi,and Tarani;and comparativemateriaito
reconstructthe secondBadia church.
48

"NellaBadiadi Firenze[Masaccio]dipinsea frescoin un pilastro,dirimpetto
a uno di quegliche reggonol'arco dell'altarmaggiore,Santo Ivo di Brettagna,
49

147

side chapelswere raisedon a platformelevensteps abovethe churchfloor.so As
demonstratedby the easternexteriorfacade,the cappellamaggiorewas considerably
taller and widerthan the sidechapels. The monks' choir was locatedin the western
end of the nave(the currentright transeptand chapeldedicatedto St. Maurus)because
it was unableto fit in the smallspacecreated by the two bays of the naveand aisles.51
Except for the cross-vaultedpresbytery,the churchwas coveredby a timber-trussroof
similarto that of the nearbyand near-contemporaryFranciscanchurchof Santa Croce.
Remnantsofthe polychromedwooden roofbeams are in situ abovethe seventeenthcenturyceiling.52

figurandolodentro a una nicchia,perchéi piediscortassinoallavedutadisotto."
Vasari-DellaPergolaet al., 2: 228.
"In mezzodellachiesasorgevaun alto e quadratopilastro,che sostenevaun
grandearco a terzo acuto, che tirava a posarsiad un pilastrodellacappellamaggiore,
nel quale pilastroMasacciodipinseS. Ivo." Puccinelli,Cronica,3. See also: Uccelli,
65; Cocchi, 113;Middeldorfand Paatz, 495-8, 507, fig. 11;and Paatz,Die Kirchen
von Florenz, l : 273.
soPuccinelli,Cronica,2.
51 Puccinelli,
Cronica,2; Baldinucci,La Veglia,18; Uccelli,62-63;Cocchi,

112, 114;Paatz,Die Kirchenvon Florenz, l: 271-4;Guidotti,"VicendestoricoartistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"63-4. The monkschoirwas vaultedin 1529by
Filippodi Francescodi Graziadio,creatinga secondstory used as a nightchoir. See
Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"194-5,doc. 12:ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 361, fols. l 124r-l 124v.
52 Middeldorfand Paatz, 500-1, color pls. l and 2; Paatz,Die Kirchen von

Florenz, 1: 273, 303, n. 61; Guidotti,"La chiesadellaBadiaFiorentinae le sue
trasformazioni,"1O;and idem,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"63.
148

TheO/d Sacristy
The originailayoutof the subsidiaryspacesto the south of the medievalabbey
churchprovesto be moredifficultto reconstruct. Eyewitnessaccountsreport that the
sacristywas locatedto the south of the presbyteryand adjacentto the sidechapel
patronizedby the Covonifamily.53 (pls. 8, 41) Segalonidestroyedthis sacristyto build
a new choir,and he builta new sacristybetweenthis new choir and the Orange
Cloister.(pi. 5) The dimensionsof the originaisacristy,also endowedby the Covoni
family,are difficultto determine,but fifteenth-centuryinventories of workshopslocated
undemeaththe old sacristyand adjacentdormitoryhelp to establishthe sacristy's
width. A stationer'sworkshopwas locatedundemeaththe sacristyand across from the
Palazzodel Podestà. In other words, the shop's entrancewas on Via del Proconsolo
undemeaththe old sacristy.54 Directlyto the north lay anothershop rentedby

53 "NellaBadiadi Firenze[PuccioCapanna]dipinsela cappelladi San Giovanni

Evangelistadellafamigliade'Covonialiate alla sagrestia."Vasari-DellaPergolaet al.,
1: 326; Puccinelli,Cronica,4, 8.
Matteo Villanireportedthat the sacristyand dormitorywere destroyedby fire
in 1327and had to be rebuilt. Puccinellirepeatedthis story and saidthat the sacristy
was rebuiltby the Covonifamilynext to their presbyterychapel. Theircoat of arms -a crescentmoonon a plainfield-- is representedin stone on the exteriorwall of the old
sacristyand is visiblefrom Via del Proconsolo.(pi. 37) Matteo Villani,Cronica,
Collezionedi storicie cronistiitaliani,2 vols., ed. F. GherardiDragomani(Florence:
SansoneCoen, 1846),8.6; and Puccinelli,Cronica,4. See also Richa,1: 196;Paatz,
Die KirchenvonFlorenz,1: 265,297, n. 15;and Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistiche
dellaBadiaFiorentina,"65.
The Covonifamilytowers and houseswerelocatedin the neighborhoodof the
Badiabehindthe Palazzodel Podestàalongthe currentVia dell'Acqua,then knownas
Via Covoni. Theirenclaveextendedeastwardin the area betweenVia dellaVigna
Vecchiaand Via dellaBurella. See Macciet al., 138, 148.
149

communalofficials,that was locatedundemeaththe Covonipresbyterychapel,thus
corroboratingthe eyewitnessaccountsby Vasariand Puccinelli.
ss Anotherstationer's
shop layto the south of the sacristyand is describedin inventoriesas undemeaththe
donnitoryand across fromthe Palazzodel Podestà.56 Thus, the sacristywas boundat
the northby the Covonichapeland presbyterywall,at the east by the Via del
Proconsolowhereits groundfloor containeda stationer's shop, and at the south by the
donnitorywhosegroundfloor held a neighboringstationer'sshop. East of the current
choir, a quasi-triangular-shaped
area now used far storageis all that remainsof the
fonner sacristyand donnitorydescribedin the documents.57 (pls. 5, 8) Two windows
lightthis area and are shownin the eighteenth-century
viewof the Badiaby Giuseppe
Zocchi,who representedthe southeastfacadeofthe monasteryas seen from Piazza
San Firenze.58 (pi. 39) The northemwindowcorrespondsto the originaisacristy,as

54 Thisworkshopcorrespondsto Via del Proconsolo,5r and is currently

occupiedby Kennes,a clothingshop. See app. 1, doc. 127;and Guidotti,"Vicende
storico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"178.
55Thisworkshopcorrespondsto the currentVia del Proconsolo,9r and is
currentlyunoccupied.See app. 1, doc. 126;and Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistiche
dellaBadiaFiorentina,"178.
56Thisworkshopcorrespondsto Via del Proconsolo,3r and is currently
occupiedby a souvenirshop. See app. 1, doc. 128;and Guidotti,"VicendestoricoartistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"178.
57The fonner sacristyis accessiblethrougha doorwaylocatedin the east wall
behindthe highaltar and beforethe choir. It opensonta a hallwaythat gives accessto
the remainsof the vaultedCovonichapelon the left and the remainsofthe sacristyand
dormitoryon the right. Paatz,Die KirchenvonFlore11::,
l: 275; Guidotti,"Vicende
storico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"65.
150

confirmedby the arms of the Covonidisplayedaboveit, and the southemwindow
correspondsto the formerdormitory.(pls. 40, 42) The originaisacristyshared its
north wall with the firsttranseptbay of the medievalchurchand, as Uccellifirst
suggested,probablyextendedto the west halfthe lengthofthe currenthigh altar.59
FollowingBenedictinecustom,60 the areato the south ofthe medievalabbey
churchalso containeda dormitory,chapterroom, refectory,variouschapels,
connectingpassagesand stairways,and a cloister.61 Manyof these buildingswere
replacedby fifteenth-centurystructures,whichwere in tum destroyedduring
constructionof the new choir and sacristyby Segaloniin the seventeenthcentury.(pls.
5, 7) Furthermore,the suppressionofthe monasteryin 1810led to the interruptionof
the compound'sintegrity,and muchofthe monasteryon the southemand western

GiuseppeZocchi, Vedutadella Badia Fiorentinae del Palazzodel Potestà
presa dalla Pia::a della Chiesade P.P.dell'Oratorio,18thcentury,GabinettoDisegni
e StampidegliUffizi,Florence. Fora paintedversionof this viewby the artist see
Lode Seghers,"Mercadode las artes en el extranjero,"Goya 163(July-August1981):
54-55.
58

59 Uccelli(67-68) suggestedthat the sacristyextendedto the center of the

current highaltar, and Cocchi(114) corroboratedthis claimby sayingthat the Giugni
chapel,whichwas locatedin the south transeptacrossfrom the currentdoor, shareda
wall with the sacristy. Not enoughevidenceexistseitherto refuteor substantiatethis
hypothesis.Middeldorfand Paatz (503) also placedthe formersacristyin the area
betweenthe right transept,the chapterroom with surmountingdorrnitory,and Via del
Proconsolo.
Benedictinemonasteries,wheneverpossible,were erectedwith their churches
to the north and their cloistercompoundsto the south. Braunfels,27-29, 75.
60

Middeldorfand Paatz, 503; Paatz,Die Kirchenvan Floren:, 1: 275; Mack,
"Studies,"36; Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"66, 89, n.
140.
61

151

sideswere convertedto privateapartments,shops,a hotel, an elementaryschool,and
officesof the Pretura.62

TheChapterRoom
The medievalchapter room was locatedto the south of the abbey churchin an
area boundat the north by the right transeptand a chapeldedicatedto Ss. Giacomo
and Filippo63 and at the east by the old sacristy,in a layoutcommonto Benedictine
monasteries.64 (pls. 7, 8) A dormitorybuilton top of the chapter room was converted
into a libraryat the beginningof the sixteenthcentury.65 Both the chapter room and
librarywere gutted in the seventeenthcenturyto becomethe new sacristy.(pi. 5) Ali
that remainsof the chapter room is its facadeand what maybe its originaifloor leve!.
Built in the earlyfourteenthcentury,66 the chapterroom was entered through a triple-

62 Uccelli,81; Paatz, Die KirchenvonFlorenz,I: 267; Guidotti,"Vicende

storico-artistichedellaBadia Fiorentina,"76; and M. Castelli,20.
The Cappelladei Ss. Giacomoe Filippo,patronizedby the Del Caccia family,
was locatedwherethere is now a staircasefromthe ground floor ofthe Orange
Cloisterto the new sacristyand upper cloister. Puccinelli,Cronica,5, 8; Uccelli,68;
Middeldorfand Paatz, 503; Paatz, Die KirchenvonFlorenz,1: 275; Mack, "Studies,"
36; and Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"65-66,77, 87, n.
63

97.
64

Braunfels,76.

65 The librarywas commissioned
by AbbotIgnazioSquarcialupiin 1504and

was built usingconverteddormitoryspaceover the old chapter room. The building
was remodeledin 1630to becomethe new sacristy. Puccinelli,Cronica,70; Paatz, Die
KirchenvonFlorenz,1: 266, 275; O'Gorman,51-52;and Guidotti,"VicendestoricoartistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"74.
152

archedfacadetypicalof contemporaryand later chapterrooms.67 (pls. 45, 46) A
centraidoorwayis flankedby low wallsthat carry squat, octagonalpierswith smoothleaf capitals.68 These pierssupportroundarchesthat framethe door and two windows.
At somepoint, probablyduringthe seventeenth-century
renovations,the windowswere
walledup, and two round openingsframedwith decorativecablemoldingswere
insertedin each.69 The buildersof the OrangeCloisterreusedthe fourteenth-century
chapterroom,70 incorporatingits facadeinto the wallofthe new cloister's eastem
loggia. The floor leve!ofthe chapterroom is severa}steps lowerthan that of the

Puccinelli,Cronica,26; Paatz,Die Kirchenvon Florenz, I: 265, 297, n. 14.

Comparethe OrangeCloisterchapterroom facadeto the contemporary
exampleat SantaMariaNovella,as wellas later examplesat San Marco, SantaCroce,
and San Lorenzo.
67

This capitaitype, also knownasfoglia d'acqua, with simple,smoothleaves
has been identifiedby HowardSaalmanas a typical,traditionalFiorentinetype often
used with round or octagonalcolumnsfor porticoesand courtyards. Saalman,"The
Pala7.zoComunalein Montepulciano,"7; and Mack,"Studies,"56, n. 8.
68

The oculiseemto be fifteenth-century,
but it is not clear whetherthey were
madefor the chapterroom, or movedhere at a later date. Mack ("Studies,56, n. 8)
hesitantlysuggestedthat a paymenton 6 July 1436for work done for chapterroom
windowscould be for these oculi,see app. 1, docs. 77, 79. See also Guidotti,The
Badia Fiorentina,31, fig. 43; and idem,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadia
Fiorentina,"66, 89, n. 138.
Nunes(249-50)mistooktwo thirteenth-centurywindowsembeddedin the
eastem, second-floorloggiato be the windowsmentionedin the above-cited
documents. These windows,discoveredin the nineteenthcentury(Grifi,228), are
otherwiserecognizedas belongingto the medievalBadia. Edgar Anthonysuggested
that they date fromthe first halfof the thirteenthcentury,that is, beforethe second
reconstructionof the abbeychurchat the end of the century. Edgar W. Anthony,Early
FiorentineArchitectureand Decoration(Cambridge:Presidentand Fellowsof Harvard
College, 1927;New York:HackerArt Books, 1975),42.
69

153

cloister. Whetherthis arrangementis originaiis difficultto determine,for it seemsthat
duringthe seventeenth-century
renovation,the ceilingof the chapterroom was
lowered,at whichtime some ofthe floormayalso havebeen excavatedto convertit to
a basement-likestoragearea.71

TheOrangeCloister:Description
The four, double-storyloggiasofthe OrangeCloisterform an irregular
quadrangle,fivebays long on the north and south sides,seven,on the east and west.
(pls. 7, 14,77, 78) To the north laythe narthexand naveof the medievalchurch;to
the east, a smallchapeldedicatedto Ss. Giacomoand Filippoand the chapterroom.
To the south were a smallchapel,stairsto the dormitoriesabove,and a row of shops
that frontedonto Via del Garbo(dellaCondotta). The refectoryand its vestibule
boundthe westernside of the cloister. The secondstory of the east, south, and west
sidescontaineddormitories,and the abbot's livingquarterswere probablyalongthe
north sideabove the narthex. The area to the west of the cloisterand dormitory
containedguest quartersand the infirmary.The cloisteritselfservedto connectthese
areas as wellas to screenthe disparatebuildingsthat containedthem.
Both storiesof the cloisterhavecross-vaultedloggiasthat are supportedby
Ioniecolumnsspannedby segmentaiarches. The baysof the OrangeCloister's ground

Puccinelli(Cronica,26-27)recordedthat the chapterroom was redone at the
sametimeas the campanilein 1330.
70

71 Paatz, Die Kirchenvon Florenz,1: 275; Mack,"Studies,"56-57, n. 8; M.

Castelli,18.
154

story are higherthan those ofthe second. WhileseveralFiorentinecloistershave two
floors of open loggias,withthe exceptionof the Badiaand the slightlyearlierCloister
ofthe Oblateat SantaMariaNuova, their secondstorieshaveslopinglean-toroofs.72
In contrast, the second-storyloggiasofthe GrangeCloister,likethose of the earlier
OblateCloister,are cross vaultedand providesupportfor the third-storyterrace.73 As
seen in other Fiorentinecloisters,a low wall supportsthe columnsofthe Grange
Cloister's groundfloor arcades. Unlikenon-monasticcourtyardswhosecolumns
continuedown to the pavement(for example,the 1420scourtyardofthe Ospedale
degli Innocenti,pi. 16),the columnsofthe GrangeCloisterarcadesare supportedby
low wallsthat also servedas benches.(pls. 14, 78) Each bay's arch is framedby fluted
pilastersand toppedby a stringcourse that marksthe leve!of the upper floor. Above,
a smallerset of pilasterscontinuesthe verticallineof the columnsand pilastersbelow
to span the heightofthe second-storyparapetwall that is cappedby a cornice. This
parapet servesas the supportfor a secondstory of shorterIoniecolumns,and the
pattern of pilaster,stringcourse,pilaster,and cornicerepeatsitselfto the top of the
parapetwall ofthe third-floorterrace. The articulationof the facadescreates a
repetitiverhythmfromgroundto upper storieswith a low wall,arch, spandrel,and

72 Other two-storyFiorentinecloistersinclude:the ChiostroGrande, Santa

MariaNovella(mid-fourteenthcentury);the cloisterof Sant'Apollonia(1430s);the
SpinelliCloister,SantaCroce ( 1448-52);and the first, or canon,cloisterof San
Lorenzo(1457-61).(pls. 15-18)
Mack ("Studies,"40-41) dated the OblateCloisterca. 1420and claimedthat
it and the GrangeCloisterare the only examplesof double-storycloisterswith cross
vaultedloggiasin each story.
73

155

stringcourse repeatedtwice and cappedby a third low wall. The horizontalmoldings
of stringcourseand corniceare brokenby the verticalsof the columnsand fluted
pilastersbetweenthem. Thesepilasterscreate a continuousverticalfinethat leads the
eye up alongthe cloisterfacadesto the open sky above. A manuscriptillumination
paintedby Montedi Giovanniin 1514showsthat the appearanceof the Orange
Cloisterremainsfairlytrue to the originai,despitecorrosiveatmosphericdamageto the
stonework.74 (pi. 43) Gray stone columns,capitals,and moldingsrelievethe white
wallsof the spandrelsand parapets.
Fiorentinecloistersare typicallysquarein pian,otferingan open, airy courtyard
at the center of a conventualcomplex. Unlikethe Badia,most Fiorentineecclesiastica[
institutionshad ampieroom to constructtheir courtyards,and a surveyof cloistersbuilt

Montedi Giovanni,Anmmciationin an lnitial V, PropriumSanctorum
Communiumper totumammm, Florence,Archiviodell'Operadi SantaMariadel Fiore,
Cod. S, n. 14, fol. 54. GaetanoMilanesiStoriadella MiniaturaItalianacon
documentiinediti(Florence:Le Monnier,1850),206-7;PaoloD'Ancona,La
mi11iaturafìore111i11a
(secoliXl-XVI), 2 vols. (Florence:Leo S. Olschki,1914),2: 761;
Mack, "Studies,"57, n. 14;Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadia
Fiorentina,"68, 91, n. 159;AnnarosaGarzelli,ed., Mi11ia111rafìorenti11a
del
RinascimentoJ.l./0-1525:1111
primo censimento,2 vols. (Florence:Giuntaregionale
toscana, 1985),316,320; Carrara, 112;LorenzoFabbriand MaricaTacconi,I libri del
Duomodi Firenze,CodiciLiturgicie Bibiliotecadi SantaMaria del Fiore (secoliXJXVI) (Florence:CentroDi, 1997),228-9, no. 85.
Monte di Giovannirentedvariousworkshopsfromthe Badiafrom 1474-1515
and probablywouldhavehad an opportunityto see the OrangeCloisterduringthis
time. MirellaLeviD'Ancona,Miniaturae miniatoria Firenzedal XIV al XVI secolo.
Documentiper la storiadella miniatura(Florence:Leo S. Olschki,1962),204-6.
The cloisterdepictedin this miniatureis incorrectlyidentifiedby Garzelli(320)
as that of the OspedaledegliInnocenti.Mack ("Studies,"57, n. 14) correctly
recognizedthat Monteused the OrangeCloisterof the Badiaas the backdropto his
Anmmciation.
74

156

before,contemporaneousto, and slightlyafter the OrangeCloistershow that the Badia
had roughlybetweentwo and ten timesless spacethan its Fiorentinecounterpartsat
SantaMariaNovella,SantaCroce, SanMarco,Sant'Apollonia,and San Lorenzo.75
(pls. 19-23) The Chiostrodi San Antonio,whichis the smallerofthe two cloistersat
San Marco,was built soon after the OrangeCloisterin the late 1430sand is the closest
in size to its counterpartat the Badia.(pls. 17, 19) The San Marco cloisteris squarein
pian and is openedon each sideby fivearches,whose Ioniecolumnsrest on a low
bench-likewall. These loggiasare each twentymeterslong. In contrast, the arcade
facadesof the OrangeCloister,three spansby five,enclosean irregularcourtyardthat
measuresapproximatelynineteenmeterson its east and west sidesand twelvemeters
on its north and south sides.76 (pi. 7) Thus,the open spaceof the San Marco cloisteris
almosttwice as largeas that ofthe OrangeCloister.
The size of the OrangeCloisterwas determinedby the limitedspace availableto
the monasterywithinits enclosurewalls.(pls.6, 7) Becausethe Badiawas unableto

75 The ChiostroVerde,built in the fourteenthcenturyat Santa MariaNovella,is

squarein pian,and each of its five-spanarcadesmeasureapproximately25m in length.
The ChiostroGrande,also builtin the fourteenthcenturyat Santa MariaNovella,is
rectangularand its arcadesenclosea spacethat is approximately50x40m2 . Two
rectangularcloistersat SantaCroce, one builtin the 1380sand the second in the late
1440sand early 1450s,encloseopen spacesthat measureapproximately37x30m2 and
35x25m2 respectively.Each arcadeof the squarecourtyardat the Ospedaledegli
Innocenti,builtin the late 1420s,has fivearchesand is approximately30m Iong. The
open spaceof the squarecloisterat the conventof Sant'Apollonia,built in the late
1430s,is approximately47m2 . The squarecloisterat SanLorenzo,built in the late
1450s,has seven-archloggiaswhosearcadesare each approximately25m long.
76 The followingmeasurements
correspondto the parapetwall ofthe Orange

Cloister'ssecondstory: 12m(north), 19.05m(east), 12m(south), 17.9m(west).
157

expandlaterally,it had to use its availablespaceas economicallyas possible. Thus, its
cloisterwas rathersmallwith highbuildingson all four sides. This configurationhas
led one critic to likenthe cloisterto "a largelightwell"77 and anotherto observethat
"unlikethe cloistersofthe Carmineor SantaMariaNovella,wheresingle-storied
rangesof colonnadesenclosevast and tranquilspacescarpetedwith grass, trees, and
well-headsundera vast expanseof sky, the Cloisterof the OrangeTrees ... is vertical,
intimate,and ratherdark."78 The smallnessof the OrangeCloistercould not have been
lost on eitherits buildersor its patrons,and it is possiblethat the pilasterstrips placed
betweenand abovethe columnsof each story were includedto enhancethe sense of
open spacewithinthe cloister. As in a Gothiccathedral,the continuousverticallinesof
columnand pilasterdraw the viewer's eye upwardtowardthe open sky above the
confinesof the cloistercomplex.79 Thesevertica! accentsintersectthe horizontallines
of the cloister's parapetsand stringcourses,creatinga grid-like,geometriesurface
pattern similarto, and perhapsdirectlymodeledafter,that ofthe Badia's late
thirteenth-centuryeasternchurchfacade.80 (pi. 31)
At the Badia,three openingsin the lowercloister'sbench-likewall give access
to its relativelysmall,opencourt, whichhas beenboth pavedand plantedin the past.

77 Mack,"Studies,"39.
78 Hood, 130.

Tyszkiewicz("Il ChiostrodegliAranci,"205) saw the "verticality"of the
column/pilastercombinationas particularlyGothicin style.
79

I wouldliketo thankMarvinTrachtenbergfor this suggestion.
158

Its originaiappearanceis unknown,thoughthe presenceof a smallgardenor grass
aroundthe well wouldnot be unexpectedand is supportedby Montedi Giovanni's
manuscriptilluminationthat showsthe centraicourtyardplantedwith a lush green
lawn.(pi. 43) The nameof the cloistersuggeststhe presenceof orangetrees, though
there is no evidencethat this namewas used beforethe earlynineteenthcentury.81

TheOrangeC/oisterCommission:lnspirationand Need
Just as AbbotMaffeoI led the Benedictinecommunityat the Badiain its choice
to rebuildits churchat the end of the thirteenthcentury,82 so AbbotGomezioinitiateda
buildingcampaignthat would transformthe surroundingmonasticcomplexin the early

81 Barry Colletthas suggestedthat letterswritten in November1450by Don

Domenicoof the Badiato the FiorentinebusinessmanBartolomeoCederiniprovidea
clue to the originof the OrangeCloister'sname. The monkhad askedCederini,who
was on a trip to Naples,to procureseedsof locaifruitsnot availablein Florence. He
wrote a note thankingCederinifar sendingseedsof melaranciedolce (sweetcitrus
fruitsthat havethe shapeof an appieand the color of an orange). Collettpostulateci
that these seeds were plantedin the recentlybuilt"OrangeCloister,"thus givingit its
name. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,314, fos. 507, 524. Collett,6, n. 13.
Earlyreferencesto the 'OrangeCloister'cali it the cloisterof the well(del
poz:o), ofthe sacristy(dellasacrestia),ofthe chapterroom (del capitolo),and after
the constructionof the large cloisterin the late sixteenthcentury,the smallcloister
(piccolo). Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"91, n. 156.
DespiteCollett's temptingsuggestion,the earliestknownreferencesto the
cloisteras that ofthe Orangescomefrom earlynineteenth-century
guidebooks.
Gargiolli,66; F. Fantozzi,256; and Grifi,228. As of January 1437,the monkswere
not growingtheir own orangesand had to purchasethem fromoutsidesources. See
app. 1, doc. 97.
MaffeoI becameabbot ofthe BadiaFiorentinaca. 1282. The consecration
of the highaltar in 131Otook piaceduringthe abbacyof AzzoneII. Puccinelli,
Cronica,24-25.
82

159

fifteenthcentury. Electedto succeedNiccolòGuasconiin 1419,Gomeziohad come to
the Badiaone year earlierwith a chargeto reformthe troubledFiorentinehouse. The
late thirteenth-and fourteenth-centuryconventualbuildingsof the Badiaproved to be
inadequatefor Gomezioand his new disciples. As part ofhis plansto renew the Badia,
Gomezioenvisioneda large monasterycapableof housingmuchmore than the sixteen
"colonists"who accompaniedhimfrom SantaGiustina.83 Thus, he sought to create
84 Whilefunctional,the
largerand better livingquartersfor his burgeoningcommunity.

new compoundalso had spiritualsignificance,as the OrangeCloister,servingas a
connectorto its surroundingrooms,becamethe focusof dailylifeoutside of the abbey
church. The cloister'swalls,paintedwith scenesfromthe lifeof St. Benedict,provided
a site for expressingBenedictineideologyof tradition,community,and monastic
missionand a peacefulspaceto contemplateBenedict'svirtuesand miracles.(pls. 7779)

Manyother Fiorentineconventstook on majorbuildingcampaignsin the
secondquarterofthe fifteenthcentury:San Lorenzo,San Marco,SantaCroce, and San
Miniatoal Monte,for example. Mack,"Studies,"36-37.
83

Matriculationrecordsindicatethat the Badiatook in 82 new members
between 1420and 1439,the years of AbbotGomezio'sreign. Ofthis number,72
professedtheir vows as monks,the remaining1Oas conversi,or lay brothers. These
numbersare very closeto the report of a late-sixteenthcenturychroniclethat recorded
the professionof 76 monksand 8 conversi. See app. 1, doc. 137.
The numberof entrantsvariedfromyear to year, rangingfromzero to nine in
any givenyear. Thirty-threebrothersdied duringthis sameperiod, and it is difficultto
determinehow manymonkswere residentat the Badiaat any giventime as the
matriculationrecordsdo not accountfor brotherswho mayhaveleft the monasteryfor
reformmissionsor other duties. The recordsare kept in the BibliotecaNazionale
Centraledi Firenze(BNF),Conv. Soppr.,da ord., 4. See Nunes, 110-12.
84

160

Gomeziobeganhis buildingcampaigntoward the end of the 1420s,sellingreal
estate to raisefunds. He acquiredbits of propertyalongVia dei Magazzinito complete
the monastery's fortress-likeenclosurethat containedrentalpropertiesand store-rooms
owned by the monastery.85 It seemsthat financialsupportfor the cloisterprojectalso
carnefromoutsidethe monastery,and Ser Filippodi Ser UgolinoPieruzziis often
creditedas the patron of the OrangeCloisterin accordancewith Vespasianoda
Bisticci'sbiographyof the respectednotaryand scholar.86 Vespasianoclaimedthat Ser
Filippomademanyanonymousgifts, includingfundingfor the OrangeCloister:
"Facevainfinitelimosinesegrete. I dua chiostridellabadiadi Firenzee di sotto e di
sopra fece fare ser Filippo,e i dua dormentorinuoviche sono alle campora,dal late

85 Workshopscontrolledby the Arte dellaLanaand leasedto woolworkers

occupiedpart ofthe areato the west ofthe monasteryalong Via dei Magazzini. The
artisans' work was disruptiveto the Benedictineswho complainedof noise,vulgar
behavior,and unsanitaryconditions. Beginningas earlyas 1421,Gomezioenvisioned
buyingthese propertiesto extendthe monasticcompoundtoward Via dei Magazzini
and to contro!who was able to use these workshops. He requestedpermissionfrom
Pope EugeniusIV to sell monasticpropertyworth 1,500florinsto use in the
acquisitionofthe housesand workshopsto the west ofthe Badia. A papa!bullof 2
November1431instructedLudovicoBarbo,Abbotof SantaGiustinain Padua and
mentorof Gomezio,to investigatethe Badia's request. ASF, Diplomatico,Badia
Fiorentina,1431novembre2. TommasoSalvettidescribedGomezio'sstruggleswith
the Arte dellaLana and his consequentdesireto purchaseits workshopsin his
fifteenth-centurybiographyofthe abbot. Salvetti,the monastery'slawyer,was asked
at sometimebefore4 February1443to write a biographyof Gomeziofor the Infante
of Portugal,Don Pedro, Duke ofCoimbra. TommasoSalvetti,B. Gometti Vita,
Autore ThomaSaivetto,BibliotecaMediceaLaurenziana,Florence(BML),MS. Ashb.
885, fols. 6v-7. See also Nunes,244-6;Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedella
BadiaFiorentina,"68, 90, n. 154, 163-4,doc. 7; and Carrara, 112, no. 6.7a.
Tyszkiewicz,"Il ChiostrodegliAranci,"203; Nunes,266-9; Markham,14;
Mack,"Studies," 57, n. 11;Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadia
86

161

dell'orto;e in ignunoluogo non pose maiarme."87 The "two cloisters,lower and
upper" referredto by Vespasianocan be identifiedas the two-storyGrangeCloister.88
And the "new dormitories"were part of the projectcontemporaneousto that of the
GrangeCloisterto renovateSantaMariaalleCamporafor use as the community's
summerresidence.89 Vespasianoalso recountedthat Ser Filippoenjoyeda familiar
relationshipwith the FiorentineBenedictines,stoppingby the Badiaas part of his daily
routineto chat with the Abbot and the monksbeforevisitingthe stationerswho rented
their shopsalong Via del Proconsolofromthe monastery.90 Ser Filippomaintaineda

Fiorentina,"68, 91, n. 157;Busignaniand Bencini,190;Carrara, 113;and Ragionieri,
73.
87

Vespasianoda Bisticci,Vitedi uominiillustri,446.

The Georgeand Waterstranslation(Vespasianoda Bisticci,Renaissance
Princes,Popes,and Prelates,320) omitsthe qualifyingdescriptionofthe 'dua chiostri'
and misinterpretsthe word Campora,thus misrepresentingVespasiano'sdescription:
"He did muchsecret almsgivingand builtthe two cloistersin the Badiaat Florence;
also the two new dormitoriesin the fieldadjoiningthe garden."
88

SantaMariaalle Camporais locatedto the southof Florence,outside the
Porta Romanaalongthe Via delleCampora. The monasterywas ceded to the Badia
Fiorentinain 1434by Pope EugeniusIV after protractednegotiationswith its
precedingtenants,a congregationofHieronymites.AbbotGomeziothen
commissionedthe renovationof the Hieronymitecomplexfor use of the Badia. The
monasterywas acquiredby FrancescoDel Coronain 1815who convertedit to a
privatevilla. Alithat remainsof the fifteenth-centurystructureis part of the Ionie
portico ofthe convent's cloister,whichnow servesas the villa's facade. Guido
Carocci,I Dilllornidi Firenze,II: sulla sinistradell'Amo (Florence:Gallettie Cocci
TipografiEditori, 1907),340-1;Tyszkiewicz,BernardoRossellino,25 (trans., 13);
Nunes, 197-212,234-40,259; Markham,16;and Mack,"Studies,"50-54.
89

90 "La mattina,all'Ave Mariadel dì, [Ser Filippo]andavaa udire messa;di poi,

udito messa,n'andavaa Palagio,ed era de' primiche v'andassino,per attenderea' fatti
del comune,dove usavagrandissimadiligenza.Il dì, desinatoch'egli aveva, se
n'andavaagliAgnolia visitarefrate Ambrogio[Traversari],e quiviistavaalquanto;di
162

relationshipwith the Badiauntilthe end ofhis life,and he choseto retireto the Badiaa
Settimo,a monasterylocatedoutsideofFlorence whereAbbotGomeziohad sent
twelvemonksfromthe BadiaFiorentina(who were supposedlyfriendsof Ser Filippo)
to initiatea programof reform.91
Vespasiano'sclaimfor Ser Filippo'spatronagefindspartialcorroborationin
documentaryevidence,as Ser Filippoappearsseveraltimesin accountrecordsof the
FiorentineBadia. Nunesinterpretedpaymentsof 1434and 1436to indicateSer
Filippo'sresponsibilityfor the buildingmaterialsfor the dormitoryand cloisterat the
Badia,apparentlyconfirmingVespasiano'saccount.92 However,the amountspaid by
Ser Filippoare relativelysmall,and it seemsthat he mayhaveactedas some sort of
middlemanfor financialtransactionson behalfofthe monastery. Moreover,other early
sourcesdo not mentionSer Filippobut insteadcite AbbotGomezioas responsiblefor

poi si partivadagliAgnoli,e venivaalla Badiadi Firenze,e quiviparlavacon l'abbate e
con de' monacisua, dove istavaalquanto. Di poi si partivadallaBadia,e venivatra'
cartolai,per vederese vi era libroignuno,che non avesse,per comperarlo."
Vespasianoda Bisticci,Vitedi uominiillustri,447.
The Badia rentedshopsalongVia del Proconsoloto variousstationers,or
cartolai as attestedby variousrecordsof tenantsand rents. Theseshopswere located
on Via del Proconsolo,15r, l3r, l lr, 5r, 3r, and lr and continuedalongPiazza San
Firenze(then Apollinare)l lr-7r. Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadia
Fiorentina,"70-72;and idem,"Indaginisu botteghe,"478.
91 For more on Gomezio'sreformofthe Badiaat Settimosee Placido

Puccinelli,Historiadell'EroicheAllioni de 'BB. GometioPortugheseAbbate di Badia
e di TeuzzoneRomito,con la Serie delle Badessedell '/11sig11e
Monasterodelle l'vfurate
di Fiorenza(Milan:Gio. Pietro Ramellati,1645), 15-18;and Spinelli,62-63.
92 Paymentsfrom 1437and 1438indicateSer Filippo'sinvolvement
with the

project at Campora,albeitin a minorway. Nunes,266, nn. 181-2;267.
163

the project. DespiteSer Filippo'spossibleassistancewith fundingfor the construction
ofthe OrangeCloistercomplex,it is Gomeziowho shouldbe seen as its patron.
LudovicoBarbo,Gomezio'smentor,praisedhis disciple'swork: "Qui [Gomectius]
augmentationemonachorumet pulcerrimisedificiismonasteriumilludplurimum
decoravit"(Gomezioembellishedthat monasteryvery much,enlargingthe numberof
93 TommasoSalvettialso discussedGomezio's
monksand beautifulbuildings).

patronagein a biographyofthe abbot writtensoon after his departurefrom Florenceto
return to Portugalin 1441:94
Hedificia,suo studioac peregrinoingeniomagnissumptibuscomposita,
divinomagisquamhumanoiudicofabricatacensentur.Hec profectocomunis
est sententiahorumqui priusnoverantloca illa,quamexiguaquamquearta,
ruinamminantia,etiamquamdisparisformeipsa fuerint.
93

Barbo,De iniliis, 26. Quotedin Nunes,48, 109,and 241.

Gomezioleft his abbacyofthe Badiain the late autumnof 1439to become
Prior Generaiofthe CamaldoleseOrder, an officevacatedby AmbrogioTraversari
upon his death. Aftertwo years in this post, Gomezio'srequestto retum to Portugal
was granted,and he was madethe Prior of SantaCroce in Coimbrain 1441. At some
time beforeFebruary1443,TommasoSalvetti,who was also the Badia's lawyer,wrote
a biographyof Gomeziofor InfanteDon Pedro, Dukeof Coimbra. Accordingto
Uccelli(40) the communeasked Salvettito write the panegyric. The Ashburnham
copy of the text cited aboveis dated 4 February1442(o.s.), and can be identifiedas the
Badia's own copy. Salvetti,B. GometiiVita,BML,Ashb.885, 13v.
Subsequentbiographersof AbbotGomeziohaveconsultedSalvetti's
unpublishedtext: Puccinelli,Historiadel/ 'EroicheAttionide 'BB. Gometio,intro.;
Battelli,"Due celebrimonaci,"223; idem,"L'abate Don Gomez," 150-2;Blum, 17;
Nunes,passim;Ragionieri,73; and AlbiniaDe la Mare,"Notes on PortuguesePatrons
of the FiorentineBook Trade in the FifteenthCentury,"in Cultura/Links Between
Portugaland ltaly in the Renaissance,ed. K. J. P. Lowe (Oxford:OxfordUniversity
Press, 2000), 169,n. 13.
For more on InfanteDon Pedro, see FrederickHartt, Gino Corti, and Clarence
Kennedy,TheChapelof the Cardinalof Portugal,1-13./-1
-159at San Miniato in
Florence(Philadelphia:Univeristyof PennsylvaniaPress, 1964),28-30; and Pedro
Dias, "Escultorese pintoresque trabalharampara o InfanteD. Pedro, Duquede
Coimbra,"Bib/os.Revistada Facu/dadede Letras69 (1993):491-8.
94

164

Priscisnamquepenitusdemolitis,probantnova ipsa, solidisfundamentis
infraet supra terram,eminentissimisque
ac plurimumsumptuosishedificiis,
erecta, cunctaquesuo ordinequibuscumqueofficiniscomposita.
(The buildings,built by [Gomezio's]own effortswith others' talents at
great expense,are believedto havebeenmadeby a divinerather than mortai
pian. This indeedis the commonopinionofthose who knew those places
previously,how scant and how tight they were,threateningcollapse,also how
they were of an unevenshape.
For whenthe earlierbuildingsweretotallydemolished,the new ones
were erectedon solidfoundationsaboveand belowground,with the most
distinguishedand expensivestructuresali builtin its own order and for its
particularpurpose.)95
As leaderof the BadiaFiorentinaand delegatefor reformthere, Gomeziohad the
motivationand needfor the project.96 Documentaryreferencesto Ser Filippo's
participationaccountfor onlya fractionof the buildingcampaign'stota[ costs.97
Vespasianoda Bisticcialludedto Ser Filippo'srole as a "silentpartner" -- givingsecret
gifts and refusingto piacehis insigniaon any of them.98 A late sixteenth-century
chroniclerecordsthat approximately4,000 florinswere spent on the OrangeCloister

95 Salvetti,5v-6. Quoted in Nunes,241-2. I wouldlike to thank Brian W.

Breed for his helpwith Latin translations.
96Neumeyer,26; Battelli,"L'abate Don GomezFerreirada Silva," 152, 156;
Nunes, 128,241-2;Busignaniand Bencini,176;Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistiche
dellaBadiaFiorentina,"67; and Ragionieri,73.
Nunes(266-7) calculatedthat Ser Filippogave approximately78 florinsto
the Badiabetween1434and 1436for work on the OrangeCloisterproject -- an
insignificantamountconsideringthat a late-sixteenth-century
historyof the Badia
recordsthat approximately4,000 florinswere spenton the project. Unfortunately,
lacunaeexistin the documents(there are no recordsfor 1435,for example),and it is
possiblethat Ser Filippocontributedmuchmorethan the documentsreveal. See app.
1, doc. 137.
97

Vespasianoda Bisticci,Viledi uomini illustri,446.
165

project.99 Thus, AbbotGomeziowould haveneededand welcomedmanygifts toward
the constructionof his new conventualcomplex,and it seemsthat Ser Filippowas one
donor amongmanyotherswhosenamesand gifts were not recorded in the Badia's
dailyjournal.

TheConstructionof the OrangeCloisterComplex,J.128-36
The OrangeCloisterformedthe nucleusof the spacesused by the Badia's
monasticcommunityin its dailylifebecauseit linkedthe abbey'schurch,chapter room,
refectory,dormitory,guest quarters,and infirmary.(pls. 7-9) Work beganin the rooms
locatedaroundthe cloisterand proceededupwardsand outwards. As has been
explained,the medievalchapterroom was reused,its facadeincorporatedinto the
OrangeCloister'seasternloggia.(pls. 8, 45, 46) A smallchapel,whichperhapsalso
predatesthe cloister,lieson the southernside of the cloister,its entrancein the
southeastcornerbay.100 (pi. 49) Now walledup, a rectangulardoorwayled into this

The accountthat 4,000 florinswere spent on the OrangeCloistercomplexis
consistentwith what is knownabout the costs of other earlyfifteenth-centurybuilding
projects. Goldthwaite,399.
99

The groundpian surveyedand drawnby the architectsProf Romano
Barocchiand Ezio Tontifor Middeldorfand Paatz does not show the entiremonastic
compound. For example,it includesthe southernside ofthe complexalong the Via
dellaCondottaonlyon its westernend, and the spaceswest ofthe refectoryare left
out. This pian does includeone smallroom locatedoff of the secondbay from the east
in the southernloggia. If this room is meantto indicatethe smallpendentive-domed
chapel,it is in the wrongpiace,for the chapelis locatedotf of the first bay from the
east in the southernloggia. This pian has been used for most studiesofthe Orange
Cloister. Middeldorfand Paatz, 506, fig. 10.
100

166

chapel,whichwas builton a squarepianwitha trapezoidalapse. (pls. 50, 51) Topped
by a pendentivedome supportedon a smalldrum,the chapelresemblesthe designsby
FilippoBrunelleschifar the BarbadoriChapelat SantaFelicitàand the Old Sacristy
built far the Mediciat San Lorenzo.101 (pi. 53) LikeBrunelleschi'sprototypes,the
structureand decorationofthe OrangeCloisterchapelare restrained,with white stucco
wallsarticulatedby gray stone moldings.The wallsof the mainspace are borderedby
faur large roundarches,whose arcs meetin the comersto formpendentivesthat
supporta smalldrum and dome. The drumis delineatedby a twisted rope molding
along its loweredge, in imitation of the cupolaborderused in the Old Sacristy,and a
simplercymarecta moldingthat coversthejoin betweendrum and dome. (pi. 52)
Herringbonebrickworkwas used to constructthe hemisphericalcupola,and Sanpaolesi
has arguedthat this featureplus the choiceof architecturaldecoration suggesta close
102 Sanpaolesibelievedthis smallchapelto be the first
connectionwith Brunelleschi.

modeledon the recentlyconstructedsacristyat San Lorenzo(pi. 53b) -- a buildingthat
was to havemanyderivativesthroughoutthe fifteenthand into the sixteenthcentury,103

101 For more on the complexityand sophistication
of the pendentivedome,

specificallyin its application in the Old Sacristyof San Lorenzosee Marvin
Trachtenberg,"Whythe Pazzi Chapelis not by Brunelleschi,"Casabella635 (June
1996):63-64. Far more on the BarbadoriChapel(ca. 1418/19-23)and the Old
Sacristy(ca. 1419/21-28)see HowardSaalman,FilippoBruuel/eschi:TheBuildings
(London:Zwemmer,1993),83-105, 113-144;and MarvinTrachtenberg,"On
Brunelleschi'sold sacristyas modelfor earlyRenaissancechurcharchitecture,"in
L 'Eglisedans l 'architecturede la Renaissance:actesdu col/oquetem, a Toursdu 28
au 31 mai 1990,De architectura,7, ed. Jean Guillaume(Paris:Picard, 1995), 14-22.
102 Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"148.
103 Trachtenberg,"On Brunelleschi'sold sacristy,"22-39.

167

and he offereda tentativeattributionof the OrangeCloisterchapelto Brunelleschi
himself.10"' Nunes acceptedSanpaolesi'sproposalfor an earlydatingof the Orange
Cloisterchapel,but he pushedit backeven further,to 1428,the year in whichthe Old
Sacristywas completed.105 The pavementof the OrangeCloister'sground story is
about forty centimetershigherthan that of the chapel,lendingfurthersupport to the
suggestionthat the chapelprecededthe constructionof the cloister.106 Salvetti's
biographyof Gomezioconfirmsthat the chapelwas part of Gomezio'spian,but does
not helpto establishchronology:
Et ubi immunditiaesse consueverat,nunc sanctuariumDei, scilicet
cappellaet oratoriumdevotissimumconspicitur,claustriinferiorisintroitu.
Quod ve designabaturbestiis,hodieservisCristiconstitutumest. (And where
filthinesshad beencustomary,now a sanctuaryof God, that is a chapeland a
most sacredoratory,is to be seen at the entranceof the lowercloister. What
was once set aside for beasts,today is establishedfor the servantsof Christ.)107

10"' In his 1942articie, Sanpaolesi("Costruzioni,"148-9)concludedthat the

OrangeCloisterchapelcorroboratedPuccinelli'sanecdoteabout a Medici-sponsored
renovationprojectfor whichSanpaolesiproposedBrunelleschias its architect. In a
1962monographon Brunelleschi,Sanpaolesi(Brunelleschi,38, fig. 18) suggestedthat
the OrangeCloisterchapelwas an earlyexperimentby the architectin his pendentivedome chapeltype that he then pursuedand modifiedin the BarbadoriChapeland Old
Sacristy.
105 Sanpaolesi('Costmzioni,' 148)dated the GrangeCloisterchapelca. 1428-

33. Nunes(243) arguedthat the chapelhad to havebeenbuiltby 1428becausework
on the OrangeCloisterbeganin 1429.
106 Sanpaolesi,'Costruzioni,' 148. The smallchapelnow servesas the office

for BerdicchiaSwatch,a jewelrystore whoseentranceis on PiazzaSan Firenze,6r.
The walledup cloisterentranceis locatedin the northemwall of this ex-chapel,and a
seriesof steps, visiblein the store's office,leadsdown fromthe loweredge ofthe door
framein the cloisterwallto the ex-chapel'sfloor.
107 Salvetti,5v-6. Quotedby Nunes,242.

168

Whilethe crude craftsmanshipof the OrangeCloisterchapelrenders
Sanpaolesi'sattributionto Brunelleschiunlikely,108 his recognitionthat the chapel's
designwas inspiredby the BarbadoriChapeland MediciOld Sacristyseemscorrect.
Curiously,PlacidoPuccinelli,a seventeenth-century
abbot and chroniclerof the Badia,
claimedthat Cosimode'Mediciwantedto rebuildthe monastery,endow it sufficiently
to supportone hundredmonks,and displayhisinsigniaprominentlythroughoutthis
"magnificentand noble"project. Accordingto Puccinelli,the monksdid not want
Cosimo'sself-promotionto diminishthe importanceof Count Ugo as the Badia's
historicbenefactorand most importantpatron;thus, the projectwas canceled.109 While
most subsequentauthorsagree that Puccinellimust have mistakena late fifteenthcenturywoodenmodelstored in the Badiato be an artifactof Cosimo's renovation
project,110 the Brunelleschianchapellocatedin the cloister's ground story that is a

Fora recent discussionofBrunelleschi'sperfectionistapproachto
architecturalmemberingand his use ofpietra serenaas "pseudo-structural...forms
that
reinforce,elaborate,and play againstthe real structure"of a building,see
Trachtenberg,"Whythe Pazzi Chapelis not by Brunelleschi,"64-76. Mack ("Studies,"
38) concededthe possibilitythat Brunelleschiworkedon the earliestplansfor the
OrangeCloister,giventhe presenceofthe smallchapel,but he was not willingto
decidewhetherits architectwas Brunelleschior a follower. Guidotti("Vicende
storico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"67-68)discussedthe chapelwithout
commentingon the attribution.
108

Puccinelli,Istoria di Ugo,62. Uccelli(40) discussedthis anecdote,though
he translatedPuccinelli's"modello"as "disegno."
109

110 This modelis now believedto havebeen made by the Sangallobrothersat

the end of the fifteenthcentury. Paatz,Die Kirchenvon Floren:, 1: 265, 297, n. 16;
Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"143-4,n. I; Tyszkiewicz,"Il ChiostrodegliAranci," 203;
Mack,"Studies,"37; Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"67169

variationof the Medicifamily'sOld Sacristymakesit difficultto reject his anecdote
entirely. PerhapsCosimowas interestedin the Badiaas a familypatronagesite during
the late 1420s,with the OrangeCloisterchapelas a possiblepreliminaryMedicean
markerinsidethe Badiacompound. However,as MarvinTrachtenberghas shown,the
Old Sacristybecamea modelfor more than thirtyecclesiastica!buildingsthroughout
Italy.111 Whilethe Medicidid commissionat least fivevariantsfor themselves,the
majoritywere builtfor "peers and would-bepeers"ofthis powerfulfamily.112
Nevertheless,it is temptingto see the Old Sacristyand the nearlycontemporaneous
Badiachapelas two expressionsof Mediciself-aggrandizement.Indeed,the Medici
may havehopedto join the ranks of the well-established
familieswho had long been
patronsofthe Badia.113 Whateverdiscussionsmayhavegone on in the late 1420s

68; and FrancescoQuinterio,Giulianoda Maiano "grandissimodomestico" (Rome:
OfficinaEdizioni,1996),218-19, 222, n. 27.
111 Trachtenberg,"On Brunelleschi'
s old sacristy,"22.
112 Ibid.,23-24, 33-34.
113 Someof the familieswho were buriedin the Badiabetweenthe fourteenth

and earlyseventeenthcenturiesincludethe: Acciaioli,Adimari,Baldini,Baldovinetti,
Baldovini,Bandini,Barba,Bonaefidei,Bonsi,Boscoli,Caligari,Casanova,Cederni,
Cerchi,Del Cimatore,Cinelli,Cipriani,Corsini,Covoni,Dini,Doni,Ferranti,Finigueri,
Fonti,Franceschi,Gangalandi,Garbo,Ghiberti,Gilli,Giugni,Guasconi,Guidotti,Lapi,
Lapucci,Leopardi,Lucci,Magalotti,Mariscotti,Marllani,Molletti,Neroni,Nicolini,
De Nobili,Paccini,Pagoli,Pandolfini,Del Papa, Portinari,Rabatta,Raineri,Razzanti,
Riccardi,Ricci,Rinuccini,Rustichelli,Salamoni,Salvetti,Salvi,Salviati,Salviati,
Tedaldi,Tornasi,and Valori. Puccinelli,Memoriesepolcralidell'AbbadiaFioremina,
8-24.

In his biographyof Gomezio(Historiadel/ 'EroicheAliioni de 'BB. Gometio,
41-42),PuccinellilistedseveralimportantFlorentineswith whomGomeziosupposedly
had a relationshipincluding:Palla Strozzi,AldobrandinoAldobrandini,Cosimo
de'Medici,GiannozzoPandolfini,RinaldoAlbizi,LorenzoRidolfi,BernardoUbaldini,
170

would havebeencut short by the politica!difficultiesof the Medicithat resultedin
Cosimo'sexileto Venicein 1433. Interestingly,whilein exileCosimostayedat the
Benedictinehouseof San GiorgioMaggiore-- a monasterythat had close ties to
Gomezioand the Badiasinceboth houseswere charter membersof the Benedictine
Congregation of SantaGiustina.11·'
Uponhis retum to Florencein 1434,Cosimoabandonedhis interestin
establishinghis family'spresencein centraiFlorencethroughpatronageat the Badia,
and he shiftedhis attentionto the area north of the Duomoand his majorpatronage
sites of San Lorenzo,his neighboringfamilypalaceon the Via Larga,and the convent
of San Marcojust up the sameroad.115 San Marcohad belongedto the Sylvestrines,a
Benedictinereformcongregation,116 who were evictedin January 1436 to make way

Filippoand BernardoGiguni,GiovanniSoderini,RinaldoRondinelli,Rinaldo
Gianfigliazzi,Nicola Sacchetti,and Matteo Castellani.
114 AbbotGomeziowas a good friendto and kindredspirit of GiovanniMichiel,

abbot of San GiorgioMaggioreuntil 1430,and both abbots had beencharter members
ofthe CongregationofSanta Giustinain 1419. Thus, Cosimo's stay at San Giorgio
may havebeen due in part to Gomezio'sinfluence.For more on AbbotMichiel,San
GiorgioMaggiore,and Cosimo'sstay there from 1433to 1434,see Spinelli,64-66.
NicolaiRubinsteinhas also suggestedthat Cosimo'sinterestin the Observancemay
have been strengthenedduringhis stay in Venice. NicolaiRubinstein,"Lay Patronage
and ObservantReformin Fifteenth-CenturyFlorence,"in Christianityand the
Renaissance.Imageand ReligiousImaginationin the Quallrocento,ed. Timothy
Verdonand John Henderson(Syracuse:SyracuseUniversityPress, 1990),65.
115 Hood, 33-36.
116 The Sylvestrines
followedthe Rule of St. Benedictbut also had a special

emphasison vows of poverty. This reformgroup was foundedin 1231by St. Sylvester
Gozzolini,and his followerswere mainlyconfinedto ltaly. Cross and Livingstone,
1330;Ugo Paoli,"La congregazionesilvestrinanei secoliXIV-XV,"inAspetti e
problemidel monachesimonelleMarche.Alti del convegnodi studi tenutoa Fabriano
171

for a congregationof ObservantDominicans.The Dominicanshad forcedthe removal
ofthe Sylvestrineswith the helpof Pope EugeniusIV and Cosimode'Medici. Abbot
Gomeziohad also been involvedin the negotiationsfor the possessionof San Marco.
In responseto the ObservantDominicans'charges,EugeniusretainedGomezioto
investigatethe Sylvestrines'conduct. The abbot,perhapssympatheticto his fellow
followersof St. Benedict,gave the troubledmonksa good report. Gomezioperformed
manyduties for the pope, includingservingas one of his mainreformersof Italian
Benedictinecongregations;therefore,it is possiblethat the abbot saw the San Marco
Sylvestrinecongregationas merelyin needof reformrather than expulsion.117
Gomezio'sfavorablereviewonlyofferedtemporaryprotectionto the Sylvestrines
becausethe abbot was calledto Portugalsoon thereafterto serve as papa!ambassador
to the Portuguesecrown. Duringhis one-yearabsence,the Dominicansreinstatedtheir
complaintagainstthe Sylvestrinesand with the helpof Cosimode'Medicipersuaded
the pope to cede San Marco to them.118 AnotherconnectionbetweenCosimoand

MonasteroS. SilvestroAbate, -1-7giugno 1981,ed. AndreaPantaloniet al., voi. 2
(Fabriano:EditionesMontisfani,1982),575-741.
117 AbbotGomezioand the Camaldolese
Prior GeneraiAmbrogioTraversari

servedPope EugeniusIV as his mainreformersof ali housesunder BenedictineRute in
Tuscany. Gomeziowas responsiblenot onlyfor Benedictines,but also for offshoot
groups such as the Vallombrosans,Camaldolese,and Sylvestrines.
118 The Dominicans,interestedin establishing
an Observantcommunityin

centraiFlorence,had tried to take over the Sylvestrinemonasteryof San Marcoas
earlyas 1419,accusingthemof corruptionworthyof expulsion. Unsuccessfulin their
first bid, they tried againin 1435,petitioningPope EugeniusIV, then residentin
Florenceat SantaMariaNovella. EugeniusassignedAbbotGomezioto investigatethe
Dominicans'accusationsagainstthe Sylvestrines,who staunchlywantedto retain
possessionoftheir monastery.For moreon the expulsionofthe SylvestrinesfromSan
172

Gomeziois foundin Salvetti's contemporarybiographyof the Abbot in whichthe
author claimedthat Cosimocopiedthe Benedictineabbot whenhe undertookhis
projectfor the Mediceanrenovationof SanMarco,begunthe year that the Grange
Cloisterwas completed.
Sunt namqueipsa hedificiatam insigniaac speciosasuis apparatibus,
presertimclaustroruminferiorisatque superiorisac dormitiacellisaptissimis
atque ad suppremamanimedevotionemperoptimecompositis,quod illarum
formamin quibusdamclarissimuscivisCosmade Medicisin preclarissimosuo
monasterio SanctiMarciFiorentiniimitatusest. (Thesebuildings[of the Badia]
are so honoredand Iovelyin their appurtenances,especiallythe upper and lower
cloisterand the cellsof the dormitory, very welloutfittedand excellently
erectedfor the most highdevotion of the soul, that the most illustriouscitizen
Cosimode Mediciimitatedtheir formin certaindetailsin his most renowned
monasteryof San Marco in Florence.)119
Salvetti'sclaim,whileperhapsmerelypanegyric,does findsome corroborationin
comparisonsof detailsfoundat the GrangeCloisterand the slightlylater San Marco.
The Ionie capitaitype foundin the GrangeCloisterwas also used for the cloisterand
libraryat San Marco.(pls. 17, 18) The frescodepictingSt. BenediciRequesting
Silenceover the GrangeCloister'srefectorydoor findscompositionaland functional
counterpartsin the fiveoverdoorspaintedby Fra Angelicoin the San Marco cloister.
(pls. 63, 64, 66, 67, 73) Such similarityof detailis matchedby a commonunderlying

Marco,see Ugo Paoli,L'unione delle congregazioniVallombrosanae Silvestrina
(1662-/667)(Fabriano:EditionesMontisfani,1975),35-38;idem,"La congregazione
silvestrinanei secoliXIV-XV,"633-8;and Hood, 30-31.
Fora specificdiscussionof Gomezio'srole in the Sylvestrinecrisisat San
Marco,see Puccinelli,Historiadell 'EroicheAttionide 'BB. Gamelio, 18; idem,
Cronica,34; and Spinelli,63-64.
119

Salvetti,5v-6. Quotedin Nunes,242.
173

motiveas both the Benedictinesand ObservantDominicansrebuilttheir housesin the
beginningof the fifteenthcenturyas part of majorreformprograms.

TheLowerCloisterand Refectory:Description
The first story of the OrangeCloisterprovidedaccessto the church,chapter
room, chapel,refectory,and stairsto the upper loggiasand dormitories. Followingthe
precedentestablishedby Cistercianmonasteries,the cloisterprovidedtwo entrancesto
the abbeychurch.120 (pi. 8) Whilethe archedportai of the capitolonuovo, locatedin
the secondbay fromthe west ofthe northernloggia,was refashionedduringthe
seventeenth-century,
this monumentaldoorwayprobablyreplacedan earlierentranceto
the formernarthexof the church. A seconddoorwayopened onto the naveof the
churchin the northeastcorner bay.(pi. 44) Raisedby four steps, this entrancegave
accessto the monks' choir and resemblesthe entrancefoundin the southeastcorner of
the fourteenth-centuryChiostroVerdeat San MariaNovella.121 (pi. 20) Currently,
visitorsenter the churchfrom the OrangeCloisterthrough a door in the secondbay
fromthe north of the eastem loggia. Thisdoor leadsto a staircasethat ascendsone

12 Far a discussionofthe frequentinclusionof two entrancesfromcloisterto

church,see Braunfels,75-76.
121 The constructionofthe ChiostroVerdebegan ca. 1350under the direction

of Jacopo Talenti,and it was decoratedduringthe first halfof the fifteenthcenturywith
frescoesdepictingscenesfrom Genesis. Paatz,Die Kirchenvon Florenz,3: 696-8; M.
Castelli,76-78;and AmberMcAlister,"The Old TestamentCyclein the Chiostro
Verde at SantaMariaNovella,Florence"(Ph.D.Dissertation,Universityof Georgia,
forthcoming).
174

flightto a smallvestibuleon the right. Thishallleadsto the new sacristyand highaltar
of the presentchurch.(pi. 5) A secondflightof stairsto the left of the first, leadsto
the uppercloister.(pi. 60) This stairwellwas builtduringthe seventeenth-century
renovationsand replaceda smallchapelpatronizedby the Del Cacciafamilyand
dedicatedto Ss. Giacomoand Filippo.122
The fourteenth-centurychapterroom lay adjacentto this chapelon its south
side. (pls.45, 46) The buildersofthe OrangeCloisterincorporatedthe chapterroom's
facadeinto the third and fourthbaysof the eastem loggiawhose vaultcorbelsinterrupt
the facade'scornice. Furthersouth in the eastem loggiawere two doorways. The
first, in the next-to-lastbay, was a rectangular-framed
singledoor that perhapsled to
the celiof the cellarer.123 (pi. 47) The second,in the eastem loggia's last bay, was a
rectangular-framed
doubledoor that had stairsleadingto the upper story ofthe
cloister.m (pi. 48) The doorwayto the domedchapelwas locatedin the first bay of

122 Puccinelli,Cro11ica,
5, 8; Uccelli,68; Middeldorfand Paatz, 503; Paatz, Die

Kirchenvo11F/ore11z,
I: 275; Mack,"Studies,"36; and Guidotti,"VicendestoricoartistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"65-66,77, 87, n. 97.
123 Attavianod'Antonio,a scarpe/latore,
was paid 6 December1438for work

on the doors ofthe ground-floorrefectoryand cellarer'scell. Thiswork was carried
out prior to 15July 1430,"at the timeof Don Pazino,"who died on that date. These
dates suggestthat the cellarer's cell door was installedas part of the lowercloister
project. Moreover,an inventoryof 1441/2states that the cellarer's celiwas located
next to the chapterroom: "Celladel celleraioallatoal Capitolo,"see app. l, docs. 72,
115, 130.
124 Mack("Studies,"48) also postulatedthat the originaistaircasefrom the

lowerto upper cloisterwas probablylocatedto the south of the chapterroom. This
stairwaywas removed,most likelyduringthe seventeenth-century
renovation,and the
doors were consequentlywalledup.
175

the southernloggiaadjacentto this double-entrancestairwayas describedby Salvetti:
"a most sacredoratory is to be seenat the entranceof the lower cloister."125 (pi. 49)
Salvetti'sdescriptioncould, however,referto anotherrectangulardoubledoor that
possiblyalso led to stairs and is locatedin the centraibay of the southemloggia.126 (pi.
54) These rectangulardoorwaysare similarlyframedwith ashlardoorjambstopped by
lintelsedged with dentils.127
The first three bays in the southernend ofthe westernloggiacontainwindows
that openedonto the refectory,(pi. 55) whoseentrancewas off the northwestcorner
baywhere a door led fromthe cloisterinto a large,cross-vaultedvestibule.(pi. 56) A
muraldepictingSt. BenediciRequestingSilencesurrnountedthis doorwayand
remindedvisitorsto remainsilentin the refectoryas requiredby BenedictineRule:

125 Salvetti,5v-6. Quoted in the originaiLatinby Nunes, 242.

126 Giventhe wide varietyof stairtypes in fourteenth-and earlyfifteenth-

centuryFiorentinebuildings,it is difficultto use other examplesto reconstructthe
OrangeCloister's stair system. However,sucha diversityof solutionsdoes
demonstratethe desireof buildersto provide pragmaticmodesof access,ratherthan
adhereto strict rules or types. For moreon fourteenth-centurystair buildingsee
MarvinTrachtenberg,"Archaeology,Merriment,and Murder:The First Cortileof the
PalazzoVecchioand Its Transforrnations
in the Late FiorentineRepublic,"Art Bulletin
71 (December1989):589-90. See alsoAndreasTonnesmann,"L'escalierdu Palais
Gondiet la traditionfiorentine,"and Christoph-Luitpold
Frommel,"Scale maggioridei
palazziromanidel rinascimento,"in L 'escalierdans l 'architecturede la Renaissance.
Actes du colloquetenu à Toursdu 22 au 26 mai 1979,ed. AndréChasteland Jean
Guillaume(Paris:Picard, 1985),133-4;135-43.
127 This door type is foundin buildingsby Michelozzo'
s workshop,and is

classifiedby Howard Saalmanas the architect's'Old Fiorentine'type. Saalman,"The
PalazzoComunalein Montepulciano,"7.
176

"And Jetabsolutesilencebe kept at table...." 128 (pls. 63, 64) Fromthe vestibule,
residentswouldenter the refectorythrougha monumentalrectangulardoorwayon the
left that is crownedby an imposingcorniceinscribedwith the admonitionSILENTIUM
to
ensureSt. Benedict'srequestfor silence.(pi. 57) The refectorywas a large,
rectangularhallwith three groinedvaults. A corridorwas cut throughthe firstvault in
the nineteenthcenturybefore 1865.129 (pi. 5) At somepoint in the earlysixteenth
century,the southemend wall of the refectorywas decoratedwith a frescodepicting
Christ011 the Crosswith the Virgin,and Ss. John, Benedici,and Scho/asticathat is
now lost but is knownthrougha descriptionby Vasari,who attributedit to Giovanni
AntonioSogliani.130 Anotherchamberof undeterminedfunction,perhapseitherthe
kitchenor celiar,lay behindthis walland now has egressonto Via dellaCondotta.131

128 "On the WeeklyReader,"chap.38 in St. Benedici's Rulefor Monasteries,

Doyletrans., 56. For the originailocationofthe muraloverdoorsee Vasari-Della
Pergolaet al., 2: 395; and Puccinelli,3-4.
129 A nineteenth-century
pianofunspecifieddate showsthe OrangeCloisterand

refectorybeforethe corridorwas cut through. Archiviodi Stato, Museodi Firenze
com'era (hereafterreferredto as AMFCE),Arch.top., 9, insertoD, 345, "Piantadel
Monasterosoppressodei MonaciCassinensidetto la BadiaesistentenellaCittà di
Firenzenel terzo Sestiere,TavolaI, PianoTerreno,"pen and ink on paper,443x605
cm, Soprintendenzaper i beni ambientalie architettonici,Gabinettofotografico,
PalazzoPitti, Florence(hereafterreferredto as SBAAF},photo no. 159530. A second
pianby NiccolòNasi dated 1OFebruary1865showsthe refectorycut throughwith the
corridor. "Progettodi riduzionedel Conventodi Badiaad uso dellaTesoreria,"
AMFCE,Arch.top., 9, insertoD, 347, SBAAF,photo no. 159528.
130 Vasari-DellaPergolaet al., 4: 395. Puccinelli(Cronica,5) dated the

refectoryfrescoca. 1500. For acceptanceofVasari's attributionto Soglianisee also:
Bocchi-Cinelli,387; Richa, 1: 204; Cumbiagi,146;Gargiolli,67; Ricci,208; Uccelli,
82. Sometimeafter 1858,the year in whichUccellipublishedhis work on the Badia,
177

TheLowerCloistera11dRefect01y:Datinga11dA1trib11tio11
Whilethe documentaryevidencefor the OrangeCloisterproject is incomplete,
a constructionchronologycan be derivedfromthe accountbooks that do survive,and
these accountsalso identifymanyofthe craftsmenresponsiblefar buildingthe cloister
complex. The recordskept by the Badiaduringand after Abbot Gomezio'sreign
confonnto standardearlyfifteenth-centuryFiorentinebookkeepingpracticesand
employa seriesof cross-referencedmemoranda,joumals, and ledgerswith debits,
credits,and other infonnationrecordedin a narrativefonnat.132 Unfortunately,no

the refectorywas convertedinto a warehouse. Colnaghi,252. See also Paatz, Die
Kirchenvo11Flore11z,I: 293.
GiovanniAntonioSogliani( 1492-1544)was a Fiorentinepainterwho trained
under Lorenzodi Credi. He also paintedthe refectoryofSan Marco in 1536.Andrea
Muzzi,"GiovanniAntonioSogliani,"in TheDictiona,yof Art, 29: 14.
Sogliani'sCrucifixionfresco is now lost, but traces of it maybe underneath
layersof whitewashon the originaisouthernend wallof the refectorythat is now cut
throughwith two archesand servesas partitionin "Bartolucci"-- a toy stare accessible
at Via dellaCondotta, l2r.
Baldini("Affrescodi TaddeoGaddi;"and The GrealAge of Fresco. Giotloto
Pontormo,74) mistookthe muraldepictingthe Crucifixionwilh Saints that he foundin
the capitolo1111ovo
to be the lost Sogliani.(pi. 32) Guidotti("VicendestoricoartistichedellaBadiaFiorentina")reproducedthe capitolo11uovomuralwith a caption
attributingit to Sogliani.The capitolo1111ovo
muralwas possiblypaintedin the
seventeenthcenturyby DomenicoParis di PalmerinoSantinelliwhomPucinnelli
(Cronica,8) recordedas decoratingthe capitolo11uovo.See also Uccelli,82 and
Paatz,Die Kirchenvo11Florenz, I: 293. Thismuralmay in turn havebeen retouched
or repaintedin the eighteenthcenturyby an unidentifiedartist after the capitolonuovo
was restoredin 1722. Paatz, Die KirchenvanFlore11z,1: 267.
131 The two doors to this space now correspondto "Bartolucci"-- a toy stare

accessibleat Via dellaCondotta, 12r.
132 O. ten Have, TheHistoryof Accoumancy,trans. A. van Seventer(Palo Alto:

Bay Books, 1976),32, 38-43.
178

series of the variousjournalsand ledgerskept at anyone time by the monastery
survivescompletely.Furthermore,no contractsfor the OrangeCloisterprojectare
extant. AnEntratae Uscilaused to recordincomingand outgoingexpensesand dated
1426-34recordssummariesofmoney spenton the lowercloister.133 A Quadernodi

CertiDebitorie Creditoridated 1431-4is a double-entryledgerfor debitsand credits
that listspaymentstransferredfromother accountbooks.134 Manyof these entries are
summariesof paymentsto certainworkmen,culledfromnow-lostdailyjournalsin
whichindividuaipaymentsfor specificworkswouldhavebeen recorded,possiblyin
greater detail. A dailyaccountbook, or Giornale,does survivefromthe period 143641,135 but withoutits correspondingledgers. A double-entryledgerdoes survivefor
the period 1441-50but without its correspondingdailyjournal.136 No paymentrecords
of any kindsurvivefrom 1435.137 Withouteithercontractsor dailyrecords for the
years 1419-35,one cannotbe too specificabout how the first story ofthe Orange
Cloistercomplexwas built.

J"3

., See app. l, doc. 37.

134 See app. l, doc. 7.
135 See app. l, doc. 41.
l"6

., See app. 1, doc. 13l.

137 AbbotGomezio'stenure from 1435throughthe beginningof 1436as papa!

ambassadorto the Portuguesecrown in Lisbonmayhelpto explainthis lacunain the
documentaryrecord.
179

The survivingdocumentaryevidencedoes indicatethat the lowercloisterand
new refectorywere built in the secondhalfofthe 1420s.138 A record of 2 July 1429,
servesas a terminusante quem for the constructionofthe refectory,as it discusses
housesownedby the Sacchettifamilythat lay to the west ofthe refectory.139 The
stonecuttingshop ofGiovannid' Antonio140 was paid for sixtydays ofwork carriedout
by 15 July 1430,whichincludedthe windowsand door ofthe new refectory,the door
to the ground-floorcellarer'sceli,and other unspecifieddoors (perhapsthose of the
stairwells)madeby Giovanni'sbrotherAttaviano.141 (pls. 47, 48, 54-57) An entry in a
Librodi Emrata e Uscitadated 1432recordsthat 2,593 lire were spenton the
constructionof the lowercloisterand refectory.142 A correspondingledgerliststhe

138 Nunes(243-4) postulatedthat sinceit took three years to buildthe upper

cloisterand dormitory,the sametimeperiodcould be allotedto the lowercloisterand
refectory.
1·9

See app. 1, doc. 6.

140 Giovannid'Antoniodi Lionardoda Maianois referredto in the documents

as scarpellatoreor /astraiuo/o,thoughmore often as the former. Fora discussionof
these variousterms for stonecuttersee Goldthwaite,xiv.
141 Manypaymentsin the Giornalewere made not just to Giovanni,but to

"Giovannid'Antonioe frategli,"the workshopled by Giovanniwith his brothersas
partnersor assistants. See app. 1, doc. 115. This paymentwas overduefor work done
on the lowercloister"in the time of don Pazinoand Don Biagio." Nunes(244, n. 1O)
determinedthat these 60 days' work mustdate before 15 July 1430,the date ofDon
Pazino'sdeath,and that the monkshad an outstandingaccountwith Attaviano
d'Antoniothat they finallypaid on 6 December1438. For Don Pazino'sdeath date see
BNF,Conv. Soppr.,da ord., 4, fol. 81.
142 Nunes(243, n. 6) suggestedthat this record indicatesa completiondate of

the lowercloisterat sometime in late 1431or early 1432. The entry in the account
book fallsbetweenentriesdated 29 Marchand 2 May 1432. However,it has been
180

accountsof the variouscraftsmenat work on this first phaseof the cloisterproject:
kilnsmenresponsiblefar supplyingbuildingmaterials,masterbuilders(maestridi
murare)and their day laborers(manovali)who constructedthe wallsand vaults,and
stonecutters(lastraiuolior scarpe/latori)who providedand installeddoors, windows,
and other architecturaldetails. Whileit is possiblethat these paymentscorrespondto
the 2,593 lire recordedin the Entratae Uscitaas spent on the lowercloisterand
refectory,withoutcorrespondingdailyrecordbooks such as a memorialeor giornale,
it is difficultto be certain.
Severa!craftsmenemergefromtheseaccountsas key playersin the
constructionofthe OrangeCloister. At the start of 1432,Antoniodi Domenico,a
masterbuilder,143 and his son Zanobireceivedpaymentstotaling440 lire for about a
year's worth of work, presumablyin the lowercloisterin 1431.144 Anothermaster
builder,Bartolomeodi Giovanni,receivedpaymentsfromlate 1432throughout1433,
but it is difficultto determinewhetherhe workedon the project from its inceptionor
joined the constructionteam as the lowerstorywas nearingcompletionto work on the
upper storiesof the complex.145 The supplyof workedstone was monopolizedby the

copiedout of an earlieraccountbook, and thus it is difficultto determinethe exact date
of the record. See app. 1, doc. 38.
143 Antoniodi Domenicois referredto in the documentsas maestro,maeslrodi

murare,capomaestro,and capomaestroallaparte. His raie in the projectwillbe
discussedpresently.
144 See app. 1, docs. 12b, 13, 15,24, 29.

181

stonecutterGiovannid'Antonio. Beforethe end of 1432,Giovanni'sshop had been
paid almost 1,380lire and had receivedanother21 lire by March ofthe following
year.146 The monasterytypicallypaid its craftsmenafter work had been completed.
Thus, the settlingof these variousaccountsin late 1432and early 1433suggestthat the
lowercloister,most likelybegun in 1428or early 1429,was completeby 1432.

UpperC/oisterand Dormitory
Recordsfrom the beginningof 1436indicatethat work on the upper cloister
was nearingcompletion. Determiningthe start ofthe upper cloisterand dormitory
provesto be more difficult. Documentsindicatethat work on the abbot's living
quarterswas underwayby 1432.147 His bedroom,livingroom, and a study were
probablybuilt above the narthexat the north end of the OrangeCloister.148 (pls. 7, 11)
Dormitoriesfor the monksIinedthe remainingthree sidesof the cloister. Builders
reuseda preexistingdormitoryabove the chapterroom that extendedeast to Via del
Proconsoloand south to Via del Garbo (Condotta)and constructeda new dormitory

145 See app. I, docs. IO, 14, 16, 19, 26, 31, 32. Other stoneworkerswho

receivedpaymentsin 1434includeBruogiodi Nannida Fiesoleand Francescodel
Bozolino. Nunes,262.
146 See app. I, docs. 8, 39.
147 See app. I, docs. 9, 17, 18, 33.
148 The 1441/2inventorylists these three rooms as belongingto the Abbot. See

app. I, doc. 130. Later documentsconfirmthat the Abbot's chamberswere upstairs
off the upper cloister,and severa!authors postulatethat these were in the area above
the churchnarthexas shownin the RusticiCodexdrawing(pi. 6). Guidotti,"Vicende
storico-artistichedellaBadia Fiorentina,"73; and Carrara, I09.
182

over the refectoryon the westernsidethat joined the old dormitoryalongthe southem
end of the cloister.1-19 A late-sixteenthcenturychroniclerecordsthe tota! cost for the
new dormitoryas 2,598 lire.150 Paymentsto variousstonecuttersfor detailssuch as
doors and stairs suggestthat at leastpart ofthe dormitorywas builtby mid-1434.151
Work on the new dormitory'swesternwingwas stili in progressin October 1434when
three moggiaof calcina(mortar)were delivered"for the new dormitoryover the
refectory."152
The loss of record booksfrom 1435resultsin manyquestionsabout how work
progressedon the upper cloisterand dormitory. It seemsthat the dormitorywas nearly
completeby l February1436whenthe stonecutterBernardoRossellinowas paid for
work on its mainentrance.153 FromFebruarythroughJune 1436,the Badiapaid for

149 See app. 1, docs. 20-23, 25, 27, 28, 35, 42a, 44, 66, 80, 85, 86, 88, 90, 93,

I07, 128. See also Guidotti("Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"1789) for an inventoryof workshopsdescribedas "sotto il dormitorio"(underthe
dormitory)alongPiazzaSan Firenze(then Apollinare)and Via dellaCondotta(then del
Garbo).
150 This amountis nearlyequalto the amountspent on the new refectorybelow

the new dormitoryon the groundfloor. See app. l, docs. 38, 137.
151 See app. I, docs. 20, 25.
152 See app. I, doc. 27. Threemoggia is approximately
equivalentto fifty

bushels. For conversionofFlorentinedry measurementssee RonaldEdwardZupko,
ltalian Weightsand Measuresfrom the MiddleAges to the NineteenthCentlll}',
Memoirsofthe AmericanPhilosophicalSociety,145 (Philadelphia:American
PhilosophicalSociety,1981), 168.
153 See app. 1, doc. 42a. Fabriczy("EinJugendwerk,"108)and Sanpaolesi

("Costruzioni,"164)misread"arco de l'uscio" as "arco de busti," a mistakewhichhas
183

roofingand vaultingmaterialsfor both the dormitoryand cloister.154 An entry dated 29
February1436indicatesthat the kilnsmanBenedettodi Marco had been supplying
bricksto vault the cloistersfor sometime.155 Similarly,a paymenton 17 March 1436
to Giovannid'Antoniofor "part" of the stone sent by himfor use in the cloister,
indicatesthat he, too, had been shippingworkedstone for the project for at Ieast
severa)monthssincethis Giornaleentryis the onlypaymentthat specificallymentions
stoneworkfor the cloister.156 By 18May 1436,the painterGiovannidi Consalvohad
begunto purchasepigmentsto paintthe cloisterand continuedto do so throughoutthe
summer,thus indicatingthat the cloisterwas readyfor decorationby this time.157

led to confusionfor them and subsequentauthorslikeTyszkiewiczand Mack. Nunes
(247) correctlytranscribedthe documentas "arco de l'uscio."
154 For paymentsrelatedto roofingand vaultingmaterials,gutters, and leadtie

beamsfor the cloistervaultssee app. 1, docs. 43, 44, 45a, 49b, 52, 54, 57b, 57c, 58a,
58b, 59, 60, 61, 63a, 63b, 73, 80, 82, 85. See also Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"154.
155 On 9 March 1436,anotherkilnsmanMaso d'Antonio received5 lire and 5

soldi to settle his accountwith the monastery.This also suggeststhat most brickand
mortardeliveriesfor the cloisterand dormitoryhad beenmade sometime beforethe
start of 1436. See app. 1, doc. 55.
156 Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"I 50.
157 Sanpaolesi(Ibid., 154)misstatedthat Giovannidi Consalvoreceivedhis

first paymentin Aprii 1436. See app. 1, doc. 70a.
Whilea paymenton 6 June 1436for plasterpurchasedfor the cloistervaults
suggeststhat work was not yet complete,the presenceof Giovannidi Consalvoand his
purchasesof pigmentsfor "paintingin the cloister"suggesteither that paintinghad
begunin bayswhosevaultswere completed,or, as seemsmore probable,this payment
was for buildingmaterialsdeliveredat an earliertime. Moreover,a doorway
connectingthe secondstory cloisterwiththe third storyterrace builtatop the secondstory cloisterwas deliveredby BernardoRossellinoon 28 July 1436,and gutters for
the terrace were installedon 17 October. See app. 1, docs. 85, 91.
184

Whilethe arrangementof the ground floorofthe OrangeCloistercomplexcan
be reconstructedwithouttoo muchtrouble,the arrangementofthe upperfloorsis quite
difficultto determine. The levelsofthe cloister'sloggiasdo not correspondto the
arrangementofthe interiorfloors. At the presenttime,the upper cloisterhas two
modesof access. The first is the aforementionedseventeenth-century
staircasefrom
the lowercloister,locatedin the eastem loggia's secondbay fromthe north. (pi. 60)
The secondis a staircaselocatedin the southemloggia's centraibay that only leadsup
to the interior's primopiallo, or first floor, that now containsdormitoryquarters
recentlyrenovatedfor the current monasticresidents.158 (pi. 59) Thesenew quarters
surmountthe workshopsalong Via dellaCondottaand PiazzaSan Firenzeand seem to
occupypart of the fifteenth-centurydormitory.159 CharlesMack identifieda large,
quadruple-lightwindowvisiblefrom Via Condottaas one describedin the documents
as: "finestrequatro muratein dormentorionuovonellecielle,finestre4 con
archetto."160 (pi. 62) The windowoverlooksan interior corridoron theprimopiallo

158 Thesedormitoryquarterswere renovatedin December1998for the

Fraternitàdi Gerusalemmeby the CommuneofFlorenceand the Parrocchiadi Santa
MariaAssuntadellaBadiaFiorentina. Plansweredrawnby ArchitectSaverioMariotti,
Via Santo Stefano,75, 50013 CampiBisenzio(Florence).
159 There is a mezzanineleve)betweenthe ground-floorworkshopsand the

currentmonasticdormitoryon the primopiano. Whilethese windowsare visiblefrom
the street and in an eighteenth-centuryprint by Zocchi,it has not been possibleeitherto
enter this mezzanineleve!or to locateground plansfor it. Nevertheless,this zone
seemsto correspondto what were originallyhousingquartersattachedto the various
workshopsfor use of their tenants.
160 See app. 1, doc. 66.

185

accessiblefromVia dellaCondottaup one flightof stairs. This passageservesas a
commonhallwaybetweenthe Hotel Cristina,whichoccupiesthe area once used for the
guest house and infirmary,(pi. 9) and the currentmonasticquartersin former
dormitoryspace overlookingVia Condottaand PiazzaSan Firenze. WhileMack was
correct to identifythis windowas part ofthe fifteenth-centurydormitory,one must
questionwhetherthis is the samewindowmentionedin the documents. The payment
to Rossellinoseemsto be for "four windowsbuilt in the new dormitoryin the cells,
four windowswith a little arch," that is, for four smallarchedwindowsin some of the
dormitory'scellsrather than for one largearchedwindowdividedinto four arched
sectionsby a mullionand transomlikethe one identifiedby Mack.161 This large
windowmay insteadbe one describedin the documentsas "a largewindowthat
[Rossellino]built at the head ofthe dormitory."162
As in the lower cloister,severa)doorwaysin the upper cloisterare now walled
up. A doorwayonce openedoff the easternside of the southeastcorner bay onte stairs
that led up to the third-floorterrace and downto the correspondingdoubledoor below
in the lower cloister.(pi. 58) This doorwayis identifiablefrom the dailyaccount book
as one installedby BernardoRossellinoon 28 July 1436.163 Four windows-- now,

161 Mack, "Notes concerningan unpublishedwindow,"2-3; and idem,

"Studies,"48-50, 60 n. 39.
162 "Da lui detto [Rossellino]una finestragrandela quale si debbe murarenel

dormentorioin testa di detto per s....il bracio,finestrauna. App. 1, doc. 66.
Fabriczy,"Ein Jugendwerk,"109; Paatz, Die Kirchen
vonFlorenz, 1: 298, n. 17; Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"166, app. 1, doc. 21; Nunes,
260, n. 135; Markham, 15; Mack, "Studies,"47-48, 60, n. 36.
163 See app. 1, doc. 85.

186

with one exception,walledup -- piercedthe lowerhalfof the westernloggiawalland
gave lightto an intermediarystory ofunknownfunctionbetweenthe refectorybelow
and the dormitoryroomson the primopiano above.
A door also openedoffthe northemsideof the northwestcorner bay. It seems
to have ledto the abbot's quartersalongthe cloister'snorth side, to the dormitorycells
alongthe westernwingof the cloisterabovethe refectory,and to the guest house and
infirmarybehindthe dormitoryto the west -- ali documentedas under constructionand
in use by the early 1440s. The presenceof this door in the fifteenthcenturyis proven
by its incorporationinto the fifthsceneof the life of St. BenediciCyc/e paintedaround
it in the late 1430s,wherethe artist depicteda fictivegray stone arch to surmountthe
lintelof the actualdoorway.(pi. 61)
An inventorydrawnup eitherin 1441or 1442recordsthe contentsof the

foresteria nuova,or guest quarters,that were underconstructionby the beginningof
1440. Variousdates havebeen givenfar the constructionof theforesteria,164 but guest
quarterswere doubtlesslyenvisionedby Gomezioas part of his planseven though they
were not builtbefare his departurefromthe Badiain 1439.165 Indeed,lodgingfar
guests was requiredby BenedictineRule,and a guest housewould have been a top

164 Puccinelli(Cronica,48, 61) and Uccelli(63) dated theforesteria to 1444.

Paatz (DieKirchenvonFlorenz, l: 266, 269, n. 21, 282) arguedthat the monksonly
acquiredthe land on whichthey builttheforesteriain 1464,and it was built only in
1477. Thishypothesisis disprovenby the documentaryevidence.
165 AbbotGomeziowas appointedas Generaiof the CamaldoleseOrder in

November1439. Nunes,252.
187

priorityafter completingthe dormitory.166 Paymentsin Marchand Aprii 1440attest to
work in progresson theforesteria,167 and its inclusionin the 1441/2inventorysuggests
its completion,at least in part, by then.168 By the writingofthe inventory,the
foresteria had one large commonroom, three bedrooms,and a fourth room "up halfa
flightof stairs,next to the refectory."169 Thisdescriptionsuggeststhat the guest
quarterswere locatedin the westernwingofthe cloistercomplex. Fifteenth-century
door-frames,stair banisters,and a staircasehelpto identifythe locationof the originai
guest housein the suiteof roomsbuilt perpendicularly
to the refectoryand western
dormitoryand south ofthe Sacchettihouses-- an area currentlyoccupiedby the Hotel
Cristinaand the Pretura.170 (pls. 5, 7, 9)
Puccinelli'schronicleindicatesthat the infirmarywas locateciin the southwest
quadrantof the monastery,underthe Sacchettitower.171 Accordingto Puccinelli,

166 "Let ali guests who arrive be receivedlikeChrist....And to ali !et due honor

be shown,especiallyto the domesticsof the faithand to pilgrims."St. Benedici's Rute
for Monasteries,Doyletrans., chap. 53, p. 72.
167 See app. l, docs. 116-122.
168 See app. 1, doc. 130
169 "Foresteria;chameraa mezaschalaaliate allo refectorio[....]"

See app. 1,

doc. 130.
170 The locationof these doors and stairscontradictsthe theory ofNunes (253),

who believedthe guest housewas in the southemwingofthe complexalong Via della
Condotta. For other theoriesplacingtheforesteriaunderneaththe dormitory,see
Mack, "Studies,"41-42;and Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadia
Fiorentina,"69-70.
188

AbbotIgnazioFranchibought a tower and housesbelongingto the Sacchettifamilyin
1449to unitethem with the fabricofthe monastery"for use and comfortof the
sick."172 This area is now occupiedby the Hotel Cristina.173 (pi. 9) Whetherthese
purchaseswere to completeor expandthe infirmaryis not clear. That the infirmary
was at least partiallybuilt by 1441/2 is attestedby the inventorythat recordsthe
contentsof its three rooms and kitchen.174 Moreover,as AlessandroGuidottihas
shown,negotiationswith the Sacchettidate back as earlyas 1405,and the Benedictines
seemto havebegunacquiringthe Sacchettipropertythat laybehindthe refectoryas
earlyas 1429.175 Indeed,parts of the infirmarymayhavebeenmore or less complete
by August 1436whenBernardoRossellinodelivereda cardina/ettofora window
171 The Sacchettifamilyownedtowers and housesalongboth sides of Via del

Garbo(dellaCondotta). One was locatedon the southeastcorner of Via del Garbo at
PiazzaSant'Apollinare,and the otherswere locatedat the northeastcorner ofVia del
Garboand Via dei Magazzini.Tracesofthese towers are visiblein Via dellaCondotta,
18r and 20r, and traces of the originaihouseat l 4r and 16r. Macciand Orgera, 162.
172 Puccinelli,Cronica,48; Uccelli,40, 63, n. l; Paatz,Die Kirchenvon

Florenz, l: 266, 298, nn. 20-21 followedPuccinelliand Uccelliand dated property
acquisitionsfor the infirmary1449/50. Mack("Studies,"41-42, 46, 56, n. 7)
suggestedthat these dates refer to remodelingor augmentationof the infirmaryrather
than its originaiconstructionas maintainedby Paatz. Mackarguedthat the
documentaryevidencepublishedby Sanpaolesiindicatesthat the infirmarywas part of
the originaiOrangeCloisterprojectof the 1430s/40ssincethe infirmaryis namedin the
Libro di Giornaleon 21 August 1436. See app. 1, doc. 87.
173 The Hotel Cristinaoccupiestheprimopiano ofthe Badia's southwest

corner. It is accessedby a stair enteredfromVia dellaCondotta,4. Sixwindowsface
onto Via dellaCondotta,correspondingto nos. l 4r, 16r, l 8r, and 20r. The hotel
extendsnorthwardalong Via dei Magazzinitono. 10.
174 See app. 1, doc. 130.

189

locatedunderneathit.176 Therefore,it seemsthat uppercloisterand first floor of the
surroundingcomplexwere builtbetween 1432,whenwork on the abbot's quarters was
underway,and 1441whenparts ofthe guest quartersand infirmarywere built to the
west ofthe new dormitorythat was probablybuiltbetween1434and 1436.

The "Architect"o/ the OrangeCloister
As demonstratedin chaptertwo, most studiesofthe OrangeCloister's
architecturalhistoryhavefocusedon the identityof its architect. Corneliusvan
Fabriczy'sinterestin the sculptor-architectBernardoRossellinoled him to seek
evidenceof the famousmaster's work at the Badia. By only publishingpayment
recordsthat mentionRossellino,Fabriczyoveremphasizedthe then youthful
stonecutter's role in the OrangeCloisterproject.177 WhilePiero Sanpaolesidid try to
reconstructthe buildinghistoryand layoutof the cloister,he too was interestedin
identifyingits author, and he challengedthe commonlyheldbeliefthat Bernardo
Rossellinodesignedand builtthe OrangeCloisterwiththe publicationof additional
paymentrecordstaken fromthe accountbook consultedby Fabriczy. Instead,
Sanpaolesiproved that Rossellinowas one of manystoneworkershired for the Orange

175 See app. 1, doc. 6. Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistiche
dellaBadia

Fiorentina,"69, 92, nn. 167-72.
176 BernardoRossellinodelivereda "cardinaletto,"that is, a hingeor pivot fora

windowbuilt undemeaththe infirmary. See Mack, "Studies,"46. Markham(15)
translatedcardina/euoas ajamb or lintel. See app. 1, doc. 87.
177 Fabriczy,"Ein Jugendwerk,"99-106, 108-10.

190

Cloisterprojectto providearchitecturaldetailsand workedstone, and Sanpaolesi
proposedthat Antoniodi Domenicowas the cloister'sarchitectgiven his appellationin
the documentsas capomaestro,or foreman.178
Rossellinodid receivethe commissionto sculpta sacramentaitabemaclefor the
monastery,but this smallprojectdoes not renderhimthe architectof the Grange
Cloister. It seemsthat Rossellino'slater fameas an architectand sculptorcoupledwith
the other Badiaartisans' relativehistoricalobscurityhave led historiansto identify
Rossellinoas the projectleader,evenafter the archivaldiscoveriesby Sanpaolesi.In
order to account for the documentaryevidencepublishedby Sanpaolesiyet maintain
BernardoRossellino'sauthorship,historianshaveproposedthat Rossellinoshared
directorialresponsibilitywith Antoniodi Domenico. Mack suggestedthat Antoniowas
responsiblefor the originaiprojectdesignthat was augmentedby BernardoRossellino
after his arrivaiin 1435. In this way, Mackwas able to claimRossellino'sauthorship
for the decorativepilastersof the loggiafacades,seen by manyas a crucialdesign
element,whileexplainingAntonio'sdominantpresencein the Badia's Giomale. 119 As

178

Capomaestrotranslatesliterallyas headmaster.

"The pilastersserveno functionalpurpose,are clearlydecorativein nature
and could have been added easilyin 1436afterthe basicconstructionofthe cloister
had been completed. Their introduction,however,substantiallyalteredthe originai
pian of Antoniodi Domenico,and Bernardo,therefore,must be consideredas an
almostequalpartner in the project." Mack,"Studies,"46. This thesiswas acceptedby
Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"68.
179

191

arguedby Sanpaolesiand Nunesand suggestedby the documents,however,Rossellino
does not seemto havehad a leadershiprole on the project.180
Sanpaolesi's attribution of the cloisterto the mastermasonAntoniodi
Domenicois basedon referencesto himas capomaestroin the Badia's dailyaccount
book of 1436-41. Antoniois, indeed,designatedas capomaestroon ten occasionsin
this Giornalefor work on the OrangeCloisterproject.181 However,he appearsat least
an additionaleighty-eighttimesin the sameaccountbook with the simpleappellation
maestroor maestrodi murare-- the designationof ali builderswith masterstatus.182
Furthermore,ofthe ten referencesto Antonioas capomaestro,the firstthree are to him

180 Thisis not to say that Rossellinodid not havea role, perhapssignificant,at

the Badia. Documentaryevidenceattests to his work on the OrangeCloister,and the
stylisticsimilaritiesbetweenthe OrangeCloisterand his other works, which
Tyszkiewiczand Mack claimedas proof of his authorship,are compelling.However,it
is not possibleto determinewhetherthe use of pilasterson tombs and palacefacades
createdby Bernardo's workshopfromthe 1440sthroughthe end of his Iife was
inspiredby the ArezzanMisericordiaPalacefacadeand OrangeCloisteror inventedby
himfor those earlyprojects. Tyszkiewicz(BernardoRossellino,25, doc. VI) and
Paatz (Die Kirchenvon Florenz, 1: 265-6, 282, 307, n. 94) publishedtheir attributions
of the OrangeCloisterto BernardoRossellino.priorto Sanpaolesi's1942publication.
For subsequentattributionsto Rossellinopublishedwiththe knowledgeof Antoniodi
Domenico'sparticipationand thus supportedmainlyby stylisticarguments,see
Tyszkiewicz,"Il ChiostrodegliAranci,"205-6;Mack,"Studies,"43-46, 53;
Heydenreich,49; Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"68; and
Carbi,39.
181 See app. I, docs. 46, 47, 58d, 62, 63f, 64, 65, 68, 70e. Of these ten

references,Sanpaolesi("Costruzioni,"app. 4, 172-3,docs. 1, 4-6, 8-9) transcribedsix
with severalmistakesof folionumberand date.
182 Goldthwaite,242-86. For examplesof Antoniodi Domenicoqualified

simplyas maestroor maestrodi murare,see app. 1, docs. 48, 51, 53, 56, 67b, 70d, 71,
75, 111.
192

as capomaestroallaparte.183 Sanpaolesidid not commenton this qualifier. In his own
analysisof the Badia's accountbooks,Nunessuggestedthat "allaparte" indicatedthat
Antoniodi Domenicodirectedthe constructionof the cloisteras a capomaestro"in
part." That is, Antoniowas responsiblefor procuringand usingbricks,mortar, plaster,
and other materialsfor walls,floors,and vaults,whileworkedstone and sculptural
detailswere the responsibilityof a chiefstonecutterwhomNunesidentifiedas Giovanni
d' Antonio.184
Nuneswas correct to recognizesignificancein the qualifierallaparte
overlookedby Sanpaolesi.However,it does not mean"in part" but refersto Antonio
di Domenico'srole as capomaestroalla Parte Guelfa. This appellationrefersto
Antonio'sappointmentas foremanof the projectto expandthe palaceof the Parte
Guelfa,a post he had receivedby 1418.185 It seemsthat Antoniocarneto be knownby

183 See app. I, docs. 46, 47, 58d.
184 Nunes,264, n. 174.
185 The Parte Guelfadecidedto add a new wingto its fourteenth-century
palace

alongVia delleTerme,and it was builtca. 1415-26. The earliestreferenceto the
capomaestroofthe Via delleTermeprojectwas on 7 May 1418:"Piero di Neri
Ardinghelli& Comp.lb. sesantacinques. vii e per lui a TomasoBorghinie altri operai
dellamuragliadellaparte Guelfae per loro ad Antoniodi Domenicocapomaestrodi
detta muraglia,fl. xv s. xxiiiid. viiii"ASF,Librodi Entrata e Uscita,Lorenzodi Palla
Strozzi,1418-20,Carte StrozzianeIII, 284, fol. 100v. Transcribedby DianeFiniello
Zervas, TheParte Guelfa,Brunelleschiand Donatello(LocustValley,NY: J.J.
Augustin,1987),410, app. V, D, doc. 4.
Zervas(The Parte Guelfa,217) suggestedthat Antoniodi Domenicomay have
servedas the capomaestrofor the initialstagesofthe Palazzo'ssala grande, a project
taken aver by FilippoBrunelleschica. 1442(Far this date, see Saalman,Filippo
Brunelleschi:TheBuildings,333). Zervasbelievedthat Antonio'stitle in the Badia
documents,capomaestroallaparte, refersto servicefar the Parte in the 1430srather
193

his work on this building,for he is referredto as the Parte Guelfaforemanin other
documentsnot relatedto this palace. For example,in 1422,Antoniowas hired as an
assessorfor the OspedaledegliInnocenti,and he was paid on 1OMarchfor evaluations
and estimatesmadeto settie builders'accountsas "Antoniodi Domenichocapomaestro
dellaparte guelfa."186 In 1427,the woodworkerZanobidi MicheleChanaccilisted
"Antoniodi Domenicoalla parte guelfa"as one of his debtorsin his tax return.187

than for his work on the Via delleTermewingin the 1420s. She did not think that
Antoniocontinuedto serve the Parte as capomaestrowhilehe was occupiedwith the
Benedictineproject. Moreover,work on the Parte GuelfaPalaceexpansionseemsto
have slowedafter 1430,and littleor no work proceededfrom 1434to 1442. For more
on the fifteenth-centurywing of the Parte GuelfaPalaceand Antoniodi Domenico's
raie as capomaestrothere, see Zervas, TheParte Guelfa, 185-9;192-3;217; 229, n.
56; 410; and Saalman,FilippoBrunelleschi:TheBuildings,289-93. For more on the
hiatusin the Parte Guelfapalaceproject,see Saalman,FilippoBrunelleschi:The
Buildings,330-3.
186 "1422....Alle quali porti il detto Ambruogio[di Lionardo maestrodi murare]

non muro i concie pero fu giudicatoper Antoniodi Domenichocapomaestrodella
parte ghuelfain cui le parti si rimissonoche de sopradettivani fosse paghato per meta
che sono br. 80 e piu sena abattereper vani d'uscia e finestresopraterrain tutto br. 46
sicchein tutto sa asbatterebra. 126. Secondoche il sopradettoAntoniorestano bra.
4127 dellequalia essere paghatoa ragionedi s. due d. undiciil bracia che in tutto
montanolb. secentounas. diciasettee d. uno e in detto sommae misurasono conti
fatturadi pilastrie ogni altro lavorioavessefatto in dette murasopraterra,lb. 601 s. 17
d. I." Libro della muraglia,ArchivioInnocenti,Florence,LibroA, fol. 81. Published
by Corneliusvan Fabriczy,FilippoBrunelleschi:sein Leben 1111d
seine Werke
(Stuttgart:J.G. Cotta'schenBuchhandlung,1892),559. See also Mack,"An
unpublishedwindow,"2, n. 3; Mack,"Studies,"44, 60, n. 29; Goldthwaite,162-3;
321; and Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"91, n. 158.

lire to the
woodworkerZanobidi :MicheleChanacciin his tax return of 1427. "Questi sono i
debitoridi MicheleChanaccichefunelegnaiuolosono rimasia me zanobiche fu suo
figliuoloe debitorisono questi:...Antoniodi Domenichoallaparteguelfad[e]ve dare,
lb. 34" ASF,Catasto,45 (Portate dei Cittadini,QuartiereSantaMariaNovella,
GonfaloneLeoneRosso, anno 1427),fai. 877, publishedby CharlesR. Mack, "A
187 Antoniodi Domenicoallaparteguelfawas listedas owing34

194

Fourteenyears later, Antoniocontinuedto use this title in accountskept by the Badia.
In additionto workingfor the Badiaas a masterbuilder,Antoniodi Domenicorenteda
farm fromthe monksas recorded in the monastery's debit and credit ledgerof 1441
and Antonio'stax declarationof 1442.188 The BadialedgeridentifiesAntonioas a
"masterbuilder,in the past capomaestroto the Parte Guelfa."189 Thus, the three
referencesto Antoniodi Domenicoas "capomaestroalla parte" in the BadiaGiornale
seemto be a short formof his title as the Parte Guelfacapomaestrorather than an
identificationof Antonioas the OrangeCloister'sforeman.190 The three referencesto
Antonioas capomaestroalla parte and the sevento him as capomaestrooccurredfrom
16 Februarythrough 18 May 1436. Duringthat three-monthperiod, Antoniowas paid
an additionalsix timesand namedonlyas maestro.191 Sanpaolesiexplainedthe change
in Antonio'squalifierfromcapomaestroto maestroafter May 1436as the resultof the
completionofthe OrangeCloisterconstructionbut did not mentionthe inconsistency
of Antonio'sappellationfromFebruaryto May.192 Sanpaolesi'shypothesisdraws

Carpenter'sCatasto,"Mittei/1111ge11
des Kunsthistorischenlnstilutesin Florenz24
(1980):367.
"E piu tenghouna podereafitto il qualee dellaBadiadi Firenze...." ASF,
Catasto,615, fols. 50, 50v. Publishedby Mack,"Studies,"429-30.
188

"maestrodi murareper adiretoCapomaestroalla parte guellfa." "Per
adireto"is a misspellingof"per l'addietro,"whichmeans"in the past." See app. 1,
doc. 133.
189

190 Zervas, TheParte Guelfa,217.
191 See app. 1, docs. 48, 51, 53, 56, 67b, 70d.
192

Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"154.
195

severalchallengesfromthe documentaryevidence. In the Librodi CertiDebitorie

creditoricoveringthe years 1431to 1434,an accountbook unknownto Sanpaolesi,
Antoniodi Domenicoappearsidentifiedwithoutappellation,as maestro,and as

maestrodi murare,but neveras capomaestro.193 PerhapsAntoniowas promotedto
the positionof capomaestroin 1435. Withoutrecordsfor that year, however,this
hypothesiscannotbe verified. Do the sevenreferencesto Antonioas capomaestrvin
early 1436signifyhis role as foremanofthe OrangeCloisterprojectfora period of
anywherebetweenthree and fifteenmonths? Or, are they abbreviatedformsof his title

capomaestroalla parte guelfa? The use of his fulltitle in the Badiadebit/creditledger
and the fact that Antonio'sson Zanobilater used dellaparte as part of his name
supportthe latter theory.194

Maestridi murare,definedby RichardGoldthwaiteas "wallers,"were often
chosenas foremen(capomaestri),responsiblefor hiringsuppliersand supervising

193 See app. I, docs. I Id, 12b, 13, 15, 24, 29, 34. He also appearsthis way in

the Entratae Uscitafor the sameperiod,app. I, doc. 40.
194 Zanobid'Antonio dellaParte servedas a capomaestroon the Rocca di

Montepoggioloprojectin 1471:"Diexxiiiseptembris1471.PredictiOfficialesBlasio
LaureatiMonteeorum coli[ega] absentestantiaveruntet deliberaveruntquod
BernardusNicolaiCambiaidepositariumeorumofficiidet et solvatZenobioAntoni
dallaParte et GratiadioGherardida PesciacapomagistrisMontispoggiolipro parte
eorumlaborisdate in dieta muraglaMontispoggioliflorenosducentoslargos...." ASF,
UfficialidelleCastellae Rocche,fz. 13,c. 27r. Zanobid'AntoniodellaParte registered
in the Stoneand Woodworkersguildin 1466. ASF, Arte dei Maestridi pietrae
legname,fz. 4, fol. 39r. Both ofthese citationswere taken fromQuinteria,225-227;
230, n. 8; 232.
Antoniodi Domenicois referredto as "AntoniodellaParte" in a property
inventoryof 1442. See app. l, doc. 129.
196

constructionwork.195 The largenumberof paymentsto Antoniothroughoutthe 143641 Giornale,most ofwhich were receivedon his behalfbyhis sonsZanobior
Domenico,does suggestthat he playeda majorrole in the buildingworks at the Badia.
Antoniowas sixty-fiveyearsold in 1436,and one wonderswhetherhe would have
done muchmore than administrativeor organizationalwork duringthe period recorded
in the Giomale.196 It seemsthat by 1440,Antoniohad retiredfromactiveduty at the
Badiabecausehis son Zanobiappearsto be workingindependentlyat that time as a

maestrodi murareon the Badia's guest quarters.197 However,the libro di Certi
Debitorie creditori,J.131-./indicatesthat Antoniodi Domenicowas workingas an
activemasterwallerat the Badiaas late as 1433. For example,he and his son Zanobi
received440 lire in 1433(whenAntoniowas sixty-two)for 275 and 260 opere, or

195 Goldthwaite,148-9.
196 Antoniodi Domenicoclaimedhis age as 55 in his tax declarationof 1427.

In 1442,he declaredhis age to be 72. Thus, he was mostlikelyborn in 1371, though
his birthdateis usuallygivenas 1370/72. ASF, Catasto,69, fols.474, 474v; ASF,
Catasto,615, fols. 50, 50v. Publishedby Mack,"Studies,"428-30. See also V.
Herzner,"Antoniodi Domenico,"in AllgemeinesKiinstlerlexicon.Die bildenden
Kiinstleraller:eiten 1111d
volker,ed. GunterMei13ner
(Leipzig:E.A. Seeman, 1990),3:
569.
Mack("Studies,"428) suggestedthat Antoniomaybe the "Antoniodi
Domenicoda Chomo"who matriculatedin the Arte dei Maestridi Pietra e legname
(Masonsand WoodworkersGuild)on 24 October 1387.(ASF,Arte de 'Maestridi
Pietrae legname, l, fol. 87) He wouldhavebeen 16 at that time,an age that accords
wellwith matriculation.However,the Antoniodi Domenicoofthe Badiadocumentsis
neverqualifiedwith his birthcity thus suggestingthat he was Fiorentine. The Antonio
fromComo, therefore,seemsto havebeen anothermastercraftsmanwith the same
name.
197 Zanobid'Antoniowas paidfrom 2 Aprii 1440to 30 March 1441for work

on thejoresteria. Nunes,262. See app. 1, docs. 118b, 119b.
197

workdays,respectively.198 Againin 1445and 1446,Antonioreceivedpaymentsfor
days workedby him,199 suggestingthat Antoniocontinuedto work into the 1440sand
receivedpaymentsas late as the age of seventy-fouror seventy-five.These later
accountsalso show that by 1442Antoniohad begunto use "dellaParte" as his last
name,as wouldhis son Zanobilater in the century.200 The documentscertainlysuggest
that Antoniodi Domenico,his son Zanobi,and variouslaborersin their employwere
majorparticipantsin the constructionofthe OrangeCloister. Antoniomay also have
organizedthe wallersat work in the OrangeCloister,actingas a foremaneven if he
was not paidspecificallyto do so. Whetherhe had any role in designingthe cloister
and its surroundingbuildings,as Sanpaolesiclaimed,is open to question.201
In contrastto Sanpaolesi,Nunessuggestedthat the stonecuttingshop of
Giovannid'Antonioand his brotherswas in chargenot onlyof providingworkedstone
and architecturaldetails,but also of designingthe cloistercomplex,whileAntoniodi
Domenicoacted as foremanin chargeof the builders. Nunes reasonedthat a
stonecutter,responsiblefor designingand carvingarchitecturaldetails,wouldbe a
more likelychoiceto pian the cloisterthan woulda mason. Sanpaolesihad
acknowledgedGiovannid' Antonio's importanceat the Badia, identifyinghimas

198 See app. 1, doc. 12b.
199 See app. 1, doc. 135.
200

See app. I, docs. 129, 135, 136;and Quinteria,225-227;230, n. 8; 232.

Sanpaolesi("Costruzioni,"156)concludedthat Antoniodi Domenicowas
the author of the OrangeCloisterand its annexes.
201

198

responsiblefor the majorityof stoneworkprovidedfor the project,most importantly
for the columnsand capitals.202 Giovannid'Antonio da Maianoran a stonecuttingshop
with his brothers,203 one ofwhom, Attaviano,is also namedas a scarpellatoreat work

202 Sanpaolesi("Costruzioni,"150, 170-2,app. 3) conflatedtwo scarpella/ori

namedin the Badiadocumentsand misidentifiedthis Giovannid'Antonio as the
grandsonofCambio from Fiesole. A Giovannid'Antonio di Chambioreceiveda
paymentfor work done on the Camporaprojectby his partnerJacopo di Domenicodel
Borra, a scarpe/latorefrom Settignanoand paterna!uncleto BernardoRossellino.
(For moreon Jacopo di Domenicodel Borra da Settignano(b. 1371),see Sanpaolesi,
"Costruzioni,"150-2, 169;and Mack, "Studies,"35, 423.) The paymentsto Giovanni
d'Antonioand brothers,however,never identifyGiovannias the grandsonof Cambio,
the partnerof Jacopo di Domenico,nor as fromFiesole,but onlyas a scarpellatoreor
/astraiuo/oin partnershipwith his brothers. A ledgerentryof 1441,unknownto
Sanpaolesi,identifiesthis stonecuttingcompanyas "Giovannidi Antonioscarpellatore
et fratellida Maiano." See app. l, doc. 132.
203 In a tax estimatedated 1435, Giovannid'Antoniodi Lionardo da Maianois

listedas the head of a householdthat includedhis two brothersAttaviano,also a
scarpe/latore,and Nardo, a /egnaiuo/o.They residedin the quartiereof San Giovanni
in the popoloof San Piero Maggiorefuori le mura. Thisestimogives Giovanni'sage
as 38, indicatinga probablebirthdatein 1397. Giovanniand his wife Masa, age 30, had
four children:Antonio(13), Pippa(9), Jacopo (5), and Francesco(1). A terminusante
quem for Giovanni'sdeath is 1451when his brothersOttavianoand Nardo filed an
estimoin whichOttavianowas head of householdand neitherGiovanni,his wife, nor
his childrenare listed. ASF, Estimodel 1435,Quartieredi San Giovanni,filza 578,
verde no. 3; ASF, Estimodel Contado 1451,Quartieredi San Giovanni,filza 760,
verde no. 3, fol. 180. Transcribedby Corneliusvon Fabriczy,"Giulianoda Maiano,"
Jahrbuchder k6nig/ichpreussischenKunstsamm/1111ge11
24 (1924): 154-6,docs. III, l,
a&b.
Giovanniand Ottavianod'Antonio matriculatedas lastraiuoliin the Arte dei
Maestridi pietra e legnamein 1431and 1432respectively.ASF, Arte dei Maestri di
pietrae legname,filza2, fol. 36v. TheiryoungerbrotherNardo di Antonio,the father
of the woodcarver-architectGiulianoda Maianoand the woodcarver-sculptor
Benedettoda Maiano,matriculatedas a /egnaiuolo In 1439. ASF, Legnaioli,filza6,
fol. 165. Cited by Quinterio,41; 83, nn. 5, 6. For publicationofNardo's
matriculation,see also MargaretHaines,La SagrestiadelleMesse del Duomo di
Firenze(Florence,Cassa di Risparmiodi Firenze, 1983), 196,n. 50.
199

for the Badia on both the OrangeCloisterand Camporaprojects. Nunesinterpreted
the large paymentsmadeto Giovannid'Antonio in the early 1430sto indicatethis
workshop's monopolyat the OrangeCloisterproject.204 lndeed,Giovannid'Antonio
seemsto have receivedmorethan halfofthe 2,593 lire spenton the constructionofthe
lower cloisterand refectoryby March 1433. Unfortunately,the absenceohny
contracts,the lacunain the documentaryrecord from l January1435through l
February1436,and the fact that both Giovannid'Antonioand Antoniodi Domenico
continuedto receivepaymentsthroughoutthe early l 440s makeit difficultto rendera
definitiveexplanationoftheir roles in the OrangeCloisterproject. Nunes's theory of
shareddirectorialresponsibilityat the OrangeCloister,whilebasedon a
misunderstandingof"alla parte," deservesconsideration.Despitethe inconclusive
documentaryevidence,Giovannid'Antonioand his brothersdo seemto have beenthe
project's primaryscarpe/latoriI lastraiuoli,whileAntoniodi Domenicoand his son
Zanobiwere its primarymaestridi murare.205 Duringthe fifteenthcentury,building
projectsoften appointedtwo capomaestri,one to overseestonecuttersand the other to
overseewall-builders.For example,the Opera of Santo Spiritoemployedtwo
capomaestriin this mannerin the 1470sand 1480s.206 It seemsquite possiblethat a

I would like to thankVirginiaBudnyfor helpingme to identifyGiovanni
d'Antonioas Giulianoand Benedettoda Maiano'suncleand for referringme to the
work of Quinterio.
204

Nunes, 258.

205

Ibid., 261-2, 264-5.
200

similarcollaborationtook piaceat the OrangeCloisterproject. The responsibilityfar
orchestratingthe remainingcraftsmenwho suppliedmaterialsand labor (brickmakers,
woodworkers,smiths,and window-makers)possiblyfellto Antoniodi Domenico,but
couldhavebeenthe responsibilityof someoneelse.
Is the questionof architecturalauthorshipvalidfar the early fifteenthcenturyin
Florence?207 As has been demonstratedby severa!studies on the conceptof the
208 such a designationas understood
architectin the MiddleAgesand Renaissance,

today did not exist duringthe periodin whichthe OrangeCloisterwas built. Indeed,
the term "architect"onlybeganto be used withsomefrequencytoward the end of the
fifteenthcentury,and eventhen rarelyidentifiedthe designerof a building,as has been
shownby MaryHollingsworth:

206 MaryHollingsworth,
"The Architectin Fifteenth-CenturyFlorence,"Art

History7, no. 4 (December1984):387.
207 In his challengeto Brunelleschi'sauthorshipof the Pazzi Chapel,Santa

Croce,Trachtenbergrightlyarguesthat the principalmotivationfar a buildingderived
fromthe wantsand needsof patrons,ratherthanthe ambitionsof architects. When
viewedthis way,the questionof architecturalauthorshipbecomessecondary. Far this
argumentand more on the importancegivento the "architect-as-author"by historians
of Renaissancearchitecture,as well as the problemsit poses far works by unknownor
unidentifiablebuilderssee MarvinTrachtenberg,"Michelozzoand the PazziChapel,"
Casabel/a642 (February1997):58, 60.
208 NikolausPevsner,"The Term 'Architect'in the MiddleAges,"Speculum

17:4(October, 1942):549-62;JamesS. Ackerman,"ArchitecturalPracticein the
ItalianRenaissance,"Journa/for the Societyof ArchitecturalHistorians13: 3
(October 1954):3-1 l; LeopoldD. Ettlinger,"TheEmergenceof the Architectduring
the FifteenthCentury,"in TheArchitect:Chaptersin the Historyof the Profession,ed.
SpiroKostof(New York: OxfordUniversityPress, 1977),96-123;Goldthwaite,35196; Hollingsworth,385-406;and E. V. Lucas-Libor,"The Ospedalede San Matteo,
1385-1410"(Ph.D.Dissertation,UniversityofEssex, 1988),299-302.
201

We stiliinsiston searchingthroughthe documentaryand visualevidencefora
buildingto findone independentartisticpersonality,preferablya craftsman,to
whomwe can attributeits appearanceand form. Our rigiddefinitionsof the
rolesof patron,designerand supervisorobscuresthe complexityof design
procedureswhichcharacterizesarchitecturalpracticeof the period. The
numberand varietyof personswho were involvedin the designof a building
and were responsiblefar its finalappearanceand formmakesany searchfar a
singledesignerconfusingand even pointless.209
Indeed,the buildingofthe OrangeCloisterat the BadiaFiorentinaresultedfrom a
complexinterchangeof ideasover an extendedperiodoftime. Much of the planning
was workedout verballyor with sketches-- two perishablemeansof communication
now lost to the historian. Better understoodprojectscan help to explainthe
conceptionof the OrangeCloister. The OspedaledegliInnocentiprovidesa typical
case. The hospital'sconstructioncrew, whosemembershipwas fluiddependingon the
availabilityofboth work and workers,was administeredfor the patrons by an
appointedpurveyor,and the complexwas designedand constructedbuildingby
building;there was no overarchingmasterpianor rigidset of designsdespitethe initial
contributionofBrunelleschi.210 The contractand finalpaymentassessmentsfor the
children's residencespannedthe period 1419-22,and each sectionof the complex(the
church,variousroomsaroundthe courtyard,the dormitory,the courtyard,etc.) was
211 Whiiethe OrangeCloister's
contracted,designed,built,and paid far in succession.

209 Hollingsworth,
405. See also pp. 385-6,395.
210 The first set of contractsfar the OspedaledegliInnocentiwere drawn up in

1419and work continuedover the next decadewith the complexmostlycompletedby
1432. The hospital,however,openedits doors onlyin 1445. Goldthwaite,162-3.
202

documentaryrecord is less completethanthat of the Innocenti,its constructionhistory
showsmuchthe same pattem.212
lt seemsquite likelythat Antoniodi Domenico-- an experiencedmasterbuilder
-- would have providedsolutionsto basicdesignproblemsas the complexwas planned
and executed. The variouselementsrequiredin the complexwould have been
establishedat the start ofthe project,whilespecificsolutionswould havebeen worked
out under Antonio's leadershipas questionsarose. Architecturaldetails-- doors,
windows,moldings,columns,capitals,corbels,and pilasters-- wouldalso havebeen
envisionedin a generaisense fromthe project'sinception;and it seemsthat Giovanni
d'Antoniowas mainlyresponsiblefar overseeingtheir finaldesignand execution.
OthermasterstonecuttersincludingBernardoRossellinoprovidedworkedstone far
the project,but their contributions,evenif originaiinventions,conformedto the
stylisticpattern establishedby Giovanni.
Ratherthan startingfrom scratch,the buildersreused as muchof the preexistingmonasticbuildingsas they could. Thus, the chapterroom, the sacristy,and the
rentalpropertiesalong Via del Proconsoloand Via del Garbo becamethe supporting
ground story far monasticdormitoriesabove. A new refectorysurmountedby another
dormitorywas builtbetweenthe housesand towers furtheralong Via del Garbo owned

A nearlycompleteset ofrecords survivesfar the first phaseof the hospital's
construction,whichlasted through 1432. lbid., 162, n. 69.
211

Such a comparison,however,raisesthe questionas to whethera consulting
"architect"was behindthe Cloister's designas Brunelleschihad been at the start of the
Innocentiproject.
212

203

by the Sacchettifamilyand the relativelysmallopen spacereservedfor the cloister.
The Sacchettipropertywas eventuallyacquiredby the Badiato be remodeledas the
monastery'sinfirmaryand guest quarters. The abbot's residencewas most likelybuilt
atop the churchnarthex. The two-storycloisterat the center of this complexallowed
for passagebetweenthe residential,dining,and meetingareas of the monasteryand
connectedthem to the abbeychurch. The cloisteralso created a harmoniousunifying
screenthat unitedyet maskedthe disparatebuildingsbehindit.
Argumentsas to whetherGiovannid'Antonioda Maiano,Antoniodi Domenico
dellaParte, or BernardoRossellinowas the cloister's"architect"missthe essenceof
what the documentaryevidenceand earlywritersteli us. Throughoutthe fifteenth
centuryit was the patron who was creditedwiththe functionof author that is now
givento the architect. It was fromthe patron's mindthat ideas fora building'sdesign
carne. It was the patron who hiredand paid skilledcraftsmento transformhis
inspirationinto a physicalstructure. By abandoningthe anachronisticsearchfor the
OrangeCloister'sarchitect,a clearerpictureof the building'shistoryemerges. Thus,
credit shouldbe givento AbbotGomeziowho recognizedhis growingcommunity's
needfor more suitablelivingquarters. By employingreputablelocaicraftsmen,the
Abbotwas ableto constructthe requiredmonasticspacesin order of need. Withthe
church,sacristy,and chapterroom providedfor, sleepingand eatingquarterswere of
primaryimportance,after whichhousingfor guests and for the sick was arranged. At
the centerof this complexstood a two-storycloisterthat functionednot onlyas a
meansof connectionand passagebetweenthe variousparts of the compound,but also
204

as a facade,coveringthe compositeof reusedand new buildingsthat lay behindit. The
OrangeCloister,therefore,stood at the centerof the FiorentineBenedictines'dailyIife,
as they passedcontinuallythroughits loggiasto enter the roomswhere they wouldeat,
study,pray,work, meditate,and sleep. On the cloister's wallsunfoldedthe story of
their most-respectedabbot, founder,and father,St. Benedict,keepingthe lessonsof his
exemplarylifeforeverbeforetheir eyes.213

213 Manyofthe accountbooks kept by the Badiaare dedicatedin part to

"beatissimoet gloriosissimopadrenostro messersanto Benedetto." See app. 1, docs.
41, 131.
205

CHAPTERFOUR
THE HISTORYOF THE ORANGECLOISTERMURALS:DOCUMENTARYANO
CIRCUMSTANTIALEVIDENCE
As part of his plansto reformand revitalizethe BadiaFiorentina,Abbot
Gomeziocommissionedmuralsdepictingscenesfromthe !ifeofhis Order's founderto
decoratethe wallsof his community'scloister.(pi. 14) These colorfulmurals
presentedBenedict's!ifeas an exemplarto the membersof Gomezio'scommunity.
The sceneschosenand the mannerin whichtheywere representedstressedthemes
importantto Gomezio'smissionof reform. Not onlydid Benedict'slife previdea
modelof monasticconduct,but also it demonstratedthat Benedictand his originai
followersabidedby his strict Rute with the abbotas ultimateauthorityin the
monastery,its well-beingdependentuponhis wiseleadership.
The OrangeCloistercyclebeginsin the easterncorner bay of the second-story's
north loggia,continuingcounterclockwiseto end in the westerncorner of the south
loggia.(pi. 5) The narrativecomprisesthirteenpaintedscenesthat end abruptlyin the
firstbay of the south loggia.(pls. 81-93) Whileit is difficultto determinewhetherthe
cyclewas intendedto fillali four wallsof the upper cloisteror onlythree, it seems
certainthat the decorationwas not meantto end as it does today with only one painted
bay in the south loggia. The scenesrepresentedare basedon selectedepisodesfrom
206

the biographyof St. Benedictwrittenjust a few decadesafter his death towardthe end
of the sixthcenturyby St. Gregorythe Great.1 Readingin narrativearder fromright to
left they portray: I. St. BenedictDepartsNorcia;2. The Miracleof the BrokenSieve;
3. The HermitageofSt. Benedictin Subiaco;4. The Temptationof St. Benedict
(repaintedin the sixteenthcentury);5. The Miracleof the PoisonedWine;6. The
Exorcismofthe WaywardMonk;7. The Miracleofthe Lost Billhook;8. Maurussaves
Placidus;9. The Miracleofthe PoisonedBread; IO.The Miracleofthe HeavyStone;
11. The Resurrectionofthe YoungMonk; 12.The DeceptionofTotila; and 13. St.
BenedictProphesiesto Totila.2 Theselast two scenesare paintedin the cloister's
southwestcorner and have sufferedmuchgreater damagethan the other fifteenthcenturyscenesin the cycle. These lossesmayresult in part becausescenestwelveand
thirteenwere executedwith a differentmuraltechniquemore relianton paintinga

secco than their counterparts,whichwere paintedmostlyin true fresco. It seemsquite
likelythat the OrangeCloistercyclewas originallymore extensive,endingwiththe
Death of St. Benedict,like the earliercyclespaintedby Giovannidel Biondoin the
St. Benedictwas bom ca. 480 and died sometime between546 and 553. The
Dialoguesof St. Gregorythe Great, dated 593-4,consistoffour books. In the first
three, he recountedthe biographiesof variousItaliansaints,devotingali of the second
book to St. Benedict's!ifeand miracles.The fourthbook discussesthe immortalityof
the soul. St. Gregorythe Great,Life andMiraclesof St. Benedici,reprinted., trans.
Odo J. Zimmermann,O.S.B. and BenedictR. Avery,O.S.B. (Westport,CT:
GreenwoodPress, 1980),iii-iv. See also J. Mallet,"Benedict,St.," in New Catholic
Encyclopedia,voi. 2. Baa to Cam(Washington,D.C.: The CatholicUniversityof
America,1967),271; and Viti,23.

The last two scenesof the cyclewere mistakenlyinstalledin reverseorder
aftertheir restorationin the early 1970sand beforethe fifteenthcentenaryof St.
Benedict'sbirth in 1980.

207

1360s,(pi. l l l) SpinelloAretinofrom 1387to 1388(pls. I 12, 128),and Lorenzo
Monacoin 1407/8and againin 1414.(pls. 128, 136) Or, the OrangeCloistercycle
could haveendedwith St. Benedictconferringhis Ruleon his discipleslike the later
exampleby Sodomain the large cloisterat MonteOlivetoMaggiore.(pi. 137) lndeed,
whywouldthe monkshire Bronzinoto repaintthe fourth scenein the sequenceon the
north wallwithoutalso askinghimor anotherpainterto continueand completethe
cyclein the south and east loggiasif these areaswere unpaintedat the time?3 The
cycle's thirteenthscenerepresentsthe fifteenthof thirty-eightchaptersfromGregory's
biography;therefore,there are twenty-threepossiblealternativesto filithe remaining
elevenlunettesof the upper cloister. The southernmostbay ofthe east loggiawas
openedby a large,archeddoorwaywhoseframewouldonly haveleft a smallarea on
eithersidefor painteddecoration.(pi. 58) Suchsmallpicturefieldsmay not have been
adequateor desirableto carry a completenarrativescene,though a muralcould have
been paintedaroundthe door frameas in the fifthlunetteon the north wall.4 (pi. 6 I)
Thus, the OrangeCloistercycleprobablyonce had betweenfour and elevenadditional
paintedlunettesand may havecontinuedwith scenesdepictingsome of the last events
fromGregory'sbiographylikeBenedict'svisitto his sister St. Scholastica,Benedict's
visionof the wholeworld, his conferralofhis Rule,and his Death -- examplesof which

I would like to thank LaurenceKanterfor this observation.

The door in the northwestcorner,however,is muchsmallerthan the
dormitorydoor in the southeastcorner. Thus,it mayhavebeenthat no muralwas
intendedfor the first bay of the east loggia.

208

can be faund in the cyclesby Giovannidel Biondo,SpinelloAretino,and Lorenzo
Monaco. Thesefaur episodesmay havebeenintendedfar the unpaintedbaysof the
south loggia.5 Or, these episodesmayhavefallowedadditionalmiracies to conclude
the cycleon the cloister's east wall. Anothermural,relatedto the narrativecyclebut
not part of it, was paintedover the doorwayleadingfromthe lowercloisterinto the
refectoryand representsSt. BenediciRequestingSilence.(pi. 63)
Documentaryevidenceimpliesthat work on the muralsbeganas soon as the
requisiteareas of the cloisterwere readyfar decoration,and paymentsfar paintingand
buildingmaterialsappear sideby side in accountrecords.6 This seemingurgencyto
memorializeSt. Benedict'slife acrossthe wallsof the upper cloistersuggeststhat the
cyclewas envisionedearlyon in the institutionalrefarmsinitiatedby AbbotGomezio.
Unfartunately,neithercontractsnor testamentssurviveto identifywhetherany lay
benefactorscontributedto the realizationof this decorativescheme. Nevertheless,the
iconographicprogramchosen,with its specificemphasison Benedict'smiracles,

5 Scholastica'smiracleis told in chapterthirty-threeof the GregorianDialogue.

The Visionof St. Benedict,in whichhe saw the wholeworldbefare his eyes, is
recountedin chapterthirty-five.The Conferralof his Rute is faund in chapterthirtysix, and his Death, in chapterthirty-seven.
Paymentsfor pigmentsused in the OrangeCloistercoincidedwith the final
phasesofthe Cloister's construction,suggestingthat its subsequentdecorationwas
envisionedas part of the sameproject. On 29 February1436,the monksmade a note
that Benedettodi Marco,the monastery'smainbricksupplier,had deliveredsome
bricksfar the cloistervaultsand was to continueto do so. ThroughMarchand Aprii
they paid far plasterand whitewashingmaterialsto finishthese vaults,as well as lead
far the cloister'stie rods. By 28 July 1436,work on the doorwayconnectingthe
second-storycloisterto the third-floorterracewas underway. See app. l, docs. 49b,
50, 51b, 54, 57c, 61b, 70d, 74, 75, and 84.

209

adherenceto BenedictineRule,and the role of the abbot identifiesGomezioas the
drivingpatrona!force behindthe project.7
A satisfactoryexplanationof these murals' creation has beencomplicatedby the
fact that Abbot Gomezioseemsto haveemployedartists whoseparticipationin the
project has not survivedin the historicalrecord. lgnoredby Vasariand the Badia's
residenthistorians,8 the cyclewas "discovered"by modemart historianswho have tried
to finda piacefor it in the historyof centraiItalianpainting. However,overcoming
such obscurityis no easy task, and studentsofthe Grangecloisterhavebeen unableto
finda meansto explainthe muralswithoutthe familiarinterpretativeframework
providedby an author. The struggleto identifythe artist, whetheran anonymous
Fiorentineor the otherwiseunknownPortuguesepainterdocumentedas purchasing
pigmentsfor the cloister's decoration,has resultedin inadeguatevisualanalysesof the
cycle. Moreover,documentaryevidenceprovesinconclusiveand, perhaps,misleading.
Despitea desireand need to findnew waysof approachingthe GrangeCloister
murals,historiansstill mustaddressthe issueof how the paintingscarneto exist.
Twelvescenesdate fromthe time of the cloister's construction;whilea thirteenthwas

Neumeyer(26) was the firstto credit AbbotGomezioas the patron of the
muralcycle,linkingit with the refonnsundertakenby the Abbot. See also Battelli,
"Due celebrimonaciportoghesiin Firenze,"220; idem,"L'abate Don Gomez," 152;
Almeida,35; Busignaniand Bencini,176;Ragionieri,73; and Hood, 134-6.

NeitherTommasoSalvetti,the Badia's lawyerin the earlyfifteenthcentury
and Gomezio'sbiographer,AbbotGirolamoda Perugia,who wrote a historyofthe
Badiain the late sixteenthcentury(see app. 1, docs. 137, 138),nor AbbotPlacido
Puccinelli,who wrote and publishedsevera!chroniclesof the Badiaand a biographyof
AbbotGomezioin the seventeenthcenturymentionedthe frescoesin the Grange
Cloister.

210

commissionedsometime in the earlysixteenthcenturyto replacethe fourth sceneof
the fifteenth-centurycyclethat was irreparablydamagedat an unknowntime under
unknowncircumstances.The muralpaintedover the entranceto the refectorywas
probablypart of the originaimuralcampaign,but its originsare equallyundocumented.
Vasariwas the first to offer a proposalfor the authorsof some ofthese imagesin his

Vite,attributingthe refectoryoverdoorto Fra Angelico(pi. 63),9 and the sixteenthcenturyreplacementsceneto Bronzino.10 (pi. 84) Despitethe concemsof a few early
twentieth-centurywritersthat a nineteenth-century
attemptto detachthe mural
depictingSt. BenediciRolling in Thornshad causedtao muchdamageto allowa
judgmentof its authorship,Vasari's attributionto Bronzinohas never been
questioned.11 Marco Chiarinihas recently suggestedthat Bronzinomay havealso

VasariattributedSt. BenediciRequestingSilenceto Fra Angelicoin both the
1550and 1568editionsofhis Vite. 1550ed.: "Et in Badia,sopra una porta del
chiostro,un San Benedettoche accennasilenzio."Vasari-Bettarini,3: 276.
1568ed.: "NellaBadiadellamedesimacittà [Firenze]fece sopra una porta del
chiostroun San Benedettoche accennasilenzio."Ibid.,272.

"NellaBadiadi Firenzede'monaciNeri fece nel chiostrodi sopra a frescouna
storia dellavita di San Benedetto,cioè quandosi getta nudo sopra le spine;che è
bonissimapittura." Vasari-Bettarini,6: 231
10

Bocchi-Cinelli,387; Richa, 1: 204; Cambiagi,146;Gargiolli,66; Ricci,208;
NuovaGuidadella Ciuà e Colllornidi Firenze,4th ed., 160;Fantozzi,257; Uccelli,
82; Homer et al., Walksin Florence,2d ed., 272; Grifi,228; Crutwell,40 (with
reservationsdue to condition);Neumeyer,31 (withreservationsdue to condition);
Colnaghi,54; Berenson,ItalianPicturesof the Renaissance,1932ed., 115;Adolfo
Venturi,Storiadell'arte italiana,voi. 9:6 La pitturadel Cinquecento(Milan:Ulrico
Hoepli, 1933),70, n. 1; Berenson,PittureItalianedel Rinascimento,1936ed., 279;
Paatz,Die Kirchenvon Florenz, 1:287;CraigHugh Smyth,"The EarliestWorksof
Bronzino,"Art Bulletin31 (September1949):192-4;Robert Oertel,"Pontormos
bu/3enderHieronymus,"Milleilungendes KunsthistorischenInstilutesin Florenz7
11

211

repaintedpart ofthe dado decorationunderneaththe secondlunetteof the cyclewith a
bust-lengthfigureof St. Bernardina fictivemarbleroundel.12 (pi. 80)

(1955): 120;Mario Salmiet al.,Mostradel Pontormoe del primo manierismo
fiorentino, 2d ed., exh. cat., Florence,PalazzoStrozzi(Florence:Giuntina,1956), 149,
cat. 180;AndreaEmiliani,Il Bronzino(Busto Arsizio:BramanteEditrice, 1960),pi. l;
Berenson,lta/ian Picturesof the Renaissance,1963ed., 43, pi. 1439;Prinz, 106;Edi
Baccheschi,L'opera completadel Bronzino,Classicidell'Arte(Milan:Rizzali, 1973),
86; CharlesMcCorquodale,Bronzino(New York: Harper& Row, Publishers,1981),
17;Paolini,136, 153;Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"
120;Eve Borsook,"EtfectsofTechnicalDevelopmentsof the Historyofltalian Mural
Paintingof the Fourteenthand FifteenthCenturies,"in Atti del XXIV congresso
internazionaledi Storiadell'arte (/979), lii: La pittura nel X/Ve À'V sec. (Bologna:
EdizioniCLUEB, 1983),162;MarilynAronbergLavin, ThePiace of Narrative.Mural
Decorationin ltalian Churches,./3/-/600 (Chicagoand London:The Universityof
ChicagoPress, 1990),241; Ragionieri,73; Janet Cox-Rearick,Bronzino's Chapelof
Eleonorain the Palazzo Vecchio(Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1993), 94;
Hood, 130;Chiarini,"Giovannidi Consalvo,"711; and MarcoChiarini,"Un restauro
cinquecentesconel ChiostrodegliArancidellaBadiaFiorentina,"inMosaicsof
Friendship,Studiesin Art and History/or Eve Borsook,ed. OrnellaFrancisciOsti
(Florence:Centro Di, 1999),225-8.
There is almostunanimousopinionthat the BadiaSI. BenediciRolling in
Thornsrepresentsone ofBronzino's earlyworks,completedca. 1525after his return
to Florencefromworkingat the Certosadi Galluzzo. The styleof the muralshows his
dependenceon his secondmasterPontormo,and it supportsa datingfar the sceneca.
1525-6. See especiallySmyth, 192-4;Oertel,"Pontormosbiil3enderHieronymus,"
120;and Chiarini,"Un restaurocinquecentesco,"225-8.
12 Chiarini,"Un restaurocinquecentesco,"
226-8. Bronzinomayhavetrained

underRatfaellinodel Garbo, who renteda shop from the Badia. Thus, the young
Bronzinocould have had an earlyconnectionto the monastery. Colnaghi,54; Smyth,
192;and Emiliani,text topi. 1. Fora recordof Ratfaellino'srentalfrom the Badia see
thelibroDebitori e CreditoriK, 1515-1524:ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 83, fai. 17
left. See also Colnaghi,224-5. The indicesofthe Libri Debitorie Creditorifar the
years 1515-44do not list Agnolodi Cosimodi MarianoTori, a.k.a. Il Bronzinoas
havingreceivedany paymentsfar work at the monastery. Sucha Jackof documentary
evidencedoes not, however,denythe attributionof SI. BenediciRol!ingin Thornsto
him. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 83-85,indices.
212

Art historiansbavebeen less willingto acceptVasari'sattributionof St.

BenediciRequestingSilenceto Fra Angelico,sincemost believethat this overdoor is
by the artistwho paintedthe cloistercycleand, therefore,not by Angelico.(pi. 63) For
many,thisjudgmentis basedon comparisonof the overdoor's sinopiaunderdrawing
discoveredin the late l 950s with those of the muralcycle. For these critics,the
overdoorsinopiais by the samehandresponsiblefor the cycle's first ten sinopia
designs.13 (pls. 64, 94-103) They concludethat this draftsmanalso paintedthe
correspondingmurals. Earlychroniclersof the Badiadivergedfrom Vasari's account,
attributingthe overdoorto Masaccio,a suggestioneitherignoredor deniedby
subsequentscholars.14 Severa!authorsof nineteenth-century
guidebooksaccepted
Vasari'sattributionof the lunetteto Angelico,15 but most twentieth-centurywriters
haveeitherclaimedthat the lunette's conditionprecludesjudgment16 or have rejected
Vasari's attribution in favorof allyingthe lunettewith the muralcyclepaintedin the
13 The lunettewas damagedduringa late nineteenth-century
attemptto remove

the mural. Accordingto E. Grifi(Saunteringsin Florence,228) this botched
restorationled to the repaintingof muchofthe figurein the nineteenthcentury. The
overdoorwas successfullydetachedand restoredduringthe 1956-8conservation
campaignundertakenby LeonettoTintori. It was exhibitedtogetherwith its sinopia in
1959. UmbertoBaldiniand LucianoBerti,III !vfostradi AffreschiStaccati. Aggiume
al catalogodella II kfostra del 1958,exh. cat., Forte di Belvedere,Florence(Florence:
TipofrafiaGiuntina,1959),7, nos. 219, 220.
14 Puccinelli,Cronica,4; Bocchi-Cinelli,
387; Uccelli,82. For direct refutation

of the overdoor's attributionsto Masaccioand Angelico,see Salmi,Masaccio, 163;
and idem,Il BeatoAngelico,93.
15 François,198;Fantozzi,256; Grifi,228.

213

cloisterabove.17 A few art historians,however,have acceptedVasari'sattribution. In
his criticaieditionofVasari's Vite,Carlo Ragghiantinoted that the fresco,though very
ruined,was by Angelico.18 This assessmentwas acceptedby LiciaCollobiRagghianti
and MikJòsBoskovits.19 Boskovitsarguedthat St. BenediciRequestingSi/encewas
more similarto the overdoorspaintedby Angelicoin the slightlylater cloisterof San
Marco than it was to the Benedictinenarrativelunettesin the upper story of the Orange
Cloister.20 (pi. 65) GiovannaRagionieriacceptedBoskovits'sargumentsthat the
Badia overdoor is an autographwork by Angelico.21

Wackernagel,Der lebensraumdes Kiinstlers,130;Paatz,Die Kirchenvon
Florenz, I: 287; Vasari-Ragghianti,
4: 343, n. 2; Berti,Mostra,69; Spike,Fra
Angelico,260.
16

Pope-Hennessy,Fra Angelico, 1st ed., 206; Baldiniand Berti,III Mostra, 7,
nos. 219,220; Procacci,Sinopiee affreschi,228;Vasari-DellaPergola,2: 395, n. l;
Baldini,l'opera completadell'Angelico,116;Pope-Hennessy,Fra Angelico,2nd ed.,
237; Dal Prà, 120;Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedellaBadiaFiorentina,"120;
and Sframeli,I96.
17

Vasari-Ragghianti,1942ed., 4: 343, n. 23.

CollobiRagghianti,"Domenicodi Michelino,"374, n. 21; and idem,"Una
mostra dell'Angelico,"391; Boskovits,"Appuntisull'Angelico,"41, 52, n. 24. Collobi
Ragghianti(Vasari-Ragghianti,1973ed., 2: 153-4,n. 23) later recantedher acceptance
ofthe attributionto Angelico,sayingthat the lunettewas in fact too damagedto render
ajudgment of its authorship.
19

Boskovits,"Appuntisull'Angelico,"41; 52, n. 24. Neumeyer(26) and
Wackernagel(Derlebensraumder Kunstlers,130)had earliermadethe connection
betweenAngelico'soverdoorlunettesat San Marco and Vasari's attributionofthe
Badia lunette to the sameartist. However,Neumeyerexpressedreservationsabout the
conditionofthe Badialunette,and Wackernagelbelievedit to have vanished. Salmi
(Masaccio,163;BeatoAngelico,93) also noted the stylisticsimilaritybetweenthe
Badia lunette and those at San Marco.
20

Ragionieri,75.
214

Vasari's attributionand the attemptsby Ragghiantiand Boskovitsto prove its
validitydeserveconsiderationsinceGiovannidi Consalvo-- the artist to whomthe
muralsare now usuallyattributed-- maybavehad a professionalrelationshipwith Fra
Angelico. On 18 May 1436,the painterGiovannidi Consalvoda Portogallobeganto
receivepaymentsfor pigmentsto paintin the OrangeCloister.22 These payments
continuedon a fairlyregularbasisfor twenty-sixmonths.23 The last two noticesto him
appearedon 8 July 1438and 5 February1439.24 BetweenMay 1436and June 1438he
purchasedvariouspigmentsincludingverdeterra, verdaccio,biaccha,indacho,
orpimento,and cinabro;25 and other materialsincludingpaintbrushesand a wooden
ruler.26 In addition,he bought gold fora crucifixand a "bambolino;"27 and he received
clothingand medicaiattentionat the monastery'sexpense.28 After a fourteen-month

22 App. 2, doc. 4.

23 Nunes (270, 274-7) interpretedthe documentaryevidenceto demonstrate

that work on the cloistermuralstook piace in two phases:the first campaign,whichhe
attributedto Giovannidi Consalvo,lasted26 monthsfromMay 1436throughJune
1438. In July 1438,Giovannipreparedhimselftoreturn to Portugal. After a 14monthhiatus,a second,unidentifiedpainterpickedup the abandonedprojectto work
from SeptemberthroughDecember1439.
24 App. 2, docs., 62-64.
25 For pigmentpurchasesby Giovannispecifically
designatedas for the cloister,

see app. 2, docs. 5-7, 9-11. The remainingpaymentsto Giovannifor pigmentsdo not
specifywhere they were to be used, see app. 2, docs. 12, 15, 18, 19, 21, 23, 30, 31, 37,
42,44,46,49, 50, 53.
26 App. 2, docs. 15, 42, 54, 56.
27 App. 2, docs. 31-33.

215

hiatus,the accountssuggestthat paintingin the cloisterresumedfor four monthsfrom
Septemberthrough December1439.29 At first glance,these documentsseemto record
the executionofthe muralsin two phasesbetween 1436and 1439and to identify
Giovannidi Consalvoas their author; however,a closereadingof the evidenceshows
that the informationpresentedis not clear-cut. Whilesomeofthese paymentsspecify
that the pigmentspurchasedwere to be used in the cloister,30 a larger numberdo not.31
A few paymentswere debitedfrom the buildingexpenseaccount,or spese di murare,
suggestingthat they were intendedfor the cloister.32 However,most were debited
fromthe expenseaccount for spese straordinarie,that is for miscellaneousor special
purchases. Paymentsfor manuscriptilluminationsand other paintedobjectsduringthis
periodwere also posted to the miscellaneousexpenseaccount,makingit difficultto
identifywith certaintywhetherunspecifiedpigmentpurchaseswere made for the
cloistermuralsor for other decorativeprojects.33 Somepaymentsfor materialswent

28 App. 2, docs. 8, 16 (?), 26- 28, 36, 43, 59, 60, 62.
29 App. 2, docs. 65-68, 70-72.

-'·o App. 2, docs. 5-7, 9-11, 29, 65-68, 70, 71.
31

App. 2, docs. 12, 15, 18, 19-23,30, 31, 33-35,37-40, 42, 44-5 l, 53-58, 61,

72.
32 App. 2, docs. 22, 23, 38, 47, 49, 53, 65-67. See also Nunes, 277.

The miniaturistFilippodi Matteo Torrelliilluminatedsevera!manuscriptsfor
the monastery,and the painterNiccolodi Ser Lapo, who rented a workshopfrom the
Badiaon the corner of Piazza San Firenze,painteda Coronationof the Virginsent by
AbbotGomezioto Portugal,a pair of smallangels,and parts of BernardoRossellino's
Sacramenttabernacle,as wellas illuminatingsevera)books. App. 2, docs. 17,20, 24,
32, 52, 73.
33

216

directlyto a painternamedGiovanni. Confusingly,he is identifiedas Giovanni
dipintore,34 Giovannida Portogallo,35 Giovannispagnuolo,36 and G. dipintore,37
althoughit seemsthat these variationsresult from impreciserecord keepingrather than
from the presenceof more than one painternamedGiovanni.38 Other paymentsfor
pigmentswere debitedfromeitherthe specialor buildingexpenseaccountswithout
namingany painter.39 Giovanniwas also paid for the twenty-fivepiecesof gold bought
for a crucifixand a "bambolino,"raisingthe possibilitythat likethis payment,"0 others
made to himwere for work unrelatedto the cloisterproject.

34 App. 2, docs. 6, 7, 12, 15, 18, 19, 21, 23, 28, 32, 37, 41, 43, 44, 46, 49, 53,

54, 56, 59, 60, 62.
35 App. 2, docs. 2, 3, 5, 64.
36 App. 2, docs. l, 8, 10, 11, 13, 16, 26, 27, 30, 31, 36, 42.
37 App. 2, docs. 12, 23, 46.

Manyof the Badia's record-keepers,presumablyItalians,did not differentiate
betweenSpainand Portugal,usingthem interchangablyto identifyartisans,clergymen,
diplomats,and others who carneto Florencefrom the lberianpeninsula.As Kate Lowe
has said,"to peopleoutsidethe lberian peninsula,and to manySpaniardswith their
own agendaof aggrandizementor unification,Portugalwas merelyanother Spanish
province. OutsideSpain... and Portugal,the two nationalitiescould be confusedand
the Portuguesewere oftensubsumedunder a Spanishlabel." Kate Lowe,
"UnderstandingCultura!ExchangebetweenPortugaland Italyin the Renaissance,"in
Cultura/LinksBetweenPortugaland Italy in the Renaissance,ed. K. J. P. Lowe
(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress, 2000), 2.
38

App. 2, docs. 9, 22, 29, 33-35, 38-40, 48, 50, 51, 57, 58, 61, 65-68, 70-72.

Bambolinomeanslittle doli, and this referenceprobablyrefersto a
representationofthe ChristChild. This paymentis the only mentionof the Crucifix
and bambolino,and it is not knownwhy or for whomthese objectswere commissoned.
App. 2, docs. 31-33.
"0

217

The inabilityto ascertainwhichpaymentsrelateto the cloistercommission
complicatesestimatinghow muchmoneywas spenton the projectand, of that, how
muchwas givento the painterGiovannidi Consalvo. Most ofthe paymentrecordsare
quite straightforwardand identifythe valueof materialspurchasedor servicesrendered
in the silver-baseddenominationsof lire, soldi, and denari.'u Other payments,
however,are valuedonlyin gold-basedcoinslikeflorins,ducats,and dohre whose
valuesconstantlyfluctuated;and the foreigncurrenciesare sometimesrecorded
42 Equallyfrustratingis the
withouteithergold or silverFiorentineequivalents.

monastery'shabitof purchasingpigmentstogetherwith other miscellaneousitems,
therebyrenderingit impossibleto determinethe exact valueof the pigmentsalone.43
Between 18May 1436 and 5 February1439, the monasteryspent approximately6¾
florinson paintingmaterials.44 Additionally,the monasteryprovidedGiovannidi

Whilea varietyof silver-basedcoinswereused for cash transactionsat the
Badiaincludinggrossi, quattrini,and bolognini,the monastery'saccountrecords,
followingstandardpractice,were kept in termsof lire, whichwere brokendown into
soldi (1/20 lira) and denari(1/12 soldo). For moreon moneyand credit in the early
Renaissance,see Goldthwaite,301-317; and Peter Sputford,Handhooko/Medieval
Exchange(Sutfolk:St. EdmundsburyPress, 1986),xix-xxvi.
41

Florins,ducats,and dobre (or Spanishdobla) were used as gold-based
moniesof accountin paymentsto Giovannidi Consalvo. In ali cases,a Fiorentine
silver-coinequivalentis discernable,savetwo enigmaticpaymentstotalling5 ducatidi
camera. Theseducatswere most likelyequivalentto florins,as they were in a payment
on 7 October 1439 to Venetianmonksof 1½ ducatsvaluedas 1½ florins. See app. 2,
docs. 13, 14, 66.
For more on the Spanishdobla,or dobra,as well as the currencysystemof
fifteenth-centuryPortugal,see Sputford,159, 162.
42

App. 2, docs. 22, 30, 33, 35, 39, 50, 61.
218

Consalvowith clothingworth a littleless than 8½ tlorins,as wellas medicaiattention
costinganothertlorin. A disbursementof 5 cameralducatsin July 1436and 6 dobre in
February1439maybe relatedto salarypaymentsfromthe monasteryto the painter.
However,the wordingofthese entriessuggestsinsteadthat Giovannidi Consalvohad
moneytransferredbetweenPortugaland Florenceon his behalfby the monastery.45
The two recordsof Giovanni's 6 dobre suggestthat the painterleft Florenceto retum
to Portugalin the secondhalfof 1438or early 1439. On 8 July 1438,it seemsthat
Giovannimadea depositof 6 dobre that was transferredto Portugalfar his receiptby
5 February1439.46 Afterthis date, Giovannidi Consalvo'snamedisappearedfromthe
Badia's accounts.
The last mentionof Giovannidi Consalvoinitiateda hiatusin paymentsrelated
to decorativework on the cloisterthat lastedunti!23 September1439at whichtime
"the painterwho paintsthe cloister"was paid far more pigmentsand "everyother thing
that he needs."47 Similarpaymentsto "the painter"continuedunti! 16 December1439,

44 To calculatethe amountspent on materials,I have includedpaymentsin

whichpigmentswere purchasedtogetherwith other miscellaneousitemswithouta
record of their individuaiprices. Therefare,the calculatedmaterialsexpenditureis
higherthan it shouldbe. This amount(29 lb., 7 s.) has been convertedto florinsusing
a conversionrate of 4 lire to everyflorin. In 1432, l florinequalledjust under 4 lire
(79 s. 9 d.); whilein 1440it was worth a littleaver 4 lire (82-83 s.). There are no
conversionrates availablefar the years 1436to 1439. Afiorino di suggello,or sealed
tlorin,was worth about 4¼ lire from 1436to 1439(82½-85s.). See Spufford,23, 2526; and cf. Goldthwaite,app. 1.
45 App. 2, docs. 13, 14, 63, 64.
46

App. 2, docs. 63, 64.

App. 2, doc. 65
219

when they terminated.48 Duringthis period, approximately3 florinswere spent on
paintingmaterials,and the unnamedpainterreceiveda pair of shoesvaluedat 1 lira -about ¼ of a florin.49 Somescholarshave interpretedthis otherwiseunidentified
painterto be the secondBadiaMaster responsiblefor the twelfthand thirteenthscenes
in the cyclethat displaya dramaticdifferencein technique,style,and quality.(pls. 92,
93) However,this interpretationassumesboth that the thirteenscenesthat adorn the
wallstoday comprisethe completecycleand that the muralswere paintedin narrative
order. Neitherofthese assumptionscan be demonstrated.A cautionaryexample
againstthe latter conjectureis providedby the case of the thirty-seven-scenelife of St.
Benedici paintedat MonteOlivetoMaggiore. Luca Signorellibegan this cyclein 1497,
completingeight bays on the large cloister'swest wallby 1498. Althoughhe was the
first of three artists to work on the cycle,he paintedscenestaken from the eighth
through fifteenthchaptersof Gregory's dialoguewith the twenty-sevenprecedingand
subsequentepisodespaintedby Sodomabetween 1505and 1508and by Riccioin
1534.50 Rather than providinga simplecorrespondenceoftwo clearlydistinguishable
sets of muralspaintedin two campaignsseparatedby a fourteenth-monthhiatus,the

App. 2, docs. 67, 68, 70, 71, 72.

App. 2, docs. 65-68, 70-72.

Enzo Carli,l'abbazia di Monteoliveto(Milan:Electa, 1961),23-52; André
MadeleineHayum,"GiovanniAntonioBazzi-- 'Il Sodoma"' (Ph.D.Dissertation,
Harvard, 1968),93-107;Enzo Carli,Il Sodoma(Vercelli:Cassadi Risparmiodi
Vercelli,1979),25-37; Paolini,137-8;and LaurenceB. Kanter,"The Late Works of
Luca Signorelliand his Followers,1498-1559"(Ph.D.Dissertation,New York
University,1989),74-5.
50

220

OrangeCloistercycle's documentaryand archaeologicalevidenceprovesto be
conflictingand incomplete.Whywould a twenty-sixmonthmuralcampaignrequire
onlytwo-and-a-quartertimesas muchmaterialsas a four-monthcampaign,as the
expendituresof 6¾ florinsand 3 florinssuggest? This discrepancyraisesmany
questionsabout the date, number,and attributionofthe murals.
Even if ali the above-mentionedreimbursementsfor pigmentsand other
paymentsto Giovannidi Consalvoand the secondunnamedpainter(assumingthat he
was a secondartist) relateto the OrangeCloistermuralcycle,the tota! sum spent,
roughly31 florins,seemsrather smallfor paintingthe thirteensurvivingnarrative
scenesand twelvedecorativedadoesand especiallysmallfor a cyclethat likelyhad as
manyas elevenadditionalpaintedscenes.51 Whilefiguringthe averagecost of a fresco
in the fifteenthcenturyis madedifficultby a varietyof factors,52 comparisonof the
moneysspent by the Badiaand other institutionsduringthe early fifteenthcentury
suggestseitherthat the Benedictinesgot a verygood deal on their muralsor that the
survivingrecordsdo not teli the entirestory -- quite likelyconsideringthe lack of any
contracts,salaryrecords,or open accountsto Giovannidi Consalvo. For example,
DomenicoVenezianoreceivedjustover 116florins(includingexpensesfor materials)

51 Each narrativelunettemeasures218x306cm (7ft 1¾inxl 0ft ½in) and is

paintedabove a dado that is 162cm high. TheGreatAge o/ Fresco.Giotto to
Polllormo,150.
52 The cost of a muraldependedon manyfactors includingthe size of the

paintingfield,the numberof figuresand scenesrepresented,the materialsused,
whetherscaffoldingneededto be built,and the artist's skilland status.
221

for two muralsand part of a third paintedto coverthe west wallin the choir of
Sant'Egidio,ca. 1438-41.53 In 1451Andreadel Castagnocontractedto paintthree
muralson anotherwallof the samechoir for only 100florins. Contractestimatesare
not alwaysreliableindicatorsof a muralproject's cost becausethey were often too
low, requiringthat additionalpaymentsbe madeto the artist.54 In 1462Alesso
Baldovinettireceived20 florinsfor his paintedlunettein the atriumof Santissima
55 Four yearslater, Baldovinettiwas contractedto fresco all exposedwall
Annunziata.

surfacesin the Chapelofthe Cardinalof Portugalat San Miniatoal Monte for 120
florins.56 Eve Borsookhas estimatedthat Fra FilippoLippieamed approximately240
florins-- about40 per scene-- for his muralspaintedbetween1452and 1466in the

53 HellmutWohl,"DomenicoVenezianoStudies:the Sant'Egidioand Parenti

Documents,"Bur/ingtonMagazine 113(November1971): 635-41.
54 Cf the case of Fra FilippoLippiwho was commissioned
to decoratethe high

altar chapelof Prato Cathedral. The patronsoriginallyestimatedthat the entirechapel,
includinga large stainedglasswindowas well as muralson three wallsand the vault,
wouldcast 1,200florins. This amountwas exhaustedby the beginningof 1456when
onlyhalfof the muralshad been completedand the windowwas yet to be installed.
Withoutthe originaicontractfor this commission,however,it is impossibleto know
whetherthe originaiestimatewas to includemateriaicosts as wellas labor. The final
cost of about 1,962florinsdid includelaborand materials.Eve Borsook, "Fra Filippo
Lippiand the Muralsfor Prato Cathedral,"Mitteilungendes Kunsthistorischen
lnstitutesin Florenz 19, no. 1 (1975): 1O,34, 48-50,66-67, 70-72;and idem,Jvfural
Paintersof Tuscany,102. See also HanneloreGlasser,"Artists' Contractsof the Early
Renaissance"(Ph.D.Dissertation,ColumbiaUniversity,1965),41-46.
55 Glasser,42; and Wohl,"DomenicoVenezianoStudies,"637.

Borsook,Mural Paintersof Tuscany,106. Far a transcriptionofthe
documentssee FrederickHartt, GinoCorti, and ClarenceKennedy,The Chapelof the
Cardinalof Portugal,l-13-1-1-159
at San Miniato in F/orence(Philadelphia:Univeristy
ofPennsylvaniaPress,1964),156-8,docs. 17-18a.
56

222

choir of Prato Cathedral,with muchmore spent on materials,equipment,and
assistants.57 In 1455,Neri di Biccireceivedabout 35 florinsfor one fresco paintedin
San Pancrazio,a third ofwhich was spent on expensiveblue and gold.58 In 1465and
1466,BenozzoGozzoli received l Oflorinsfor a frescodepictingTheMartyrdomof St.

Sebastianin the saint's chapellocatedin the Collegiataof San Gimignano.He received
an additional5 florinsfor the chapel's paintedpiers and l Osoldi for two paintedcoats
of arms.59

57 Borsook, "Fra FilippoLippi,"46, 67; and idem,Mural Pailllersof Tuscany,

102.
58 Borsook, "Fra FilippoLippi,"46. AnabelThomas[ThePailller's Practicein

RenaissanceTuscany(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1995),282] reported
that Neri was to receive 149lire for his fresco,a sum that she calculatedto equa!50
florins. Accordingto Goldthwaite(430), in 1455, l florinwas equa)to l 08 soldi, or
4.4 lire;thus, Neri's paymentof l 49 lire would haveequalledslightlyless than 34
florins. Sputford(24), on the other hand,stated that in 1455, l florinwas equaito 82
soldi, or 4.1 lire. This exchangerate wouldrenderNeri's paymentto be a littleover
36 florins.
After 1441,exchangerates are knownfor two types of florin. The regulargold
florin,orfiorino, weighed3.54 grams,whilea large florin,orfiorino largo, weighed
3.55. This large florinwas struck between 1422and 1432to be on par with the
Venetianducat. After 1432,the florinwas retumedto its traditionalweight,resulting
in two varietiesof florin. Goldthwaite'svaluationofthe florin(429-30)is basedon the
work ofMario Bemocchi,and uses the valuesofthe.fiorino largo, whichare about
20% higherthan those of the standardflorin. Spuffordoffersexchangerates for the
standardflorinfrom 1252to 1499( 1-25),thefiorino largo from 1441to 1497(26-31),
and thefiorino largod'oro in oro from 1481to 1500(32-33). The Badiaaccounts
seemto be consistentin specifyingwhichtype of florinis beingused, and I have thus
reliedon Sputford's exchangerates ratherthan Goldthwaite's.
59 Gozzolireceived41 lire for the Martyrdomof St. Sebastianwhichwould

equa)a little more than 7 large florins(Goldthwaite,430) or 1Oregularflorins
(Sputford,24). The documentspublishedby Ahi confirmthese conversionrates.
DianeCole Ahi,"Due San Sebastianodi BenozzoGozzolia San Gimignano:un
contributoal problemadellapittura per la peste nel Quattrocento,"Rivistad'Arte, 4th
223

Eventbougbfrescopaintingin fifteentb-century
Florencewas relatively
inexpensive,tbese examplessuggesttbat tbe knownpaymentsby tbe Badiafor tbe
OrangeCloistermuralsrepresentonlya fractionof tbeir tota! cost.60 Wbile,manyof
the commissionscited aboveused largeamountsof gold and ultramarineblue -expensivematerialstbat may bavebeenavoidedin tbe OrangeCloistertbougbtbe loss
of detailsaddeda seccotbrougbouttbe cyclemakesit impossibleto know for sure -- 61
evidenceof salariespaid to otber frescopaintersduringtbe same periodraises
questionsas to wbetbertbe Badiaalso paid its painterssometype of salary. For
example,in 1400Taddeodi Bartolowas offered 12½tlorinsa montbfor eacb montb
workedon muralsfora cbapeland tbe sacristyin Siena'sCatbedral. A few years later
SpinelloAretinowas also biredby tbe Operaoftbe SieneseCatbedralat a sligbtly
lowerrate of 140florinsper year.62 In 1407,Taddeodi Bartolowas paid 120florins
for bis muralsin tbe cbapelof tbe PalazzoPubblicoof Siena-- a sum tbat included

ser. 4 (1988):44-45, 59-61,docs. 10-14;and idem,Beno:zoGozzo/i,141-4;255, no.
72; 278-9,docs. 13a-e.
60

Tbomas,276-85.

Tbe conditionof tbe Badiamuralsrendersa definitivejudgmenton the use of
variouspigmentsratberdifficult. St. Benedict'sbaiohas mostlyor completely
disappearedin al!of tbe muralsexcepttbe tbird scene,indicatingtbat it was paintea
secco -- possiblywith gold -- tbrougbouttbe cycle. Similarly,damageto tbe sk.")'
in
most scenesrendersit difficultto knowwbat typesof blue were used in tbe cycle. A
paymentfor botb ultramarineand azuritedebitedfromtbe buildingexpenseaccount
suggeststbat botb typesofblue may bavebeenused in tbe cloister. Tbe amounts
purcbased,bowever,are mucbtoo smallto accountfor al!tbat would bave been
needed. See app. 2, doc. 47.
61

Thiscalculatesto a montblyrate of 112/J florins. Tbomas,276-7; 358, nn.

46, 47.
224

materials,labor,and salary.63 In lightofthese examples,the smallsumspaid to
Giovannidi Consalvofor materialsas wellas paymentsfor clothingand medicai
attentionsuggestthat he was an assistant,ratherthan a masterpainter. By comparison,
recordsfromthe muralprojectof PistoiaCathedral'sSan Jacopo chapelpaintedin
1347indicatethat two masterpainterswere paid at a rate of 12 soldi per day,64 while
four assistantsreceivedbetween7 and 8 soldi, and one artisan,describedas a pictor,
was paid 2 soldi per day to grindcolors.65 WasGiovannidi Consalvo,dipintore,
perhapsresponsibleonly for procuringand preparingmaterialsto anotherunidentified
masterand his assistants?(pi. 76) Colnaghiwas the first to interpretthe documentary
evidencein this way, believingthe modestyofthe paymentsto suggestthat Giovanni
was employedin a minorcapacityby the monastery.66 In addition to the smallamount
of moneyhe seemsto have received,Giovannidi Consalvois nevercalledmaestro-- a

Borsook,Mural Painterso/ Tuscany,56.

Accordingto Goldthwaite(289), the work week lastedsix days from
Mondayto Saturday,and the averagefull-timelaborerwould have been able to work at
most 270 days in one year. Usingthis estimate,the monthlywage for the Pistoian
masterpainterswouldhave been 270 soldi. Accordingto Spufford(5), the florin's
valuefluctuatedbetween60 and 62 soldi in 1347. Thus, the monthlywage for these
masterpainterswas about 4½ florins.
64

65 DavidBomfordet al., Art in the Making.Italian Painting be/ore 1./00

(London:The NationalGallery,I989), 10. The muralswere paintedby two Fiorentine
masterpainters,Alessiod'Andreaand Bonaccorsodi Cino at a tota! cost of
approximately129½florins. For discussionand transcriptionof the documentssee
SebastianoCiampi,Notizie ineditedella sagrestiapistoiese de'belli arredidel Campo
Santopisano e di altre operedi disegnodal secoloXII al XV (Florence:Molini,Landi,
& Co., 1810),93-95, 145-50,doc. 29; and FrancescoTolomei,Guidadi Pistoia
(Pistoia:BracaliStamp., 1821), 16, n. 2.
225

title commonlygivento non-Fiorentinemasterpaintersworkingin Florence.67 Ugo
Procaccihas also suggestedthat Giovanniwas not a masterpaintersinceit was usually
the responsibilityof assistantsto purchasepigmentsas they were needed.68 Rosario
Gordalinahas arguedagainstthis theory,citingthe exampleof DomenicoVeneziano
who boughthis own pigmentswhileworkingat Sant'Egidio.69 However,while
Domenico,who is referredto throughoutthe survivingSant'Egidiorecords as maestro,
was reimbursedin cash for red lake,70 he also had his assistantPiero dellaFrancesca
pick up paymentson his behalf.71 A similarcase can be foundin paymentsto Biccidi
Lorenzofor his shop's work at Sant'Egidioin the early 1420s. A list of debits to
Bicci's accountindicatesthat he had severalpainters,who seemto have formeda team

Colnaghi,130.

Wohl(ThePaimingsof DomenicoVeneziano,7) interpretedthe designation
of DomenicoVenezianoas a maestroin documentsfor severalcommissionsto indicate
his status in Florenceas a foreigner,citingthe examplesof other masterpainters
workingoutsidetheir hometownssuch as Stefanoda Verona,Gentileda Fabriano,
BenedettoBonfigli,and Pisanello.
67

Procacci(Sinopiee affreschi,65-66)was the mainsupporterof the idea that
Giovannidi Consalvowas an assistant,thoughthe hypothesishas been proposedby
severalothers:Salmi,Paolo Uccello,2d ed., 139;Berti,Mostra,68; Almeida,36-7;
Cardile,207;and Carbi,40.
68

Gordalina,"Outros pintoresPortugueses,"76.

Domenicoalso receiveda deliveryofblue, and his accountwas debitedfor
three purchasesoflinseed oil. However,onlythe paymentfor the red lake indicates
that Domenicotook the moneyhimself:"...lb. due s. otto, portò maestroDomenicho
da Vinegia,disseper oncie 5½ di laccaconperòa s. 9 l'oncia..." Wohl,"Domenico
VenezianoStudies,"635-6, 640.
70

71 "E de' dare adì xii di settembref. due s. xv a oro, portò Pietro di Benedetto

dal Borghoa San Sipolchrosta cho'llui,in grossi....ff. 2 lb. 3" Ibid., 640.
226

of assistantsat the Sant'Egidioproject,retrievemoneyon his behalf. Giovannidi Ser
Giovanni(Masaccio'sbrother,also knownas lo Scheggia),Stefanod'Antonio,and
Andreadi Giustowere responsiblefor car1ying(portò)cash fromthe hospitalof Santa
MariaNuovato their master,Bicci.72
Anotherpossibleexplanationfor the smallamountof moneyspent on the
OrangeCloistermuralsmaybe that the projectwas alreadyunderwayat the time of the
first survivingpaymentrecord. Whilethe documentsdo indicatethat construction
work in the cloistercontinuedinto the beginningof 1436,the loggiawallsmay have
been readyfor paintingor preparationearlier. Severalfactorssupport such a
hypothesis.First,the monasteryseemsto havebeenquite slow in settlingits accounts
with the variousartisansin its employ,givingout moneyin smallcash paymentsas well
as convincingworkersto accept food, clothing,and other paymentsin kind rather than
directlyin cash.73 Whilethe time lag betweenthe deliveryof materials,their

72 "Biccidi Lorenzodipintorede'dare [...] ff. 28 lb. 16 s. 19, auti in più volte,

sono ff. xxviiilb. xvi s. xviiii. E dì xiiidi febraio 1420ff. uno, portò Giovannidi ser
Giovanni,di soldi80, ff. i. E adì iiidi settembre142l ff. tre, portò Stefanod'Antonio,
disse Sandronostro,ff. ii. E di xxx d'ottobre 1421fiorinitre, portò Giovannidi ser
Iohanni,ff. iii. E dì xxiiidi dicembre1421,lire sei, portò Andreadi Giustosta co'llui
per sua letteraa Sandro,lb. vi. Posto in questo,a c. 87, ff. 39 lb. 2 s. 19." ASF, Santa
Maria Nuova,5050, fol. 28. JamesBeck has arguedthat Lo Scheggiaacted as a mere
messenger,whileAndrea,who was specificallyrecordedelsewhereas a garzone and
had a long relationshipwith Bicci's shop,was a full-fledgedassistantto his masterat
the Sant'Egidioproject. JamesBeck,Masaccio.TheDocumems,collab.Gino Corti
(LocustValley,New York:J.J. Augustin,1978),9-10, doc. 5. See also p. 11, doc. 6.
73 Manypaymentsto the OrangeCloistercraftsmenwere made in kind, often in

wine, wheat,grain,meat,or clothes. Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"171,app. 3, docs. 6-8,
12, 14, 15;and Nunes,258, n. 117;259, nn. 122, 129;262, n. 157;264, nn. 162, 164.
Cf the case of the sculptorMinoda Fiesolewho was paid by the Badia in kind for his
227

consequentuse by the masons,and the settlementof relatedpaymentswas probablynot
too great, some extremecases suggestthat the dates recordedin the Giornaleserve
onlyas terminiante quem.14 Second,in late February1436the brickmakerBenedetto
di Marcowas paid for continuingto deliverbricksfor the cloistervaultsthat he had
been providingat least since 1435,ifnot earlier,suggestingthat vaultingwas underway
at the timeof the Februarypayment.75 Third,the installationof tie-rodsto stabilizethe
cloistervaults, for whichlead was deliveredin early 1436,would not havehad to be an
integraipart of the cloister'sconstruction,and they could have beenaddedas an
afterthoughtby the builders.76 Finally,manyofthe pigmentspurchasedby Giovannidi
Consalvocan only be applieda secco. That is, paintingwould havebeenunderwayby
the timethe painterwas readyto use the lead white,orpiment,and vermilionpaid for in
June and August 1436.77 An analogouscase is that of DomenicoVenezianoat

work on the tomb ofCount Ugo (1469-71). Ofthe 970 lire posted to his account,
only 19%was paid in cash. Goldthwaite,292, 307-8.
74 The stonecuttersGiovannid'Antonioda Maianoand his brotherAttaviano

were paid in 1438for works carriedout almosta decadeearlier. See app. 1, doc. 115.
75 App. 1, doc. 49b. Cf. app. I, docs. 30, 36.
76

App. 1, docs. 54, 57c, 61b.

App. 2, docs. 9, 10, 11, 15. In his practicaltreatisefor painters,Cennino
Cenninidescribedthe variouspigmentsthat couldonly be appliedin muralpaintinga
secco, that is, with glue or anotherbinderafter the plasterpaint surfacehad dried:
"Ogni coloredi quelliche lavoriin fresco,puoi anchelavorarein secco;ma in fresco
sono coloriche non si può lavorare,comeorpimento[orpiment],cinabro[vermillion],
azzurodellaMagna,minio,biacca[leadwhite],verderame,e lacca."CenninoCennini,
Il libro dell'arte, o tra/latodellapittura, ed. FernandoTempesti(Milan:Longanesi&
Co., 1984),eh. 72, p. 75.
77

228

Sant'Egidio. Wohlhas inferredthat Domenicohad begunto preparethe choir walls
for paintingas earlyas the winterof 1438,despitethe fact that the earliestknown
paymentis recordedon 11 May 1439. On that day, Domenicowas reimbursedfor red
lake, a pigmentthat mustbe applieda secco, suggestingthat his muralswere
underway.78 At the Badia,therefore,it is possiblethat the preparationof the walls with
the first layerof rough plaster,or arriccio,the compositionof the underdrawings,or
sinopie, and somepaintingin buonfresco on the smoothsurfacelayer,or intonaco,
had begunwellbeforethe first paymentsto Giovannidi Consalvoin May 1436.79
Whowas Giovannidi Consalvo? That he was a painterfrom Portugalis
attested by the Badia's Giornale.80 A GiovanniSpagnuolois recordedon 5 August
1429in a Libro di Entratae Uscitaas livingat the Badia.81 He could be the painter

Cenninigoes on to say that colors used in frescoare madelighterwith bianco
sangiova1111i
(limewhite),whilethose painteda secco mustbe lightenedwith biacca
(lead white),giallorino,or orpimelllo,though he does not recommendthe last ofthese.
78 Wohl,"DomenicoVenezianoStudies,"636. For more on pigmentsused a

secco, see LeonettoTintori,"Conservazione,tecnicae restaurodegliaffreschi,"
Mitteilungendes Kunsthistorische11
Institutesi11Floren::19(1975): 156-8;and
Borsook,Jvfura!Paintersof Tuscany,xxviii-xxix.;and idem,"Effectsof Technical
Developments,"162.
For more on muraltechniqueand its variousstagesfromwall preparationto
finalmural,see Cenninod'Andrea Cennini,The Craflsman's Ha11dbook.Theltalian
"Il Libro del!'Arte", trans. DanielV. Thompson,Jr. (New York: Dover Publications,
Inc., 1960),42-44;Procacci,Sinopiee affreschi,7-22; idem,"The Techniqueof Mural
Paintingsand their Detachment,"in The GreatAge of Fresco.Giotto to Pontormo, 1824; Borsook,Mural Paintersof Tuscany,xxiv-xxix;and CarmenC. Bambach,
Drawingand Paintingin the lta!ian RenaissanceWorkshop:Theoryand Practice,
1300-1600 (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1999), 152.
79

App. 2, docs. 5, 10, 11, 13, 14, 26, 36, 42, 63, 64.
229

Giovannidi Consalvo,though the accountentryneitherqualifiesthis Giovanni
Spagnuolo'sprofession,nor explainswhy he received2 lire and 15soldi fromthe
monasteryat that time.
The first securedocumentationof Giovannidi Consalvo's presencein Florence
comesfromnotarialrecordsdated 28 Januaryand 13 May 1435. In that year his name
is recordedtwice at the Dominicanfriaryof San Domenicoin Fiesoleas a witnessto
communitybusiness. These recordsidentifyhimas Portugueseand residentin the
neighborhoodof the BadiaFiorentina.82 Whilehe is not identifiedas a painter,83 the
record ofhis residencenear the Badia's SantoStefanoas well as a comparisonto the
entriesin the Badia's Giornalethat describehimas a painternamedConsalvoallowfor
a secureidentification.What was a Portuguesepainterwho livedin the centerof
Florencedoingat Dominicanchaptermeetingsin Fiesole? RecallingNeumeyer's
hypothesis,Chiarinihas recentlysuggestedthat Giovanniwas a Dominicanfriar.84
However,the painteris neverreferredto as such,alwaysappearingwithoutthe title
Fra(te).85 San Domenicoin Fiesolewas the homeof the Dominicanfriarand painter

App. 2, doc. 1

In the secondof these two meetings,Giovanniis identifiedas a residentof
the parishof Santo Stefanoof the BadiaFiorentina.App. 2, docs. 2, 3.
82

83 Cf. the case ofMasacciowho servedas a witnessto a notarialact in Pisa on

23 January1427. The difference,however,is that Masacciowas identifiedas a master
painter:"[...] presentibusmagistroMazo pictorequondamser Iohannisde Florentia,
[...]" Beck,23-4, doc. 26.
84

Chiarini,"Un restaurocinquecentesco,"225.
230

Fra Angelico,as well as the site ofhis workshopduringthe first halfofhis career.86
Consequently,it seemspossiblethat Giovannidi Consalvowas a memberof this
shop,87 a hypothesissupportedby the presenceof ZanobiStrozzi-- anotherpainterand
assistantto Angelico-- as a witnessto the firstof the two chaptermeetingsattendedby
Giovannidi Consalvoand Angelico.88 Giovanni'sresidencenear the Badia in early
1435mayalso signalhis activitythere priorto the firstdocumentedpaymentin May
1436.

85 I have found one referenceto a "GiovanniF. spagnuolo,"whichcould be an

abbreviationfor Frate. The "GiovanniF. spagnuolo"couldbe Giovannidi Consalvo,
thoughreferencesthat are clearlyto the painterneverincludesuch an abbreviation.
Thisabbreviationis more likelyto be forfamiglia, or servant. A GiovannidellaRia
appearsfrequentlyin the Badiarecordsand workedas afamiglia for the monastery.
App. 2, doc. 16. Cf. app. 2, docs. 28, 33.
Orlandi,BeatoAngelico, 153-7;Pope-Hennessy,Angelico,2nd ed., 4, 6;
Cardile,6; 16; 50-52;63-64; 70-71,n. 37; 72-73;84-86; 170; 187-8;198-214;and
Strehlkein Paintingand lllumination,323, 338.
86

87 Berti,"Miniaturedell'Angelico(e altro),"299, 307, n. 55; Orlandi,Beato

Angelico,26-27;Berti, The GreatAge of Fresco.Giottoto Pontormo,151;N. R.
Henderson,409, n. 3; Pope-Hennessy,FraAngelico,2nd ed., 39; Cardile,xxv, 207;
Petrucci,"Giovannidi Consalvo,"642; CastelfranchiVegas,L'Angelicoe
l'Umanesimo,107-8,n. 39; Sframeli,196;Bellosi,"Sullaformazionefiorentinadi
Piero dellaFrancesca,"47; Ragionieri,75; and Cecchi,83, n. 20.
88 App. 2, doc. 2.

A similarcase of a workshopassistantattendingSan
Domenicomeetingsis that ofBattista di BiagioSanguigni,associatedwith Angelicoas
earlyas 1417,whenBattistasponsoredthe youngpainterto join the Compagniadi San
Niccolò.(See Orlandi,Beato Angelico, 169,doc. I.) On 13November1430,
Sanguigniwas recordedas one ofthree executorsfor the willof Jacopo di Niccolò
de'Corbiziwho had bequeathedhis propertyto SanDomenicoin Fiesoleas well as to
the monasteryof San Benedettofuoridi Porta Pinti. Cardile(70-1) interpreted
Sanguigni'srole as executorto be an indicationofhis presenceat the Dominican
conventand participationin Angelico'sworkshopthere. ASF,Notarileantecosimiano,
di ser Niccolòdi Berto di MartinoGentiluzzidi S. Gemignano,G., n. 115,fols. 37v-40.
Transcribedin Orlandi,S. Antonino,2: 128-9.
231

Anotherconnectionbetweenthe Badiaand Angelicois a paymentof 26
October 1439whenFra Macario-- a converso,or laybrother,ofthe Badia-- was
givenfour lire in compensationfor two barrelsofwine boughtto give to the fiiars of
San Domenicoin Fiesolein exchangefor Fra Macario'spaintinglessons.89 Some
scholarshaveinterpretedthis paymentto identifyFra Macarioas the painter
responsiblefor the last two scenesofthe cycle. However,the paymentrecordto Fra
Macariomakesno mentionofwork in the cloister,nor does it state that his painting
lessonshad any relationshipto the GrangeCloistermuralproject. Moreover,the
technique,palette,and styleof the last two scenesdo not indicatea relationshipto Fra
Angelico,no matter how poor a studentFra Macariomighthavebeen.(pls. 92, 93)
Whilethe documentaryevidencefor the Badia's fifteenth-centurymural
programprovidessomecluesabout its execution,it is far fromconclusive.One can
safelyargue that the Life of St. Benediciand the ground-flooroverdoorwere
envisionedby AbbotGomezioas part of his architecturalreformproject. Purchasesfor
materials,manycarriedout by the PortuguesepainterGiovannidi Consalvo,were
madefairlyregularlyonce or twice a monthfromMay 1436throughJune 1438.
Giovanni'spresenceat San Domenicochaptermeetingssuggestsa possibleconnection
with Fra Angelico'sworkshop.

App. 2, doc. 69.
232

St. BenedictRequestingSilence,the RefectoryOverdoor
In light ofthe documentedrelationshipsbetweenGiovannidi Consalvoand San
Domenicoin Fiesoleand betweenthis convent-- home of Angelico's workshop-- and
the Badia, Vasari's attributionofthe overdoorlunette to Angelicorequiresfurther
consideration. The Badia overdoor-- probablypaintedsome time between 1434and
1438-- shares manycharacteristicswith the five lunettespaintedby Angelicobetween
late 1439and mid-1445over the doors that led from the cloisterof San Marco to its
sacristy,chapter room, refectory,guest house, and library.90 Each lunetteat San
Marco serves as a type of labelthat identifiesthe functionof the room beyondits door,
and three ofthese overdoorsdepictan imageof a Dominicansaint.91

Althoughno documentsrelatingto the constructionand decorationof the
San Marco cloister survive,it is generallyassumedthat Fra Angelicoworked on the
altarpiecefor the churchca. 1438-41 whileMichelozzoand his crew rebuiltthe church
and monastery. Most scholarsbelievethat Angelicoturnedto work on the mural
programafter completingthe altarpiece,though it seemspossiblethat he could have
started designsand wall preparationwhilecompletingthe pane[painting. The mural
programis usuallydated betweenthe winterof 1439and the summerof 1445. Hood
has proposedthat the frescoesin the north dormitorywere not completedunti[ 1452
after Angelico's return from Rome in 1450. By contrast,GiorgioBonsantihas argued
that the work was completedbeforeAngelico'sdeparturefor Rome in 1445,and Diane
Cole Ahi has suggestedthat the muralswere completedby the end of 1442or the
beginningof 1443. Pope-Hennessy,Fra Angelico, 2nd ed., 21; GiorgioBonsanti,"Gli
affreschidel Beato Angelico,"in La Chiesae il conventodi San Marco a Firen:e, ed.
GiorgioBonsanti,voi. 2 (Florence:Cassadi Risparmiodi Firenze, 1990), 158-72;
Hood, 39-43; Strehlke,"Fra AngelicoStudies,"36; Spike, 130;and DianeCole Ahi,
Benozzo Gozzo/i (New Havenand London:Yale UniversityPress, 1996), 14-18;216;
286, n. 84.
90

Pope-Hennessy,Fra Angelico,2nd ed., 202; Bonsanti,"Gli affreschidel
Beato Angelico,"162;Hood, 148-9and 158-9;Paolo Morachiello,Fra Angelico. The
San Marco Frescoes, trans. EleanorDaunt (Milan:Electa, 1995;London:Thamesand
Hudson, 1996), 186; 192,nn. 1, 3, 5, 6; Ahi,Benozzo Gozzo/i, 14;and Spike, 203-4,
91

233

At San Marcothe lunette over the door to the sacristyshowsSt. PeterMartyr

EnjoiningSilenceto remindentrantsof the code of conductrequiredfor accessto the
churchchoir.(pi. 66) Similarly,the St. BenediciRequestingSilenceat the Badia
promptedthe monkswho passedundemeathfromthe cloisterto the refectoryto
rememberthe words ofthe Rule: "let absolutesilencebe kept at table, so that no
whisperingmaybe heardnor any voiceexceptthe reader's."92 The lunetteshowsa
half-lengthfigureof St. Benedict,dressedin the blackhabitof the Benedictines,framed
by a fictivemarblepointedarch. (pi. 63) He enjoinssilencewith his left hand, his
forefingerpressedto his closedlips;and he holdsa bundleof rods in his right hand, the
disciplinaryscourgethat is one of his most commonattributes.93 This compositionis
strikinglysimilarto Angelico'sSt. PeterMartyrEnjoiningSi/enceat San Marco.
WilliamHood has suggestedthat the prototypefor the San Marco overdoorsis a
miraculousimageof the Virginand Childpaintedover a walled-updoorwayin the

nos. 17-21. For more on the conditionof the SanMarcooverdoors,see Giorgio
Bonsantiin Morachiello,339.
92 St. Benedici's Rute/or Monasteries,Doyletrans., chap. 38, p. 56.

St. Benedictused the scourgeto correctone of his disciplesin chapterfour
of Gregorythe Great's Vita,representedin the sixthsceneof the OrangeCloister
murals.(pi. 78) This scourgeis also mentionedsevera!timesin the Rule as a method
of discipline(chaps.2, 28, 30). In chaptertwo ofthe Rule,"What Kind ofMan the
AbbotOughtto Be," Benedictauthorizedthe abbotto whiphis monksif they are
"bold, hard,proud, and disobedientcharacters"who do not respondto verbal
wamings. Benedictfoundjustificationfor such harshpunishmentin Proverbs,23.1314, and incorporatedit into his Rule:"The fool is not correctedwith words....Beat your
son with the rod and you willdeliverhis soul fromdeath." The scourge,madefrom a
bundleof rods, symbolizesthe firmnessand rigor ofBenedictineRule and monastic
discipline.For descriptionsof the varioustypesof scourgedepictedby Italianartists
and the above-citedreferencessee Boccolini,"L'iconografiadi San Benedetto," 13.
93

234

northwestcornerof the ChiostroVerdeat the Dominicanconventof SantaMaria
Novella.94 (pi. 68) As Hood has argued,the overdoorcompositionsat San Marco
repeat this earlyfourteenth-centurycompositionwith its figureshownin two-thirds
lengthframedby a fictivemarblepointedarch.95 The veneratedimageof the Virgin
had counterpartsaver other doorwaysin the conventat SantaMariaNovella,which

The SantaMariaNovellaimagedepictsthe Virgin,framedjust above the
knee, standingwith the ChristChildin her arms. The anonymousearlyfourteenthcenturyartist suggestedher physicalpresenceby illusionistically
depictingher halo in
front of the decorativemarblebandthat framesher lunette. Originallyaver a door that
openedonta the dormitorystaircase,this entrancewas walledup after an unsuccessful
gambler,angrythat his prayersto the Virginhad not broughthim success,vengefully
attackedthe imagewith a dagger,miraculouslycausingit to bleed. Consequently,an
altar was builtbeforethe fresco,and the simp!eoverdoorbecamea cult image. For
more on the historyof the Santa MariaNovellaimage,its miraculousassociations,and
its relevanceto the fiveoverdoorsofthe SanMarcocloistersee J. Wood Brown, The
DominicanChurchoj Sama Maria Novellaat Florence:A Historica/,Architectura/,
and ArtisticStudy(Edinburgh:Otto Schulze& Co., 1902),80-82;and Hood, 139,
158, 162,pi. 113.
Anotherlunette,very similarto the imageat SantaMariaNovella,is now kept
in the Museodi SantaCroce in Florence. Thislunette,believedto be by a studentof
AgnoloGaddi,was paintedtoward the end ofthe fourteenthcenturyand followsthe
compositionof the miraculousimagein the ChiostroVerde,thus attestingto the
popularityof the miraculousimage. In the secondversion,the Virginstands,framed
just belowthe waist,with the Childin her hands. Unlikethe SantaMariaNovella
version,the Child,here fullydressed,turns toward his motherto grab her veil as he
lovinglyrubs his face againsther cheek. Likeits prototype,the Virgin'shalo is
depictedas in front ofthe lunette's pointed-archframe,here borderedwith simple
coloredbands. Unfortunately,the originailocationof this lunetteis uknown. It carne
to the museumafter the nineteenth-century
destructionofthe center ofFlorence.
AlessandraGhettiin Becherucci,I museidi SantaCrocee di Santo Spirito, 176,cat.
35, pi. 153.
94

Hood (158) arguedthat Angelicodeliberatelychosethe pointedframesfar
his San Marcooverdoorsto resemblethe modelat SantaMariaNovellaratherthan
correspondto the semi-circularlunettescreatedby Michelozzo'svaults. Similarly,the
frameof the BadiaSt. BenediciRequesingSilenceis a pointedarch in contrast to the
serni-circulararea createdby its surroundingvault.
95

235

offercloserparallelsto Angelico'soverdoors. Accordingto J. Wood Brown,the
lunetteover the entranceto the chapterroom,also locatedin the north loggiaof the
ChiostroVerde,once carrieda figureof St. Dominicenjoiningsilence.96 A senseof
this lost image'soriginaiappearanceis providedby anotherlunettethat depictsSt.
ThomasAquinas.(pi. 69) This overdoorcrownedthe entranceto the Amierifamily
chapeldedicatedto the saintand locatednear the chapterroom on the north side of the
Chiostrodei Morti.97 (pi. 73) Like the miraculousimageof the Virginand Angelico's
later Dominicanoverdoors,the half-lengthfigureof St. Thomasis framedby a steeply
pointedarch. As seen in the sinopia,the saintfacesforward,holdinga pen in his raised
righthandand an open book in his left.98 The similaritiesbetweenthe Santa Maria

The chapterroom at SantaMariaNovellais locatedin the center of the north
loggiaof the ChiostroVerde and has beenknownsincethe seventeenthcenturyas the
SpanishChapel. (pi. 15, no. 26) Its overdoorlunettehas been convertedinto a
window. Wood Brown (84, n. 2) did not say whenthe imageof St. Dominicwas lost
and onlycited an unpublisheddocumentkept in the BibliotecaNazionaleof Florence.
BNF,Conv. Soppr., 777, E. 5. I havenot had an opportunityto checkthis source.
96

The Chiostrodei Morti is alsoknownas the ChiostroVecchioas it is the
oldestofthe cloistersin the conventualcomplexat SantaMariaNovella. Three
chapelslineits northernedge, the centerofwhich was dedicatedto St. Thomas
Aquinasand endowedby the Amierifamily.(pi. 15, nos. 7 and 24) Paatz,Die Kirchen
von Florenz,3: 694-6; 724-5;819, n. 329.
97

The oldest mentionof the St. Thomasoverdoorwas made by Ghibertiin his
Commentariwhere he attributedit to Stefanoda Firenzeand praisedits illusionistic
relief:"E ne' frati predicatori,allatoallaporta [che]va nel cimitero,uno santo
Tommasod'Aquinofatto molto egregiamente:pare detta figurafuori del muro rilevata,
fatta con moltadiligenza."LorenzoGhiberti,I Commelllari,ed. OttavioMorisani
(Naples:RiccardoRiccardiEditore, 1947),34. See also Vasari-Milanesi,l: 449, n. 2;
WoodBrown,87; Paatz, Die KirchenvonFlorenz,3: 725; 819, n. 329; and Procacci,
Sinopiee affreschi,243, cat. 52.
98

236

Novellaoverdoorsand those at San Marco are striking. Did Angelicofirst experiment
with the idea at the Badia?
At San Marco,Angelicopainteda half-lengthfigureof St. Peter Martyr
signalingfor silenceaver the doorwaythat led fromthe cloisterinto the vestibuleof the
sacristyand churchchoir. (pls. 19 and 66) As the cloisterwas the piace in the
monasteryreservedfor talking,99 Peter Martyrwarnsthose who pass through his
doorwayto give heed to the rulesof silencerequiredin the rest ofthe convent.100 As
at the Badia,this imagesignalsto those who pass underneaththat it is necessaryto
changebehaviorand leavetalkingbehindin the cloister,maintainingsilenceonce
inside.

Talkingin the monasterywas regulated,permittedonlyin certain settingsand
at certaintimesof day. Paul Meyvaerthas dividedthe time spent in the cloisterinto
two categories:periodsof silencewhenmonkswouldread, pray, or meditate;and
periodsof /ocutio,or talking,whena varietyof activitiesincludingspeechtook piace.
BenedictineRule does not forbidtalkingamongstmonks,but restrictshow and when
verbalcommunicationcould take piace. The cloisterwas the only site where certain
"noisy"activities,includingtalking,were allowed. Paul Meyvaert,"The Medieval
MonasticClaustrum,"Gesta 12 (1973):54-56.
99

WhileCreightonGilberthas interpretedPeter's gestureto be a request for
permissionto speak,Hood has arguedthat the saintinsteadwas remindingthe friars
that whiletalkingwas permittedin the cloister,it was strictlyforbiddenin the choir.
Indeed,Gilbert's assessmentthat Peter invitedthose who passedthrough his door to
speakconflictswith the functionof the cloisteras the piacein the monasteryreserved
for talking. In other words, why -- as Gilbert's argumentimplies-- would friars
alreadyable to speak need a secondinvitation?Meyvaert,54-56;CreightonGilbert,
"A Signabout Signingin a Frescoby Fra Angelico,"in Tributelo Lotte Brand Philip,
Art Historianand Detective,ed. WilliamW. Clarket al. (New York: AbarisBooks,
Inc., 1985),65-70;and Hood, 158;314, n. 24; and Morachiello,186.
100

237

While more fourteenth-and earlyfifteenth-centurycloistersprobablyonce had
imagesoftheir orders' saintsover doorwaysthan the survivingevidenceindicates,the
sharedfunctionofthe Badiaand SanMarcooverdoorsis matchedby strikinglysimilar
compositions.In each the saintstands,cut off slightlyabove the knee, at the center of
a pointedarch. (pls. 63, 66) An illusionisticmarbleband frameseach saint:simulated
whitemarblestrips hold coloredfriezesthat are interspersedwith polygonal
openings.101 In the case of the St. Peter Martyr,the framehas altematingred and green
floriatedfriezesseparatedby three openings. Thisframetype sharesits basic
conceptionwith an earliermuraldepictingChrist011 the Crosspaintedby Angelicofor
the chapter-roomat his conventof San Domenicoin Fiesole.102 (pi. 70) This mural's
framehas acanthusfriezesthat are interspersedwith diamond-shapedopenings. This
frametype was elaboratedfor the San Marcochapterroom muralwherethe openings
havebecomeframeswithinthe framethroughwhichemergethree-dimensional
prophetswho hold unfurlinginscribedbanderoles.(pi. 71) This frametype -- acanthus
friezesinterspersedwith hexagonallyframedprophets-- was used againby Angelico
and his shop for the muralsin the CappellaNuovaof OrvietoCathedral.(pi. 72) While

101 The openingsare squarein shapesavefor those at the point of each arch

wherethe openingis a brokenrectanglethat "bends"to followthe shapeof the arch.
102 Christ011 the Cross,fresco,3.65x2.50m; San Domenico,Fiesole,chapter

room. The muralis usuallydated in the mid-to late 1420s. Baldini,L 'operacompleta,
89; Cardile,78-79,235, no. 2; Strehlke,"Fra AngelicoStudies,"35; Spike,Angelico,
198-9,no. 11;and Strehlke,Angelico,24-5. In the first editionofhis monographon
Fra Angelico(p. 165),Pope-Hennessyacceptedthis fresco as a work by Angelicoca.
1430-- an opinionhe recantedin the secondedition(p. 197),believingthe frescoto be
by a followerca. 1450.
238

these frametypesbelongto a long tradition of muralbordersdatingback to the late
thirteenthand earlyfourteenthcenturies, Fra Angelico'streatmentofthese frames
showsan attention to volumeand weightnot seen in most of their more decorative
forbears. This attentionto depictinga fictivelytangible,three-dimensionalframeis
especiallyevidentin the St. Peter Martyroverdoor. Peter standsas a convincingthreedimensionalfigurebeforean open expanseof once-bluesky that impliesa deep and
endlessspacebeyondthe cloisterwall. The three openingsin his frameenhancethis
illusionas they allowa viewthroughthe saint's fictivemarblesurround. The frame's
solidityand thicknessare indicatedby the receding"walls"visiblein each openingthat
providesa viewto the sameonce-bluespaceinhabitedby the saint.103
The frameofthe BadiaSt. Benedictis badlydeterioratedbut, likethe San
Marco St. Peter Martyr,had four friezes,that were framedby openingsas well as
dividedby them. In both the OrangeCloisterand San Marco overdoors,the framehas
a shadedunderside,that like the polygonalopenings,suggeststhe fictiveframe's
thicknessas wellas its recessioninto space. Whilethe condition of the OrangeCloister
lunetteis verypoor, confirmationof its originaiappearanceis providedby its sinopia
underdrawingthat was revealedwhenthe frescowas detachedfrom the cloisterwall.104

103 Hood, 158, 162.
104 At the time of writing,the UfficioRestauriof the Soprintendenza
per i beni

artisticie storici,Firenzewas not ableto locatethis detachedmural. It maybe in
storageeitherin the Laboratoriodi restauroaffreschior other storage roomsat the
PalazzoPitti;or at the VillaCorsini. Consequently,evaluationsofthe lunettehave
beenmadebasedon black-and-whitephotographsand writtendescriptions.
239

(pi. 64) This drawingclearlyshowsthe marbleframe,with its fictiveopeningsand
foreshortenedunderside,as wellas the figureof St. Benedictenjoiningsilence. In
contrastto the remarkablyfree sketchof the figure,economicallydrawn with only
those linesnecessaryto indicateits pose and drapery,the illusionisticmarbleframeof
the Badialunetteis measuredand controlled.The entirecompositionis symmetrically
disposedon either side of a verticalcentrailinethat was most likelyestablished,as
CenninoCenninidescribes,by snappinga sinopia-soakedcord onto the base plasterto
guidethe artist in his placementof the figureand frame.105 It also seemslikelythat
each curveofthe frame's pointedarch was drawnfromthis center linewith a compass
to ensurethat the curve and lengthof eachare were equal. Interestingly,onlya few
extantsinopie for omamentalbordersare known. More typically,it seemsthat artists
wouldcomposetheir omamentalbordersdirectlyon the surfaceplaster.106 The
inclusionof the marbleframein the Badiaoverdoor's sinopia suggeststhat its designer
conceivedits frameas an integraipart of the compositionand wantedto ensureits
translationto the finishedmuralas accuratelyas possible. Similarly,the preparatory
sinopiafor St. PeterMartyr EnjoiningSilenceincludesthe framewith its polygonal
openings,thoughboth frameand figurein this sketchare even more schematicand free
than its prototypeat the Badia.107 (pi. 67)

105 Cennini,Thompsontrans., 43; Procacci,"The TechniqueofMural

Paintings,"23; Bambach,152.
106 Bambach,152-4, 158-65.

240

As Boskovitshas suggested,the figure of St. Benedictsharesa solemnityand
intensitywith his counterpartSt. Peter Martyr.108 Whileany stylisticjudgmentsofthe
SI. Benedici shouldbe madewith cautiongiventhe poor conditionofthe mural,a
comparisonofthe facialstructureofthe two saintsrevealsmanysimilaritiesand
suggestsa commonphysiognomictype: the roundcraniumand squarejaw -- especially
clear in the St. Benediciunderdrawing;the flat pianeofthe nasalbones, stronglylit
from brow totip with the left sideof each saint's nose cast in deep shadow;the relation
ofthe eyes, eyebrows,nose,and cheeks-- verisimilarlymodeledto suggestthe weight
of agingskin attachedto a solid,three-dimensionalskull;and the placementof these
featuresin a round face.
SI. BenediciRequestingSilenceconflatestwo of the SanMarco overdoors,or,
more appropriately,theysharethe significanceofthe earlierBenedictineimage
betweenthem.109 St. Benedictenjoinssilenceas his counterpartPeter Martyrwould do
a few years later at San Marco,but he also holdsa disciplinaryscourge. (Peter Martyr
holds a book and pen in his other hand.) Thus, Benedictdoes not simplyremindhis
followersto keep quiet in the refectoryby pressinghis fingerto his lips,but he wams
them ofthe potentialconsequencesthey will sutferwith the presenceofhis scourge.

UmbertoBaldiniin The GreatAge of Fresco.Gioito lo Pomormo, 132, nos.
28-29; idemin Frescoes/rom Florence, 122,nos. 28-29;Pope-Hennessy,Fra
Angelico, 2nd ed., 202; and Morachiello,186, n. 1.
107

Boskovits,"Appuntisull'Angelico,"41, pi. 23. For corroboration, see
Ragionieri,75.
108

109

The San Marcooverdoorswere paintedca. 1440-43.
241

Indeed,the monkswell knew that they couldexpectto receivea painfulflagellation
fromtheir abbot with such a scourgeifthey repeatedlybroke this or other rules ofthe
monastery. In the lunetteplacedover the chapterroom door at San Marco,St.
Dominicholdsa scourgeand rute book -- a signof the rute read and punishments
administeredtherein.110 (pi. 73)
Are these iconographicand stylisticsimilarities and Vasari's attributiona mere
coincidence?Gilbertand Hood haveanalyzedthe imageof SI. PelerMarlyrEnjoining
Silenceand its counterpartsat San Marcoas uniqueexamplesof fifteenth-century
"trafficsigns."111 However,the OrangeCloister,builtand decoratedjust a few years

110 Gilbert,"A Sign about Signing,"68; and Hood, 158-9. Observant

Dominicans,unlikeBenedictines,disciplinedthemselveswith the scourge,ratherthan
receivingit from their superior. Self-scourgingwas one of the majorfeaturesof early
Dominicanlife revivedby DominicanObservants,and friarswould flagellate
themselvesin the presenceoftheir communityat dailychapter meetings. Hood, 159.
111 WhileWackemageldid recognizethe correspondencebetweenthe Badia

and SanMarco lunettes,he thoughtthe Benedictineimagedescribedby Vasarihad
disappeared,and did not, therefore,offerfurthercomment. Neumeyer(26) and Salmi
(Masaccio,163)also noticedthe correspondencebetweenthese lunettes.
In her discussionofthe Badiaoverdoor,Laura Dal Prà (120-3) neitheroffered
iconographicor compositionalmodelsfar SI. BenediciReq11es1i11g
Silence,nor did she
compareit to Angelico'sDominicanoverdoorsat San Marco. She did, however,
presenttwo later examplesof SI. BenediciRequeslingSilence that clearlyfollowthe
modelset at the Badia. The first, probablyby Marianodi Matteo da Roma,was
paintedin the last quarter of the fifteenthcenturyon the wall of the stairsthat ascend
fromthe chapterroom to the upper floor at the OlivetanmonasteryofMonte Oliveto
Maggiore. Whilenot an overdoor,Benedictis shownstanding,holdingan open book
in his left handwhilesignalingfar silencewith his right. More directlymodeledon the
Badia's overdooris the lunettefromthe Certosadi Galluzzothat surmountsthe first
door in the north wingof the ChiostroGrande. This doorwayonce gave accessto a
monk's celi,but now leads to other parts ofthe monastery. Piero di Matteo painted
this imagein the 1520s,and it showsSt. Benedictin the same pose as in the Orange
242

beforethe cloisterat San Marco, also employsimageryto controI the conductof those
who pass throughits doorways. TommasoSalvetti'sclaimthat Cosimode'Medici
copiedAbbotGomeziotakes on greater significanceifthe Dominicanlunettesare in
fact expansionsof and variationson a themeemployedat the BenedictineOrange
Cloister. "Thesebuildings[ofthe Badia]are so honoredand lovelyin their
appurtenances
...that the most illustriouscitizenCosimode' Mediciimitatedtheir form
in certaindetailsin his most renownedmonasteryof San Marco in Florence."112
Whilethe pitiableconditionof the Badiaoverdoorpreventsa secureattribution,
the compositionand styleof its sinopiasuggestsAngelico's responsibilityfor its
design. The rapidbrushstrokesused to sketchthe figureof St. Benedictresemblethe
few knownsinopieby Angelico. His preparatorysketchfor an overdoor depictingthe

Virginand Childat San Domenicoin Fiesoleis dated between1435and 1439and is
thus roughlycontemporaneousto the Badiamurals.113 (pi. 74) This sinopia
incorporatesbold linessimilarto those of the BadiaSt. Benedictto indicatethe
contoursof the figuresas wellas foldsof drapery. Additionalparallelhatching-- a
featureabsentin the Badialunette-- indicatesareasof shadowin the Virgin'sveil and

Cloisterwith his left forefingerpressedto his lipsand scourgeheld tightlyin his right
hand.
112 Salvetti,5v-6. I would like to thankBrianW. Breed for his help with this

translation.Fora transcriptionof the originaiLatintext see Nunes, 242.
113 This frescooriginallycrownedthe entranceto the churchof San Domenico

in Fiesole. Procacci,Sinopiee affreschi,243; idemin The GreatAge of Fresco.Giotto
to Pomormo,128,no. 26; idemin FrescoesfromFlorence,117-8,no. 26; PopeHennessy,Fra Angelico,2nd ed., 196;Spike,200, no. 14.
243

the Child's left arm. In the sinopiafor a slightlylater overdoorat San Domenicoin
Cortona,the two kneelingsaintswho flankthe seatedVirginand Childare rendered
quite schematically;
muchlike the styleof the BadiaSt. Benedict.(pi. 75) In both

sinopiethe artist drew with quick,confidentstrokesonlythose linescrociaito
understandingthe figures.
Unfortunately,it is quite difficultto makeattributionsbasedon sinopie for a
varietyof reasons. Sinopieare knownonlyfor muralsthat are eitherdamageddown to
their preparatorylayeror have requiredthe drasticstrapporemovaltechnique.
Thankfully,most offra Angelico'smuralshavenot been removedfromtheir walls.
Thisgood fortuneresultsin an incompletecorpusofhis sinopie,whichmakesany
conclusionsabout their stylerather tenuous. Moreover,these large-scaledrawings
executedwith a brushare quite differentfromsmall-scaledrawingsrenderedwith
silverpointor pen on paper.114 Thus, any comparisonsto early fifteenth-century
drawings-- of whichveryfew survive-- do not proveto be particularlyusefuleither.
Nevertheless,as discussedabove,the sinopiafor the St. PeterMartyrEnjoining

Si/enceshowsdose parallelsto the lunettefromthe OrangeCloister.(pi. 67) Like the
other knownsinopieby Angelico,it is drawnwithgreat spontaneityin whichvery few
linesindicatethe generaiposition,outline,draperyfolds,and gestureof the saint as
well as the basicoutlinesof its pointed-archframe. The San Marcosinopia is nearly
identica!to that ofthe Badia St. Benedict,and its greaterfreedomand economy

i 1-1FrancisAmes-Lewis,
Drawingin EarlyRenaissanceItaly (New Havenand
London:YaleUniversityPress, 1981),24.

244

suggestthat Angelicowas even more comfortablewith the compositionafter his initial
experimentat the OrangeCloister. Thoughdamagecompromisesthe Fiesoleand
Cortonamurals,most scholarsagree that they representexamplesof Angelico's
designsthat were carriedout by workshopassistants. Indeed,the mid-1430swas an
extremelybusytime for the artist, and such a divisionof laborwould have allowedhim
the freedomto meetthe ever-growingdemandfor his work. Whilean attributionof
the Badialunette'sdesignto Angelicois acceptable,whetherit was paintedby himor
an assistantremainsan open question.

245

CHAPTERFIVE
THE LIFE OF ST. BENEDICT:DESCRIPTIONAND ANALYSIS

Obliquedocumentaryevidence,Vasari'sattributionof St. BenediciRequesting
Silence to Angelico,and stylisticsimilaritiesof the Badiaoverdoorto those by

Angelicoat San Marco suggestthat the firstten scenesof the OrangeCloisterLife of
SI. Benedicimayalso be a productof Angelico'sworkshop. However,this evidence

raisesmanymore questionsthan it answers. A thorough formaianalysisof the
survivingmuralsis neededto discoveradditionalclues that maybeginto unravelthe
mysteryofthe OrangeCloisterpainters. An explorationofhow the Badiacyclerelates
to textualsourcesand pictorialprecedentscan illuminatewhetherthe Badiacycleoffers
a traditionalor inventiveinterpretation and presentation of St. Benedict's Iife.
Moreover,isolatingthe iconographicchoicesmade in each scenecan help to evaluate
the cycle's successin providingimageryfor AbbotGomezioand his communitythat
would inspireand instructthe Benedictinesto followthe reformsthat had rejuvenated
the Badiacommunity.
The SinopiaU11derdrm11ings

A close comparisonofthe preparatoryunderdrawingsto their corresponding
paintedmuralshelpsrevealan explanationof how the individuaisceneswere designed
246

and executed. Duringa conservationcampaignundertakenfrom 1956 to 1958,
LeonettoTintoriremovedthe damagedpaintlayerfromthe OrangeCloisterwallsby
the strappomethodwhichresultedin the discoveryofthe cycle's preparatorysinopie
on the arricciobeneath.1 (pls. 94-103) Cenninidescribessinopiadesignas a process
involvingsevera)steps. Afterthe arriccio,or coarsebase plastermadeoflime, sand,
and water, had set, the artist wouldroughlysketchhis compositionwith charcoal
directlyonto the wall. His composition'scenterlineas well as other guidelineswere
establishedby usingcords dippedin pigmentthat were "snapped"after their attachment
to the wallat pointsdeterminedthroughcarefulmeasurementwith a compass. The
charcoaldrawingcouldbe workedand alteredto the artist's satisfactionat whichtime
he went over his preferreddesignwith a smallbrushdippedin a pale solutionof
untemperedocher and water. Unwantedcharcoallinesthat couldnot only distract
from the finalcompositionbut also soil the illlonaco,or smoothsurfaceplasterapplied
to supportthe paintedmural,were then erased. The remainingpale ocher lineswere
gone over againwith red sinoper.2 Thus,the Badiacycle'ssinopieare the resultof a
complexdesignprocessof whichonly the finalstage remains.

1 In the detachmentmethodfor muralsknownas the strappotechnique,only

the appliedcolors and a thin layerofplaster that holdsthe pigmentsare removedfrom
the wall. Ugo Procacci,"The TechniqueofMural Paintingsand their Detachment,"in
TheGreatAge of Fresco:Gioito lo Pontormo,37; Borsook, TheMural Pai111ers
of
Tuscany,134-5;and Bambach,25.

Cennini,Thompsontrans., 42-44.
247

Despitethe incompleterecoveryof fourteenth-and fifteenth-century
sinopie, it
is possibleto categorizedifferenttypes of muralunderdrawings:those that are highly
finishedand often showexperimentationand alterationevenin the applicationofthe
red sinoper,and those that only previdesimpleand summarycompositionaloutlines.3
The Badiacycle'slast two sinopieexemplifythe firsttype; its firstten, the second. The
broad executionof the firstten designsin quick,economiestrokesindicatesthe
confidenceand competenceof a masterdraftsmanand suggeststhat the compositions
had been workedout in a seriesof smallerdrawingsthat were then enlargedfree-hand
on the wall surface.4 Severa!criticshavepraisedthesesinopie,callingthem"splendid"
and "exceptionallysure" in their simplecontoursand spare use of shading.5 The
sinopie also revealclose studyof SpinelloAretino'sLife of St. Benedicipaintedon the
sacristywallsin the Olivetanchurchof San Miniatoal Monte,as manydetailsin the
drawingsare directcopiesfrommotifsin Spinello'sscenes.6 (pls. 112-115)The
twelfthand thirteenthsinopiecorroboratethe hypothesisthat the cyclewas paintedby

Procacci,"The Techniqueof MuralPainting,"23; Ames-Lewis,Drawingin
Early Renaissance/taly, 26-28.

4 For moreon the use of small-scalepreparatorydrawingsfor sinopie designs,

see Leonetto Tintoriand MillardMeiss, ThePaintingof The Lifeof St. Francisin
Assisi with noteson the Arena Chapel(New York:New York UniversityPress, 1962),
20-34.
5 Busignani,"Firenze:II mostradi affreschistaccati,"22; Procacci,Sinopie e

affreschi,66. Hood (134) commendedthe "supremeassuredness"ofthe sinopie and
Bambach(165) also commentedon the sketches'broad execution.

N. R. Henderson,393-4,409, n. 7.
248

two teams of artists who had differentskills,training,and stylisticorientation. The
wide painterlystrokesof the last two sinopiaprovidea stark contrastto the crisp,
linearoutlinesofthe first ten drawings. The thirteenthsinopiarevealshow its artist
experimentedwith his compositionaldesigndirectlyon the wall surface. A comparison
of this scene to any ofthe firstten scenesshowsthe differencebetweenthis artist who
worked out his designas he paintedwith sinoperon the base plasterand the draftsman
of the first group who had workedout his designsbeforeexecutinghissinopia
underdrawings.(pls. l 02, 105)

TheSchemeof the Mural Cycle
The thirteensurvivingscenestaken fromthe Life of St. Benedictbeginin the
northeastemcorner ofthe OrangeCloister'ssecond story and proceedcounterclockwiseto end in the westerncornerbay of the southemloggia.7 The muralsfilithe

7 The only survivingmonumental
Benedictinecyclein Florenceto predatethe

Badia muralswas paintedby SpinelloAretinoon the wallsof the sacristyat the
Olivetanconventof San Miniatoal Monte. Spinello's scenesare organizedin two tiers
that proceedin a clockwisedirectionaroundthe room. (pls. 102-105) Unfortunately,
not manyTuscancloistercyclessurvivefromthe period beforethe decorationof the
OrangeCloisterto determinewhetherits dispositionof sceneswas typical. The
Genesiscycle paintedat SantaMariaNovellain the 1420sand l 440s beginsin the first
bay of the cloister's northernloggiato proceedin a clockwisedirection. Consequently,
the narrativescenesread fromleft to right. MarilynLavin(241; 331, n. 59; 364, n. 6)
has argued that clockwisecloistercycles,that is, those whosenarrativesread from left
to right, comprisethe minorityin Italiancloisterdecoration;and she cited the Chiostro
Verde and the earlysixteenth-century
Benedictinecycleat Monte OlivetoMaggioreas
two examples. She arguedthat most cloistercyclesprogressin a counterclockwise
directionwith narrativesthat read from right to left. However,the onlyfifteenthcenturyexampleshe providedwas that of the OrangeCloister,and her other examples
date from the sixteenthand seventeenthcenturies. Hood (132) surmisedthat like the
fourteenth-centurycyclefrom S. Francescoin Sienaand the earlyfifteenth-century
249

lunettescreatedby each bay's archedcross-vault,the corbelsof whichare incorporated
into the framingelementsof each scene. The corbelsserveas the capitalsof fictive
piers,paintedgray to matchthe cloister's stone moldings.These simulatedpiers rest
on fictivepanelingdesignedto suggestillusionisticbencheson the north wall and to
imitaterich marbleson the west. On both walls,the upperzone of this dado carries
acanthusfriezesand fictivestoneworkinterlacespiercedby roundopeningsin which
busts of importantBenedictinesand other saintsappear.(pi. 79) No panelingexists
undemeaththe singlesouthemlunette-- an indication that the OrangeCloister's
decorativeprogramdoes not survivecompletely.
The use of fictivepaintedarchitecturalelementsas framingdevices-- whether
incorporatingexistingstructuralelementsor creatingthemas completefictionson the
wall surface-- is quite commonamongItalianmuralcompositions.The individuai
motifsused in the OrangeCloisterfindparallelsin works such as the muralcyclesin
San Francescoin Assisi,the ArenaChapelin Padua,and manyFiorentineexamples
includingthe fourteenth-centurytranseptchapelsof SantaCroce, the sacristy
decorationat San Miniatoal Monte, and the BrancacciChapelin Santa Maria del
Carmine-- to nameonlya few prominentexamples.Whilefictivepiers, marbledadoes,
and bust-filledfriezesare commonin late thirteenth-,fourteenth-,and early fifteenthcenturyItalianmuralpainting,the specificformschosenand the way in whichthese

ChiostroVerdescenes,the expectationfor the OrangeCloistercyclewould be that its
narrativesequenceshouldread from left to right. He explainedthe surprisingright to
left progressionof the Badia's scenesas the resultof an unidentifiedliturigicaland
ceremonialneed.
250

elementsare combinedachievean especiallyharmoniousand ingeniousresult in the
OrangeCloister. Thisfictivearchitecturecomplementsthe actual structureofthe
cloisterloggias,as if the arcadeswere open on both sides,and allowsthe viewerto
observeepisodesfromSt. Benedict'slifebeyondthe confinesofthe cloister. When
viewedfromafar, each picture field,thoughequa!in widthto its correspondingloggia
arch, is fullyvisibleand is framedby its correspondingloggiabay as well as by the
paintedframingelementsthat repeat the verticaland horizontalmembersof the cloister
elevation.(pls. 77, 78) The parapetwallofthe upper loggia,with a gray stone
stringcourseand cornicedelineatingits lowerand upper edges,servesas a visualbase
or lower framefor each paintedscene. Similarly,the archesof the cloisterfacadeand
the curve formedwherethe cross-vaultand cloisterwall intersectcreate a concentric
top border for each paintedlunette. Whetherseen fromthe upper-storyloggiasacross
the open spaceofthe cloisteror fromthe ground-floorloggiasbelow,the painted
framesechothe real structureof the cloister. The paintedfictivepiers matchthe real
Ionie columnsand flutedpilastersthat frameeach loggiabay. The painteddado carries
the fictivepiersmuchlikethe actual low wallsthat supportthe cloister's columns. At
close range,standingin the loggiasin whichthe muralsare painted,the fictivepiers and
dadoes reflect,reiterate,and remindthe spectatorof the actualstructureof the
building.

251

Sceneone: St. BenediciDepartsNorcia,Vita Benedicti,prolegomena
The first scene,sometimesidentifiedas a portrayalofBenedict leavingRome,8
insteaddepictshis departurefromhis ancestralhomein Norcia.9 (pi. 8 l) Bom to a
noblefamily,the youngBenedictleft his Umbrianbirthplaceto attend schoolin Rome.
Once there, disillusionedby his fellowclassmates'wantonlifestyles,he decidedto
withdrawfromthe universityto pursuea more chasteand pious life. The text only
brieflymentionsBenedict'stransferfromNorciato Romeand puts greater emphasison
his removalfromthe university."Contemningthereforeleamingand studiesand
abandoninghis father's houseand goods, he desiredonlyto pleaseGod in a virtuous
life."10 A fourteenth-centuryvulgateeditionof Benedict'slife insertsa subtitleinto
Gregory's prologue,"How St. Benedictleft Rome,"11 indicatingthe importanceofthis

Berti,N!ostra,cat. 86; idem,Il Mostra, nos. 64, 65; Procacci,Sinopie e
affreschi,228; Nunes,276; N. R. Henderson,395; 409, n. 11;and Gordalina,
"PrimeirasImpressoes,"1162.

Neumeyer,27-28;Kaftal 148;Boccolini,60; Almeida,35; Salmi,Il Beato
Angelico, 126;Chiarini,"Il maestrodel ChiostrodegliAranci,"13;Paolini,139-41;
Carbi,41; and Chiarini,"Giovannidi Consalvo,"712.
Norcia,the ancientcity of Nursia, is locatedin eastemUmbriabetweenthe
Sordo and Torbidonerivers,northeastof Terni,east-northeastof Spoleto,and eastsoutheastofTrevi. TouringClubItaliano,Umbria,Guidad'Italia del T.C.I., 5th ed.
(Milan:T.C.I., 1978),391-7.

VitaSt. Benedicti,prolegomenain St. Gregorythe Great, TheLife ojOur
Most Holy FatherSt. Benedici,being the secondbookoj the Dialoguesof St. Greg01y
the Great,with TheRule of the Same Holy Patriarch(Rome:Desclée,Lefebvre& Co.,
1895),9.
10

At sometime in the fourteenthcentury,AntonioFiorinitranslatedthe second
book ofGregory the Great's Dialoguesas La vita e miracolidi San Benedello. His
simplepresentationofthe narrativeis nota !iteraitranslationofthe biography,but an
11

252

separation. Whilethe text is quite clear, the pictorialtraditionpresentssome
ambiguities.More extendedpictorialversionsofBenedict's life,likethe later cycleat
Monte OlivetoMaggiore,12 devotetwo separatelunettesto his leavingofNorcia for
Rome and his subsequentdeparturefrom university.Most cycles,however,include
only one full sceneto representGregory's prologue,usingone departureto encapsulate
the steps taken by Benedictto leave his familyand peers behind.
The cyclepaintedby SpinelloAretinobetween1387and 1388in the sacristyof
the Olivetanmonasteryof San Miniatoal Montebeginswith one suchambiguous
scene.13 Thiscycle,whichsurvivesas the only monumentalTuscanBenedictinecycle

interpretiveselection. For more on the differencesbetweenthe Gregoriantext and this
fourteenth-centuryvulgateedition,see Boccolini,5-6. Ragionieri(73) used Fiorini's
translationto analyzethe seventhsceneofthe OrangeCloistercycle.
12 The largecloisterofthe Olivetanabbeyat MonteolivetoMaggiorelocated

outside Sienawas decoratedwith thirty-sixmuralsdepictingthe lifeof St. Benedict.
The cyclewas begunby Luca Signorelli,who paintedten scenesin the late 1490s,ca.
1498. This work was continuedby GiovanniAntonioBazzi,knownas Il Sodoma,who
is documentedthere from 1505to 1508. One scene( TheMissionsof Nfaurusand
Placidus)was paintedby BartolomeoNeroni,knownas Il Riccio,in 1534. For more
on this cyclesee, S. Borghesiand L. Banchi,Nuovi documentiper la storiadell'arte
senese (Siena:EnricoTorrini, 1898),368-81;Carli,L'abbaziadi Monteo/iveto,23-52;
Hayum,93-107;Carli,// Sodoma,25-37; idem,Le storie di San Benedettoa
MonteolivetoMaggiore(Milan:Silvana,1980);Paolini,137-8;and Kanter,"The Late
Works of Luca Signorelli,"72-115.
13 SpinelloAretinodecoratedthe sacristyof San Miniatoal Monte for

BenedettodegliAlberti. His cycledepicts TheLife of St. Benediciin sixteenscenes
arrangedin two tiers aroundthe four wallsof the sacristy. Georg Gombosi,Spinello
Aretino.Eine stilgeschichtlicheStudie iiberdiefloreminischeMalereides
ausgehendenXIV Jahrhunderts(Budapest:"Admiral"Nyomdaipar,1926),66-75;N.
R. Henderson,394; Paolini,129, 135; StefanoCausa,"La sagrestia,"in La basilicadi
San Miniato al Monte a Firenze,ed. FrancescoGurrieri,LucianoBerti,and Claudio
Leonardi(Florence:Cassadi Risparmiodi Firenze,1988),215-31;Lavin,231-2; and
253

priorto that at the OrangeCloister,commenceswith Benedicttumingin his saddleto
bid farewellto a group of men.(pls. 112, 116) Becauseit seemsthat the man whose
handthe saintfondlytouchesis his father,this sceneis often interpretedas Benedict
leavingNorcia. However,the walledcity fromwhosegates Benedictmakeshis exit,
with its prominentdome and whitepyramid,would seemto indicateRome.14 The

ReadMontgomeryDiket,"An ExemplaryLife: SpinelloAretino'sCycleof Saint
Benedictin Context,"Athanor l 1 (1992):22-31.
One ofthe earliest"portraits"ofRome can be foundin Cimabue'sYta/ia,
paintedtogetherwith St. Mark in the vault ofthe Evangelistsof the Upper Churchof
S. Francescoin Assisi. For an identificationofthe buildingsincludedby Cimabue,
specificallythe topographicindicatorsofthe domedPantheonand pyramid,see Maria
Andaloro,"Ancorauna volta sull'Ytaliadi Cimabue,"Arte medievale2 (1984): 143-4;
160-3.
Fora discussionof Cimabue'sinnovativecreationof an instantlyrecognizable
'portrait' ofRome in his Ytalia,see LucianoBellosi,Cimabue,appendixesby
GiovannaRagioneri,trans. AlexandraBonfante-Warren,FrankDabell,and Jay Hyams
(NewYork: AbbevillePublishingGroup, 1998),86-89;93, nn. 39, 45; 169-70;213-21.
Thisvault was damagedby the earthquakeof26 September1997. AngiolaMaria
Romanini,Assisi. TheFrescoesin the Basilicaof St. Francis(Milan:Rizzoli,1997),
117.
The use of a white ashlarpyramidas a signifierof Rome stemsfrom the
traditionthat St. Peter was crucifiedby the Meta Romu/i -- a pyramidthat once stood
near Castel Sant'Angeloand was believedto be the tomb of Romulus. Its originai
appearancewas knownthroughtextualsourcessuch as the twelfth-centuryMirabilia
UrbisRomae and its pendantmonument,the Pyramidof Cestius,then believedto be
the tomb ofRomulus's brotherRemus. FrancisMorganNicholsand EileenGardiner,
eds., lhe Marvelsof Rome.A,,firabi/ia
UrbisRomae, 2nd ed. (New York: ItalicaPress,
1986),35.
The crucifixionof St. Peter is often shownbetweentwo pyramids,thus
underscoringthe significanceof such a structureas a symbolof Rome. Whilethe
traditionthat Peter was crucifiednear the N!etaRamuli was calied into questionand
eventuallyabandoned,the association of his martyrdomnear the Meta Romuli was
preferredat leastthrough the midfifteenthcentury,and the use of pyramidsas
topographicalindicatorsof Romecontinuedin pictorialrepresentationsof the city. For
moreon the traditionof Peter's crucifixion,see J. M. Huskinson,"The Crucifixionof
St. Peter: A Fifteenth-CenturyTopographicalProblem,"Journalof the Warburgand
CourtauldInstitutes32 (1969): 135-61. Fora partiallist of pictorialrepresentationsof
14

254

inclusionoftwo attendantsdivergesfromthe Gregoriantext, whichgives no details
about his transferfromNorciato Romeand recountsthat he abandonedRome
accompaniedonlyby his nurse. Ratherthan a carelessreadingor misinterpretationof
Gregory'sbiography,Spinellohas includedpictorial,non-textualdetailsthat provide
the sameinformationthat is givenin the text. The artist indicatedBenedict's noble
status by his placementon a horse and by the humbleattendantswho lead the way.
Thesedetails,whichbecamestandardin the pictorialtraditionofBenedict's !ife,
transiatethe Gregoriantext into images. The OrangeCloistersceneincorporatessome
of the sameelementsfoundin Spinello'sversion,as do most subsequentTuscan
examples.15
NatalieRosenbergHendersonhas shownhow the OrangeCloister's opening
scenein manyways repeatsSpinello'scomposition,thoughin reverseto conformto
the counterclockwisedispositionof the Badiacycle.16 The OrangeCloisterscene
followsSpinello'swith its contrast of city and countryside,thoughmore starklyand
with consequentgreatereffect. Benedict'sdeparturetakes piaceat the edge of a
denselybuiltcity that recedesinto the distancefromthe right foregroundtoward the
centerofthe compositionin the background.(pi. 81) UnlikeSpinello'sversion,the
walledcity depictedin the OrangeCloisterdoes not havea pyramidor other

the Meta Romuli and its associationswith Rome,see the appendixto B. M. Peebles,
"La 'Meta Romuli'e una lettera di MicheleFerno,"Atti della PomificiaAccademia
Romanadi Archeologia,Rendiconti,3d ser., 12 (1936):51-63.
15 Paolini,139-42.
16

N. R. Henderson,395-6.
255

"architecturalportraits"to identifythe city as Rome,17 and its fairlynondescript
crenellatedwallsand towerstypicalof fourteenth-and earlyfifteenth-centuryTuscan
cityscapessuggestthat the groupis leavingNorcia. The left sideofthe compositionis
filledwith steeplyslopingmountainswhosejagged surfacesmeetto formsharp,
verticalcreases. Theyrise in the middleand far distanceon eithersideof an opening
linedon its far sidewith a thick standof trees. An open plainscatteredwith small
white stonesand clumpsof grass emphasizesthe separationbetweencityscapeand
wildemess. The landscapeelementsare depictedin a varietyofyellow earth pigments
that range fromthe cool grayishbrownsand yellowsof the foregroundmountains
through the warmeryellowof the open plainto the pale peachof the backgroundslope.
These slighthue variationsprevideanotherstark contrastto the multicoloredcity at the
right with its buildingsin altematingshadesof coral, lavender,beige,and pink,some
with conica!blue-graytops.
The conditionof this lunettecompromisesa readingofthe scenein many
places. The distantlandscapeis dividedstrangelyinto three horizontalbands:the
lowest,a wide palegreenarea interruptedby thick, pale gray streakslightenstoward
the top where it meetsa dark blue-grayband toppedby a red hemicycle.Flecksofblue
in this red fieldindicatethat it was originallyan expanseof sky whoseblue pigment,
painteda secco, has mostlyflakedaway.18 It is possiblethat the dark blue band

See the discussionon "ArchitecturalPortraiture"by FelicityB. Ratté,
"SignificantStructure:ArchitecturalImageryin TuscanPaintingof the Thirteenthand
FourteenthCenturies"(Ph.D.Dissertation,New York University,1995), 100-14.
17

256

undemeathalso depicts sky and survivesbecauseit was paintedin true fresco. The
lowestzone most likelyrepresentsdistanthillsor fields. The schematicsinopia
underdrawingfor this sceneoffersa few cluesto reconstructthis area. Widelyspaced
horizontallinesseemto be shorthandfor landscape,a theory corroboratedby similar
notationsin the underdrawingsfor the distantrollinglandscapesof the seventh,tenth,
and eleventhscenes.(pls. 99, 102, 103) A shadedpyramidalarea next to severa)small
verticalrectanglescould be shorthandfora distantmountainand town. (pi. 94) The
damageto the upper part of this lunetteseemsto havebeen causedby water -- a
commonproblemfor outdoor murals.19
The lower left corner of the first lunettehas sufferedeven more, and the sinopia
showsthat the underlayerof plasterhas beenlost as well. This damage,causedduring
the seventeenth-century
insertion of a windowfor the remodeledSan Maurochapel
below,eradicatedthe bottom ofthe foregroundmountainas well as the left edge ofthe
left-moststandingfigure. An eighteenth-centurypainterreworkedthis area witha
fishennanand dog --20 picturesquedetailsthat most likelydo not record the originai

In the slightlylater chapterroom of San Marco, the large Crucifixionfresco
has sufferedsimilardamagein its sky, whereAngelicopaintedan underlayerin true
frescowith red hematiteto allowhimto darkenhis blue sky toward the top ofthe
scene. The lowerhalfof the sky was preparedwith a white underlayerto givethe
effectof a lighteningsky as it reachesthe horizon. Blue azurite was then addeda
secco ofwhich onlytraces remain. Dal Poggettoin Baldiniet al., 119; Bonsantiin
Morachiello,TheSan Marco Frescoes,339.
18

19 Procacci,"The TechniqueofMural Painting,"29.

BeatoAngelico, 126; Baldiniet al., Firenzerestaura,23; and Luisa
Vertova,"RestoredWorks of Art in Florence,"BurlingtonMagazine 114 (July 1972):
496, 499, pi. 63.
20 Salmi,li

257

compositiongiventhe fidelityto textualand pictorialprecedentsand the lack of
irrelevantdetailelsewherein the cycle.
A group of figureson horsebackand on foot fillsthe center foregroundof the
scene. UnlikeSpinello'searlierversionthat portraysonlyone mountedfigure,(pi.
116)three figuresappearon horsebackin the OrangeCloisterscene. Unfortunately,
the riders' headswere also obliterateddownto the preparatoryunderlayerand were
later repaintedby a restorer. Withoutthe sinopiaunderdrawing,it is impossibleto
reconstructthe appearanceof these figureswithcertainty. Nevertheless,clothingand
placementhelpto identifythe characters. At the far left of the group, a brownhorse
walksalmostparallelto the picturepiane,awayfromthe city toward the open
countrysideat the left. His head and right forelegarejust to the left of the
composition'sverticalcenter Iinethat separatesthe denselybuiltcity fromwhosegate
the group emergesand the rockycrags and trees of the open countrysideand
wildemess. The painterchangedthe positionofthe horse's legs fromthe sinopiato
the finishedfresco,shiftingthe animal'sweightto his foregroundleft leg and causing
himto step forwardwith his right. Not onlydoes this changecreate a more dynamic
pose for the horse,but also it providesa moreopenviewof the horse's chest,thereby
drawingattentionto the directionof his gait.21 Despiteidentificationsby Neumeyer
and Chiarinito the contrary,it is St. Benedictwho ridesthis horse. Even thoughthe
head of this youthfulfigurehas been repainted,his finepink cloakborderedwith a wide

21 At San Miniatoal Monte, Benedict'shorseraiseshis hoof to followthe lead

ofthe figureswho walk awayfromthe city behindthem. Paolini,139-40.
258

ocher band remainsintact. The youngfigureof St. Benedictwho kneelsin the second
scenewearsthe same cloak. (pi. 82)
Behindthe figureof St. Benedictridesan opulentlydressedmanon a white
horse. Mistakenlyidentifiedas Benedictby Neumeyer,22 this figurewears a red robe
and cap linedand trimmedwith ermine. His whitehorse tums toward the picturepiane
and away fromBenedict. This figuremostlikelyrepresentsBenedict's father,who has
accompaniedhis son to the city gates to see himoff and wish himwell. The restorer
repaintedBenedicttuming in his saddleto bid farewellto his father,who tenderlytakes
his son's hand.23 Whilethe lack of an underdrawingrendersit impossibleto say
whetherthis restorationfaithfullyrecordsthe originaicomposition,the precedentset by
Spinello,the positionofthe horses,and the repetitionof Benedict'spink cloakin the
secondsceneleavelittledoubt as to the identificationof these figures.
Neumeyeridentifiedthe figurewhosewhite-veiledhead appearsbetween
Benedictand his fatheras the saint's nurse. Althoughthe figureis badlydamaged,this
identificationseemscorrect, and her physicalplacementbehindBenedictindicatesher
subordinatesocialrank. The dark gray forelegsof her mount are visiblethroughthe

22 Neumeyer,27; N. R. Henderson(396) onlyfelt secureto denyChiarini's

identificationof the standingfigureas Benedict,believingthe other "figureswere
heavilyrestoredand are now too damagedto enlightenus."
23 Vertova("Restoredworks of art," 496-9) disagreedwith Dal Poggetto(in

Baldiniet al., 23) that the same restorerwas responsibleforali of the repaintingin the
first scene. She argued insteadthat there were at leasttwo interventionsin the mural
becausethe restorationof the riders's headsdemonstratesan attemptto imitatethe
fifteenth-centuryoriginaiwhilethe addition of the fishermanin the lower left cornerof
the lunettewas gratutitousand distracting.
259

legs ofthe other two horses. Neitherthe nursenor her horse are presentin the sinopia.
Whileher face mayhavebeen drawnon the originaiarriccio,the legs of her horse were
not sketchedin. Two figuresfollowthe riderson foot. The first wears an elegantfurtrimmeddress modeledwith cangianteeffectsofbright green highlightsand deep red
shadows. Close inspectionofthis figure'sunderdrawingsuggeststhat the designerof
the sinopiaalso intendedfor himto ride on horseback. Indeed,his legs and skirt are
not indicatedin the sinopia, and his oddlypositionedarm -- bent at the elbowwith his
forearmheld at a right angleto hisupperarm and his wrist limplybent downward-makessenseif read as holdinga horse's reigns. The mural's painter,however,seems
not to haveunderstoodthis schematicsketchand improvisedwith the addition of two
trunk-like,red-stockingedlegs. Similarproblemsappearin the renditionof Benedict's
father. In the sinopia,the silhouetteofthe figure's lowerleg, bent at the kneein a
typicalequestrianpose, is visiblethroughhis garment. In the mural,however,this
thoughtfuldetailhas been overlooked,and the figure's leg appearsstuntedand
awkward.
At the left ofthe composition'sverticalcenter standsa figurewho stops and
tums back to the group. Wearinga simplered dress and brownstockings,he carries
books and other goods wrappedin a cloth suspendedfroma pole that he balancesover
his left shoulder. DespiteMarcoChiarini'sidentificationofthis figureas St. Benedict,

260

as correctlypointedout by Hendersonand previouslyrecognizedby Neumeyer,24 this
figureis a simplemanservantattendingthe nobleBenedicton foot, and he recallsthe
peasantsseenleadingthe way in Spinello'sversionat SanMiniato. The servantstands
with his backto the viewer,his rightfoot almostperpendicularto the picturepiane
with only a bit ofhis toes visiblebeyondhis foreshortenedheel. He has taken a long
step to the left with his left leg, indicatinghis intentto lead Benedict'shorse away from
the city. He has stoppedmid-strideto tum back toward his masterwhom he watches
intently,as if awaitinginstructions.The painterchangedthis figure's pose fromthe

sinopia to the finalcomposition.The underdrawingshowsthat he originallycarrieda
large book, whichwouldhavebeen neededby Benedictfor schooland furtherconfirms
identificationof the sceneas the joumey fromNorciato Rome,undemeathhis right
arm. In the muralhe raiseshis open hand,perhapsto bid farewellto the householdof
whichhe had formeda part. This gesture,thoughtouching,is distractingand makes
possiblethe mistakeninterpretationof this figureas Benedictwavinggood-byeto his
family. The tendencyof these changesto confusethe narrativeclarityof the sinopia
suggeststwo differentartistsat work, one designingand one executingthe image.
A similardifferencein designand executionis evidentin the depictionofthe
cityscape. In both the preparatorydrawingand the mural,roundand rectangular
buildingsare placedclose togetherto suggesta denselybuilttown. In the drawing,the

Chiarini("Il maestrodel ChiostrodegliAranci,"13) interpretedthe raised
hand of this standingfigureto be Benedict'sfarewellsaluteas he preparesto venture
forth toward his new !ifein Rome. This contradictsthe identificationsofNeumeyer
(27) and RosenbergHenderson(396).
24

261

architectureis simple. Each buildingis placedso that the wallsand comerssubtly
framethe figuresstandingbeforethem. The roof linesslantdownwardto suggest
recessioninto space, and their orthogonalsconvergeat a centralizedvanishingpoint.
This carefulcalculationis abandonedin the mural. In the drawing,there appearsto be
one structureat the far right of the composition.A flat-roofed,rectangularlyplanned
buildingcontainsthe openingfromwhichthe figuregroup emerges-- as seen clearlyin
the building'scornicethat extendsinto the distancebeyondthe head of the last figure
in the entourage. A cylindrical,cone-toppedturret is attachedto this building'sfront
face. A parallelconstructioncan be foundin the high,pale lavenderbuildingwith
cone-toppedturrets at its cornersthat risesout of the walledcity of Jerusalemdepicted
in the upper left corner offra Angelico'sStrozziDeposilion.25 (pls. 151, 152) In the
Badiamural,however,the painterhas dividedthe relativelysimplegate-buildingofthe
sinopia into three separatestructures. The attachedturret has becomea round, freestanding,pale ocher tower. The paintermistookthe edges of the gate's entrancein the
sinopiaas belongingto two separatebuildings.The foregroundbuildingpainteda
dusty pink has been elaboratedwith projectingbattlements.This embellishmentshifted
the edge of the roof line considerablytowardthe left to resultin a steeper

25 Fra Angelicowas hiredto completethe Depositionaltarpiecebegunby

LorenzoMonacofor Palla Strozzi'sburlaichapelat SantaTrinitàand left unfinishedat
the artist's death in 1423/4. Angelicoseemsto havefinishedthe altarpiecea little less
than a decadelater by the middleof 1432. It is now in the Museodi SanMarco,
Florence.AnnaPadoa Rizzo, "Dalgoticoestremoal Rinascimento:La 'Deposizionedi
Croce' per Palla Strozzidi LorenzoMonacoe del Beato Angelico,"in La Chiesadi
Santa Trinitaa Firenze, ed. GiuseppeMarchiniand EmmaMicheletti(Florence:Cassa
di Risparmiodi Firenze, 1987), 125-32;and Strehlke,"AngelicoStudies,"36-41.
262

foreshorteningofthe roofline than intendedin the drawing. Abovethis pink
battlementedstructurerisesa secondpale yellowbuildingthat containsthe arched
openingfromwhichthe figuregroup emerges. To the left ofthe yellowgate-building
risesa shorter,dark lavenderbuilding. In the sinopia,this building'sleft verticaledge
fellbetweenBenedict'sfather's headand the headofthe curly-hairedfigurebehind
him. In the mural,the painterhas shiftedthis building'scorner to the left so that its
verticaledge now fallsto the left of Benedict'sfather's head. This changenot only
disruptedthe sinopia's subtleframingof each headwith a differentwall face but also
requiredthe painterto foreshortenthe building'sroofline muchmore steeplythan in
the drawing. The addition of turrets and crenellationto the remainingbuildingsraises
the heightofthe town's roof linesand disruptsthe harmoniousrelationshipbetween
figuresand backgroundseen in the drawing. Despitethese changesthat betrayonlya
rudimentaryunderstandingofthe theoriesof pictorialperspectivecomparedto the
sophisticationof the sinopia,the painterdid try to portraythe falloflight convincingly.
The sceneis lit fromthe left, and the painterwas consistentin his brightilluminationof
the left-facingsurfacesof mountains,figures,and buildings,castingthe right-facing
surfacesin deep shadowwith subtletonai shiftswhereobjectsreceiveindirectlight.
He was, however,indiscriminatein the use of cast shadows. For example,the legs of
the back-turnedmanservantas well as the cylindricaltower in the far right foreground
cast shadowson the groundto the right,but the centraigroup of figuresdoes not.

263

Scenetwo: How the BrokenSievewasRejoined,Vita Benedicti,I
Likethe first lunette,the secondscenehas also sufferedextensively;lossesin
both cornerswere causedby the insertionof windowsfor the San Mauro chapelbelow,
and in the center,most likelywere causedby water damage. Discolorationin the paint
layermakesvisiblethe areas that havebeenrepainted,as do correspondinggaps in the

sinopia.(pls. 82, 95) Fortunately,the mostimportantparts ofthe narrativeare
preserved. The compositionaldesignuses architecture,landscapeelements,and spatial
organizationto separatethe differenteventsrepresented. At the upper right of the
lunettein the distantbackgroundofthe compositionridesa figureon horseback
accompaniedby a traveleron foot.26 (pi. 141) Thisdetail,the inclusion of whichin the

sinopiaunderscoresits importance,signalsthe beginningofBenedict's new !ifeafter
his departurefromRome. The placementofthis vignettein the distanceparallelsits
positionfurtherback in the chronologyofthe story, whenBenedictabandonedRome,
headingsoutheast"accompaniedonlyby hisnursewho most tenderlyloved him...to a
piacecaliedAffile."27 The figureon horsebackhas sufferedsome damage,but it seems
that the youngBenedict,eager to banishanyvestigesof his noblerank, has givenhis

26 Neumeyer(29) and Chiarini("Il maestrodel Chiostrodegli Aranci," 14, pi. 5)

also noticedthe presenceof this riderand pedestrian,thoughonly Chiariniidentified
the figuresas Benedictand his nurse.
27 St. Gregorythe Great, VitaSt. Benedicti,caput I "De capisteriifracti

reparatione,"1895ed., 10-11. The smalltown of Affilewas knownas Efjìdis during
the medievalperiod. It is locatedsouth of Subiaco,and thus southeastof Rome and
Tivoli. TouringClubItaliano,Lazio (11011compresaRoma e dintorni),Guida d'Italia
del T.C.I., 4th ed. (Milan:T.C.I., 1981), 528. For the iconographyof this scene see
Kaftal, 148;Boccolini,60-61;and Paolini,144-6.
264

mountto his nursewhilehe leadsthe way on foot, his pack slungover his shoulder.
Depictedin profile,Benedictand his nursetravetaver sandy-coloredground strewn
with stonestoward an open city gate at the left. Behindthemliesthe walledcity of
AffilewhereBenedictwould performhis first miracle. Beforethemflowsa smallriver
on whose waterssail shipsrenderedmuchtoo smallin relationto the figuresbehind
them. Thisvignetteis set behindoverlappingmountainsthat slopeupwardfrom a
centraivalleythroughwhichthe viewercan witnessBenedict's arrivai. Damageto the
plasterin the centerof the lunettehas obliteratedthe left edge ofthese mountainsand
the left portionof the cityscape.
The foregroundof the lunetteis dividedinto two zoneswith architectural
elementsdividingthe compositioninto settingsfor successivestagesin the story. At
the left, Benedictand his nurseinhabitan open-frontedroomwhileat the right, a group
oftownspeoplegather in front of a church. Benedict'snurse,for reasonsunspecifiedin
Gregory's text, had borroweda wheat-cleaningsievefroma neighborand carelessly
left it on a tablefromwhichit fell and broke into two pieces. Findingher distraught,
Benedictsoughtto ease her agonyand "gave himselftoprayer,"after whichthe sieve
was miraculouslyrestoredwithout"any sign that it had beenbroken."28 This miracle,
importantas the first of manyBenedictwould perform,underscoresBenedict's piety.
By devotinghimselfto prayer,he was deemedworthyof divineassistance. This scene

St. Gregorythe Great, VitaSt. Benedicli,1895ed., 11.
265

providedan exemplumfor its monasticviewers,remindingthem ofBenedict's Rule
that demands"completehumilityand pure devotion... in supplicationof the Lord."29
Unlikethe other scenesin the cycle,this compositionreads from left to right in
oppositionto the counterclockwiseprogressionof the narrativecycle. The artist, either
simplyfollowingpictorialconventionin whichnarrativeimagesare read from left to
right or more specificallyemulatinghis modelat San Miniatoal Monte, placedthe
secondepisodeof this sceneat the left ofthe compositionin a domesticinterior.(pls.
82, 117) The front of this conventionalbox-likespaceis open, parallelto the picture
piane,and providesa view into the housewhereBenedict'smiracleunfolds. The
rectangularspaceof the interioris framedby two flutedpiers, the right of whichis
positionedjustto the right ofthe lunette'sverticalcenter.30 Onlythe upper halfofthe
left pier is originai. Portionsthat surviveshowa masterfulhandlingof lightand
shadowthat correspondsto the entirecomposition'silluminationfromthe left;bright
whitehighlightsglint off the rightedge of eachflute,and shadowsdeepenas they
followthe curve of the semi-cylindrical
carvingsinto the stone and back out again
alongthe darkestshadowedleft edges.(pi. 141b) The front face of the pier and the
deepestrecessof each flute are paintedthe sameshadeof lightyellowishbrown,while
the entire right face of the pier is cast in the samedark brown shadowused for the
shadedleft edges of the flutes. These pierssupportan entablatureconsistingof a

SI. Benedici's Rutefor Monasteries,Doyletrans., chap. 20, p. 41.

Thoughrepainted,the restorerbasedthe positionofthis pier on the lower
rightcorner ofthe building'sback wall.
30

266

moldedarchitraveand corniceseparatedby a purplefiiezethat providesa bandof
color in the otherwisebeige architecture. Abovethe entablaturerises what appearsto
be a smallloggiawith short, evenlyspacedcolumns-- a spontaneousadditionto the
sinopiathat does not respectthe proportionsof the building.
The walls,floor, and ceilingofthe box-likeinteriorrecedealong diagonalsthat
convergeaboveBenedict's head. An open doorwayat the back of the room providesa
viewof the building'sexterior,a fencedgarden,and anotherbuildingfurtherin the
distance. Whilethe recession of the variousbuildingscreates a stage-setthat is to be
read as a three-dimensionalspace, it is the artist's use oflight and shadowthat givesa
senseof depth and atmosphere. As seen alreadywith the modelingofthe pilaster
flutes,lightfallsinto Benedict's housefromthe left. The sinopia includesa high
windowin the building'sleft wall to serveas the room's sourceoflight. Despiteits
clearindicationin the underdrawing,the painteromittedthis windowin the finished
muraland insteadadded a gothic biforawindowto the room's rear wall that serves
onlyas a decorativemotif This change,likethe spontaneouslyadded roof loggia,
againsuggestsa secondartist at work -- probablyan assistantmisunderstandingor
disregardinghis master's design. Whilesinopiecommonlydisplaydifferenceswith
their sunnountingmurals,changessuch as these suggestan interventionby an assistant
unawareof or unconcemedwith the narrativesignificanceof the planneddetails.
Regardlessofthe omissionofthe light-providingwindowin the left wall,the
illuminationof figuresand objectsinsidethe houseis consistent. Similarly,the exterior
of the house, visiblethroughthe open door at the back of the room, is painted\vitha
267

cool grayishbeige,indicatingthat whilethe buildingis outdoors in the sun, its right
side cannot receivelightdirectly. Furtherin the distance,however,a round building
does receivedirect lightfromthe left and is consequentlybrightlyilluminated.
A long table, foreshortenedalongrecedingdiagonals,dividesthe fo,eground
interiorspace into two sections. On this table liesthe ruinedsieve,neatlybroken into
two pieces. Towardthe back of the room the young Benedictkneelsto the right of the
table. Presentedin left profile,his youthfulface is cappedwith blondcurls and framed
by traces of a halo that must havebeenpainteda secco and has now nearly
disappeared. His hands,solemnlyplacedtogether in prayer,are oversized,vergingon
the grotesque,with fleshthat is muchmore orange than his pallidface. Cirilla,his
distraughtnurse, standsin the foregroundto the left of the bench. Unfortunately,this
area of the frescohas sufferedextensivedamage,and most of her bodyhas been
repainted. Nevertheless,the rightedge of her red dress and her headsurvivein both
the muraland the sinopia, indicatingthat her pose is originai. lnterestingly,in the
underdrawingthe artist depictedthe nursewith a fashionableFiorentinehairstylethat
was changedto a more modestveilin the finishedfresco,seeminglyin accordancewith
Spinello'smodeland perhaps,as Hendersonpointedout, to conformbetter with the
decorumof the monasticcloister.31 Anothertellingchangeis the differenceof
expressionon the nurse's face fromunderdrawingto fresco. In the sketch,the artist
has drawnthe brows pinchedclosetogether,needingonly a few brushstrokesto

31 N. R. Henderson,399.

268

expressthe shame,worry,and regret felt by the nursefor her carelessdestructionof
the sieve.(pi. 142) In the finalpainting,however,despitethe furrowson her forehead
and wrinklesbetweenher eyebrows,her face is stony. Whilethis discrepancymay
resultfroma loss of spontaneityoften seen in the transferfrompreliminarysketchto
finalwork, it seemsthat like the other differencesbetweensinopia and muralfoundin
the firsttwo scenes,this changeindicatestwo differenthandsresponsiblefor the design
and executionof the figure.
In the right halfof the composition,a crowdof stupefiedtownspeopleadmire
the miraculouslyrestoredsievethat they had hungon the facadeof their town's church
to commemorateBenedict'smiracle. By depictingthe sievesuspendedfromthe
churchfacade,the OrangeCloistersceneconformsmoredirectlyto Gregory's
biography,whereasSpinello'ssceneshowsthe sievehungin the church interior.32 (pi.
117)

Threeseparatebuildingsformthe architecturalbackdropfor the crowd of
Benedict'sadmirers. Thesebuildingsrecedealongdiagonalsthat correspondto the
sameempiricallydrawnperspectivalsystemas Benedict'shouse,and the orthogonals
of ali ofthe composition'sbuildingsintersectat severa(pointsover the saint's head to
create an approximatevanishingpoint. The churchand its neighboringbuildingsare

Henderson(399) has suggestedthat this compositionalchangenot only
provideda more preciserenderingofthe textualsource,but also allowedfora clearer
presentationofthe townspeople'sadorationby bringingthe crowd out ofthe church
and into the piazzaso that the viewercouldbavea greaterabilityto see the
astonishmentand awe inspiredby Benedict's firstmiracle.
32

269

paintedwith the same beigeused for architecturethroughoutthe scene,thoughthe
tones shiftdependingon the building'sdistancefromthe light sourceat the left. In the
background,a flat-roofedbuildingis stronglylit on its left facade,its interiorcast in
deep shadowthat providesa dark foilfor the group of figuresthat standsbeforeit.
The churchfacadeis set furtherback from its neighborto the left and is consequently
painteda grayer beige than the honeytones of its neighborthat receiveslightmore
directly. Betweenthese two buildingsrisesa lavendercampanile,whoseformdiverges
fromthe si11opia.In the drawing,the churchbeli hangsfrom a simplegablewhose
proportionsare better suited to the churchthan are those of the tower insertedin the
mural.33 Anothermisunderstandingcan be foundin the third, smallerbuildingat the
right of the church. Becauseit is furtherto the right, its facadeis againpainteda
slightlycooler beigethan its counterparts. However,the sinopia suggeststhat this was
to be a round side chapelengagedto the churchwall, rather than a separate
rectangular,flat-roofedbuilding. The painteralso modifiedthe si11opiadesignwith the
additionofthree windowsto the churchbuildings.In the si11opia,only a round
window,whichwas repeatedin the mural,opensthe churchgable. The painteradded a
smalldouble-lancetwindowto the upper left cornerof the church's side elevationand a
muchlarger,grated rectangularwindowbeneathit. Whilethe smallerwindowis
appropriatefor church architecture,the grated windowis not. Moreover,the relative

An exampleofthis type ofbell-gablecan be foundin the chapeldepictedin
LorenzoMonaco's UffiziSt. Be11edicti11Subiacoand A You11g
Monk Temptedfrom
Prayer(pi. 121)and Fra Angelico'sDeath of Sr.Francis (pi. 166).
33

270

scalesof the windowsdo not makesenseeitherin relation to each other, to the details
ofthe facade,orto the muchsmallercampanile.Similarly,the painteradded a large,
archedwindowto the front of his misunderstoodside chapel.
A group of sevenfiguresstandsin front of the church,lookingup in awe at the
miraculouslyrepairedsievethat hangson a chainsuspendedfrom a hookjust belowthe
church's roundwindow. The sievecasts a shadowon the facadebehindit, thereby
heighteningthe illusionof a three-dimensional
object suspendedin space. The group
comprisesfour figures,visibleonlyfromthe shouldersup, standingbehindthree others,
who forma trianglewith each one viewedfroma differentangle. Unfortunately,the
lowerbodiesof these full-lengthforegroundfigureshave suffereddamage.34 Whilethe
posesand gesturesof the crowd indicatetheir wonderand admirationfor the
miraculoussieve,the facesofthe figures,whilemodeledto show the roundnessof
cheeksand lips and eyes that bulgefromdeep eye sockets,are rather bland,muchlike
the stony-facednurse.
The praiseand adulationof Affile'scitizensmadeBenedictuncomfortable,so
he decidedto depart and fled secretlyto the remotewildemessof Subiaco. As in the

The legs of ali three figureshavebeenentirelyrepainted,with the exception
ofthe man in profile,whose uppercalvessurvive. A clearbreak is visiblein the paint
layer,showingthat the lower halfofthe leftmostfigure's legs have been repaintedby
someonewho misunderstoodtheir position,mistakenlypaintingthe back leg as his left.
This switchresultsin an unstable,cross-leggedpose that disruptsthe originally
intendedanchoredstance in whichthe figure'sright leg is placedbehindhis left, nearer
to the picturepiane. What does surviveofthis figure's legs showsthat the fifteenthcenturypainterdepictedgreen stockingsmodeledwith yellowcangiantehighlights.
The restoreralso disregardedthe composition'sunidirectionalfall oflight and painted
shadowsthat fallbehindthe standingfiguresin contradictionto the highlightsalongthe
figure'sback.
34

271

upper right of the lunette,anothervignetteappearsat the far left. Followingthe
sinopia,the smallfigureofBenedict, stili dressedin his pink robe and green undershirt,
his handsstili pressedtogether in prayer,walkssolemnlyand alone to the left, away
from Affileand towards Subiaco. As in the upper right ofthe composition,sharply
edged mountainsrise in the middledistance,separatingthis episodeboth spatiallyand
temporallyfrom the rest ofthe composition.

Scenethree: Subiaco,Vita BenedictiI
The third lunetteofthe OrangeCloistercycle,whilestilitaken from Gregory's
first chapter,depictsthe wildsof SubiacowhereBenedicttook the monastichabit and
spentthree years as a hermit. At San Miniatoal Monte, SpinelloAretinoused two
picturefieldsto displaythis part of the narrative,dividingeach fieldwith architecture
and landscapeto indicatefour separateevents.(pls. 113, 118) At the Badia, one
lunetteis used to depictthree ofthese incidents,leavingthe conclusionof the story to
the memoryofthe viewer.(pi. 83) After stealingawayfrom his nurse, Benedictcarne
to the lonelywildernessof Subiacowhere he met the monkRomanuswho clothed the
youngnovicewith the monastichabit.35 In this lunette,the artist again adopted the

35 St. Gregorythe Great, VitaSt. Benedicti, 1985ed., 11-15. For the

iconographyofthe variouseventsat Subiaco,see Kaftal, 148-9;Boccolini,61-64; and
Paolini,147-52.
Subiacois locatedeast ofRome alongthe Via Tiburtinapast Tivoliand
Vicovaroto the south. It is about 5 milesto the north of Affile,and is now the home
of two importantBenedictinemonasteriesand pilgrimagesites. T.C.I., Lazio, 513-25;
and Gregorythe Great,Life and l'vfiraclesof St. Benedici,Zimmermann-Avery
ed., 4,
n. 3.
272

right to left narrativedirectionof the firstsceneto followthe counterclockwise
progressionofthe muralcyclearoundthe cloister;thus, Benedict'sinvestitureis placed
in the lowerright cornerof the lunette. As in the first two bays,this area sustained
damageduringthe seventeenth-century
renovationof the churchbelow,and the
insertionof a large windowdestroyedthe lowerright cornerofthe picturefieldas well
as part of its decorativedado. The investituretakes piacebeforea craggyslope that
both indicatesthe remoteand barrenterrainin whichBenedictsettledand separatesthe
event chronologicallyfromits successors. Extendingfromthe upper right edge of the
lunettediagonallydownwardto the left, the slope stops at the right edge of a small
buildingwherethe third episodeofthe narrativetakes piace. This slopeserves as a
diagonalwedge,creatingspaceboth beforeand behindit and separatingthe area of
Benedict'sinvestiturefromthe high,jagged cliffsof his hermitagethat is seen in the
middledistance. The slope's sharp,stylizededgesunderscorethe inhospitableand
remoteterraininto whichBenedictretreatsas does the minimalvegetationof scattered
grassesand trees. The foregroundslope,paintedin cool beigetones that subtlydarken
as they recedeinto space,also servesas a lightbackdropagainstwhichthe figures
stand out. Two owls standat the upper rightof this slope,staringout at the viewer.
Their appearancepresentsseveralproblems:First, these nocturnalbirdswitnessa
daytimeevent. Second,whiletheir positionindicatesthat they stand at the clitr s edge,
their feet are not placedconvincinglyon top of the mountain,but ratheroverlapits
verticalface. Even thoughthe sinopiafor this area ofthe muralis damaged,given

273

these incongruities,it seemslikelythat these birdswere an improvisationon the part of
the painter.
Withbowed head and claspedhands,Benedictkneelsreverentlybefore
Romanus. Havingalreadydonneda blacklong-sleevedtunic,Benedictreceivesa black
cowl similarto the one worn by the elder monk. The figuresface each other in profile,
thoughBenedict'shead is turned slightlyto his left so that both his eyes are visible. A
round,goldenhalo framesBenedict'shead,and no attempthas been madeto
foreshortenit in accordancewith the positionof the figure's head. Instead,it is placed
parallelto the picturepianeand casts a smallshadowalongits rightedge on the rocky
slope behind. Whilethis shadowshowsan interestin portrayinglightand atmosphere,
it contradictsthe depth suggestedbetweenthe figuresand the mountainbehindthem.
As in the precedingscenes,Benedict'shalowas not indicatedin the sinopiabut added
free-bandto the finishedmural. Interestingly,the depictionof the saint's halo is not
consistentwithinthe third lunette. The haloof the kneelingsaint,thoughdamaged,
appearsto resemblea thick,brushedgold disc with a shadowonly alongits rightedge.
The seconddepictionofthe saintat the centerofthe composition,by contrast,showsa
halo outlinedin blackand relievedby sinoperradiatinglinesboundby concentriccircles
that againdoes not correspondto the positionof the saint's head but rather is parallel
to the picturepiane. Whilethese differencesmay simplyresult fromlossesof details
addeda secco that wouldhaveharmonizedthese differences,it mayalso signalthe
interventionof two differentpaintersin this lunette.

274

The elderlyRomanusbendshis tonsuredheadtoward Benedictas he leansto
piacethe cowlover the youngnovice's head. In the sinopiathe artist has carefully
positionedthe elderlymonk's head so that he looks directlyat Benedict. The painter,
however,changedRomanus'sgaze, and the monkstaressomewhatblanklyaver the
top of Benedict'shead. The pose of Romanusis quite awkward,as he standswith his
left foot in front of his right as if along a singleline. Thisinstabilityresultsfroma
misreadingofthe guidingunderdrawingin whichthe monkis more firmlyanchored
with his weightplacedon his left foot as he steps forwardtoward Benedictwith his
right. In the mural,the painterhas switchedthe feet, readingthe hindfoot as the
monk's right,therebygivingthe sensethat Romanusleansback into a C-shapedstance
in oppositionto his forwardmovementtowardsBenedict. In defenseof the painter,
the sinopiais ambiguous,and the feet are drawnquicklyand carelessly,as merespatial
indicatorsratherthan as exact guides. Nevertheless,switchingthe feet in the muralas
well as placingthemalongthe samegroundline renderthe figureflat and disruptthe
sense of solidityand weightthat the artist of the sinopiaclearlywantedto suggest.
Even thoughthe painterportrayedthe thickfoldsof draperythat rise behindRomanus
as he leansforward,his renderingof the figure's feet belies the illusion of a threedimensionalfigurein space. It seemsunlikelythat the designerof the sinopiawould
have misunderstoodor forgottenhis own drawingwhenit carnetimeto paintthe
figure,and this changeseemsto representanotherinstanceof an assistant's
interventionin the finalmural.

275

In the cycleat San Miniatoal Monte,Benedictand his brethrenwear the white
robesadoptedby the OlivetanCongregation.At the Badia,however,they wear the
36 The OrangeCloisterinvestiturescene is
blackrobes traditionalto the Benedictines.

modeledvery closelyon Spinello'swork, thoughthe Badiaversionaccentuates
Benedict'shumility.The saint humblyreceiveshis new robes with his handsheld
togetherin prayerrather than eagerlyreachingforwardto help as he does at San
Miniato.37 (pls. 83, 118) Similarto the previousscene,the young saint's handsare
disproportionatelylargein comparisonto his face, though here the fleshtone is
consistent. As in Spinello'sdepiction,the OrangeCloisterBenedict,whilehavingshed
his layman'sclothes,is stilithe innocentyouth of the first two sceneswith a full cap of
blondcurlsoutlinedwith sinoper. His young face is modeledwith a great dea!of
white,givinghima pale complexionand is subtlyshadowedon his chin andjaw to

36 For more on the Benedictinehabit,see GaetanoMoroni,Dizionariodi

erudizionestorico-ecclesiastica
da S. Pietrosino ai nostrigiorni, (Venice:Emiliana,
1840),4: 307-8. For more on its representationin art, see Dal Prà, 44-7.
LorenzoMonacoincludedsevera!scenesfromthe Lifeof St. Benedictin
predellasfor altarpiecespaintedfor the highaltars of two FiorentineCamaldolese
convents,San BenedettofuoriPorta Pintiin 1407-8(pls. 119, 120),and SantaMaria
degliAngeliin 1414.(pls. 121, 122, 123) In these altarpieces,Don Lorenzodressed
St. Benedictand his followersin the whiterobes of the Camaldolese,rather than in the
traditionalBenedictineblack. Sucha pictorialconventionwas typicalin works
commissionedby the variousorders who followedBenedict'sRule but did not consider
themselvesto be Benedictines,namely,the Camaldolese,Cistercians,Carthusians,and
Olivetansali ofwhom wear a whitehabit. For more on the choiceof a white habitand
its incorporationinto the iconographyofthe above-mentionedreforrnOrders, see
GeorgeR. Bent, "SantaMaria degliAngeliand the Arts: Patronage,Production,and
Practicein a TrecentoFiorentineMonastery"(Ph.D. Thesis,StanfordUniversity,
1993),28-29;68-69, nn. 23, 24; 489-91.
37

N. R. Henderson,399.
276

indicatethe protrusion of his head from his long neck.38 The wizenedRomanus
providesa stark contrastto the youngsaint with his longgray beard,crow's feet, and
darkercomplexion.
At the centerof the composition,set back fromthe graduallysloping
foregroundmountainin the middledistance,rise talijagged cliffsthat surrounda halflengthfigureof St. Benedictretiredto his cave,"amongstcraggyrocks, winding
valleys,and hollowpits."39 That this rock)'outcrop is set furtherback in spaceis made
clear by the taligrassesthat grow up betweenit and the foregroundslope and by the
subtleshiftin tone to a warmer,honeybeigefromthe cooler, morebrightlylit grayish
beigeof the foreground.Uniformlylit from the left, sharplycreasededges relievethe
clitfsurfaces,allowingfor stark contrastsof lightand shadow. Dark foliage,now
ratherdamaged,framesthe cliffsof Benedict'scave. A pair of white-breastedbirds
perchin one tree at the left. As in the prior two scenes,the sky is now bright red with
onlytraces of the blue pigmentthat once coveredthis underpainting.
Impossiblysheer,the verticalclitfsexaggeratethe remotenessof the piace
where Benedict
livedfor the spaceof three years in an obscurecave, unknownto any man
exceptRomanusthe Monk ... [who] wouldpiouslysteal forth,and on certain
daysbringto Benedicta loaf of breadwhichhe had sparedfrom his own
allowance.But there beingno way to the cave ... by reasonof a steep and high
rock ... Romanusused to let down the loafby a long cord to whichhe also

Onlythe top halfof the figureis originai,and a clear ditferentiationin color
indicatesa later repaintingof the lowerbody as wellas the open space,tree trunks,and
mountainface behindhim.
38

St. Gregorythe Great, VitaBenedicti, 1895ed., 13-15.
277

fasteneda littlebeli,that by the soundof it, the man of God mightknow when
Romanusbroughthimthe bread ....40
As in earlierrepresentationsofthe scene,Benedictis shownfromthe waistup to
indicatehis emergencefrom a dark cave,thejagged openingof whichis visibleabove
his head. His upturnedhead is subtlymodeledwith shadowson his neckto show the
protrusionofhis chin,but the angleof Benedict'shead is tilted higherin the sinopia.
The paintertried to compensatefor his subtleshiftof the heightof the saint's raised
chinwith the positionofhis eyes. The archedcreaseof his eyelidand the wide, shaded
tear bag underneathaccentuatethe directionofBenedict's gaze. Oddly,his left eye
stares straightahead,in the opposite directionof his right. This incongruityseemsto
resultfrom a changemadewhilepaintingthis figure,and it is possiblethat the left eye's
positionwas modifiedwith correctionsmadea secco that have not survived. Subtle
shadowsmodelthe saint's deep eye socketsand sunkencheeks,and furrowsdelineate
the facialmusclesaroundhis mouthto presenta more weather-beatenand maturesaint,
whose face has been ravagedby the passageof timeand the hardshipsof lifein the
wilderness.Dressedin the blackhabithe willwear for the remainderof the narrative,
his cowl pulledover his head,Benedicthumblypresseshis palmstogetherwhilehe
awaitsthe arrivaiof his dailygift fromRomanus. The elderlymonk,also in threequarter view, Jeansover the edge of the highcliffabove,holdingthe basket's rope in
both handswhilestabilizingit over his left shoulder. His eyes are loweredas he
concentrateson his task. The wickerbasket-- a narrativedetailcommonto pictorial

Ibid., 13.
278

conventionthoughnot specificallydescribedin the text -- and gray metalbeliare
foreshortenedso that the shadowedundersideof each is visible,thus addingto the
illusionthat they descendfromaboveBenedict'shead. As with the rest ofthe
composition,lightstrikesthe basketand belifromthe left, glintingoff their left-most
surfaces. The rope and basketboth cast shadowsto the right againstthe smoothcliff
face that servesas a backdropbehindthemand heightensthe illusionthat the basketis
suspendedin mid-air. Despitethe attentiongivento the texturaldetailsof twigsand
metal,the depictionof the basketand belialtersthe positionof the objectsin a way that
destroysthe thoughtfulrelationshipof the underdrawing.In the sinopia,the artist
clearlyshowsthe beli hangingin the openspacebetweenthe basket's handleand
containerto indicatethe bell's abilityto swingfreelyand ring. In the mural,the beli
hangsat the basket's side, suggestingthat at most it wouldbe able to producea
muflledclink. This changeagainsignalsa greaterintellectbehindthe drawingthan at
work in the muralpainting.
As in the depictionofBenedict's investiture,the saint is presentedas more
dignifiedand humblethan his predecessorat San Miniatoal Monte. (pls. 83, 118)
There, Spinellodepictedthe saintgraspingthe cord attachedto the food basket
loweredby Romanus. At the Badia,the saintpatientlywaits and givesthanksfor the
food secretlybroughtby his friend. Thisdetailfindsprecedentin a fresco paintedby
TaddeoGaddiat the Franciscanconventof SantaCroce circa 1360.41 (pi. 106) This

Paolini,147.
279

episodefrom Benedict'slifewas one offour sceneschosento flankthe Last Supper

a11dTreeof Life paintedon the refectorywall.42 TaddeodepictedBenedictas an old
man -- the more typicalrepresentationof Benedict-- in his dark and rocky cave with
his palmsjoined together in prayeras he awaits his food loweredin a basket with its
beli attachedwell abovethe container'shandle. Similarhumilityis shownin two
subsequentrepresentationsofBcnedict in his cave by Giovannidel Biondo(ca. 1366)
and LorenzoMonaco(1414).43 (pls. 108, 133)

42 Borsook,Mural Pai11ters
of Tusca11y,
42-43; Ladis,66-71; 171-2;and Luisa

Becherucci,I museidi Santa Crocee di Sa11toSpirito(Florence:Cassadi Risparmiodi
Firenze,1983}, l 63-4, cat. 2, pls. 56-63.
43 Giovannidel Biondopainteda five-panelserieswith scenesfrom the Life of

St. Benedictin the mid to late 1360s. Intendedeither far a predellaor altar dossal,the
secondpanelof the seriesrepresentsBenedictin Subiaco.(pi. l 00) His composition,
whilemore spreadout, followsthat ofTaddeo Gaddi quite closely. Benedictreceives
his food fromRomanuswith claspedhands,and an angelbringsthe divinemessageto
the priest on Easter day. Giovannidel Biondo,Subiaco,28 x 31.5 cm, panel
(Florence,ActonCollection). RichardOffnerand Klara Steinweg,Corpusof
Florellli11e
Painti11g.TheFourteenthCentury.Giova1111i
del Biondo,pari I, sec. IV
voi. iv (LocustValley,NY: J.J. AugustinPublisher,1967),73-80. Far a more recent
discussionofthe serieswith bibliographysee DanielaParenti,"Giovannidel Biondo.
TheFuneralof Saint Benedici,"in Gold Backs, 1250-1-180,
ed. MatthiesenFine Art
Ltd. (Turinand London:UmbertoAllemandi& Co., 1996),48-55.
A similarpresentationof St. Benedictwaitingpatientlyfar his faod appears in
LorenzoMonaco's versionofthe scenefound in the secondpredellapane!of his
Coronationof the Virginaltarpiecefrom SantaMaria degliAngeli,1414(Galleriadegli
Uffizi,no. 885). (pi. 121) The rockylandscapeofBenedict's cave farms a boundary
betweenthis sceneand the sceneofthe WaywardMonk enclosedwithinthe same
frame. Lorenzoreducedthe narrativepresentationof Benedict'shermitagein Subiaco
to one episode. Here, dressedin the white robes ofthe CamaldoleseOrder, Romanus
lowersthe basketof food aver the craggyprecipicethat sheltersBenedict's cave.
Benedictwaits below,handscrossedaver bis chest. Far more on this altarpiece,see
MarvinEisenberg,LorenzoMonaco (Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1989),2429, 120-4;and GeorgeR. Bent, "A Patron far LorenzoMonaco's UffiziCoronationof
the Virgin,"Art Bulletin82 (June2000): 348-54. Fora specificdiscussionof this
280

In the OrangeCloisterversion,traces of a smalldemon are visibleto the right
ofthe basket's rope betweenthe vertical,curvingridge in the cliffface and the clitrs
right edge. (pi. 143) This smallmonsterwas painteda secco and is now mostlylost. A
faintoutlineofthe demoniccreatureshowsthat it had claw-likefeet; thick, hairylegs;a
curied tait; and bat-likewings-- a miniatureversion of the devil-typeused in the sixth
and tenth scenesofthe cycle.(pls. 86, 90) As the Gregoriandialoguerecounts,Satan
grew annoyedby Romanus'scharityand one day threwastone at the beli,breakingit.
Unlikethe earlierversionsof this sceneby TaddeoGaddiand SpinelloAretinothat
showthe demonpreparingto throw a stone, (pls. 118, 106)in the OrangeCloister
scene,the artist has depictedthe momentin whichthe stone has struck the beli. A
small,ovai stone,the samewarmbeigeas the mountainsaroundit, strikesthe top of
the beli on its rightsideand producesa largecrack that extendsto its lower rim. The
choiceof this narrativemomentfindsparallelsin the versionsby Giovannidel Biondo
and LorenzoMonaco,who depictedthe stone aloft, hurtlingtoward the beli.(pls. 108,
133)
At the far left of the compositionstandsthe box-likehouse in whichthe
culminationto this scenetakes piace. There,in a domesticinterior,a servantbringsa
pewterbowl to his master,a priest,who is seatedat a diningtable set with eggs and
bread. The cubieroom is framedat the rightby a roundcolumnthat supportsan
entablaturedecoratedwith triple-bandmoldingsthat framea friezeof roundelscarved

double-subjectpredellapanelas a specificreferenceto the dual lifestyleof eremetism
and cenobitismfollowedby the CamaldoleseOrder, see Eisenberg,27; and Bent,
"SantaMaria degliAngeliand the Arts," 493-4.
281

with concentriccircles. Thesearchitecturaldetailsembellishthe unadorned,simple
structuredrawnin the sinopia and are pickedout with whitehighlightsthat correspond
to the falloflight across the entirelunettefromthe left. The columnis subtlymodeled
fromleft to right around the curve of its shaft,and salientedgesalongthe right side of
the friezeroundelsare brightlylit as are the upper, and thus most protruding,bandsof
the architraveand cornice. Unlikethe housein the precedinglunette,here only the
rightwall is visible,anglinginwardto indicatethe room's recessioninto space. The left
sideof the room is cut off by the house's frontwallthat is parallelto the picturepiane
and casts a shadowinto the room behindit. In divergencefromthe sinopia,a doorway
in the back left of this interioropens onte a viewof distantbuildingsbehindthe house.
(pls. 83, 96) That the room extendsto the left beyondwhat the viewercan see is
evidencedby a beamof warmorange lightthat streamsdownwardfroma high,unseen
windowand lightsthe room fromthe left,its right walla brightbeigeand the back wall
a darkerbrown. A grilled windowopensthe wall behindthe seated man's head and,
likethe gratuitouswindowin the secondscene,was addedby the painterto modifythe
sinopiadesign.
A wide table coveredwith a whiteclothex1endsacross the width of the room,
its left edge obscuredby the standingservantwhoseback is turned toward the viewer.
The servantwearsan orangedress modeledwith brighthighlightsthat shiftthe gown's
tene from a pale peachto a deep orangeas the lightdissipatesaroundthe figure's back
to the right. Alongthe figure's otherwisebrightlylit left side, a few cangiantepale
green lowlightsshadesomeof the tubularfoldsmadewherea belt drawsthe tunic in at
282

the servant's waist. The table anglessharplydownwardtoward the picturepianewith
a pitch that correspondsto the diagonalrecession of the room. A decorativeblack
border along the rightedge of the tableclothbendsas it fallsover the table's edge, a
detail that, togetherwith subtleshadingof the overhangingcloth, heightensthe illusion
of the volumetrietabledespiteits clumsyforeshortening.This awkwardnessalso
seemsto derivefroma misreadingofthe mural's underdrawing.In the sinopiathe
orthogonalsofthe tablewere establishedby continuingthe edges ofthe tabletop
beyondthe interior'sright wall. These linesindicatethat the artist intendedthe priest's
tabie to be partiallyobscuredby the front pianeof the building's right wall. In the
mural,however,the painterignoredthe orthogonalsestablishedin the drawingand
added the table's foregroundright corner and leg therebyraisingthe angleof the
table's backgroundedge. This changepresentedproblemsto the painterwhenhe tried
to depict the figureseatedconvincinglybehindthe table. The priest sits at the right
edge of the table, restinghis right arm on its surface above whichhe holdsa large knife.
His red dress is a palepink alonghis right arm and shoulderand shiftsto a deeperred
across his ehest to his left sleeve,whichis cast in deep red shadowat the rightof the
composition. His longtorso risesabove the table's backgroundedge and suggeststhe
figure's placementat the rear of the room. However,his gown that peeksout
underneaththe tabie hampersthis illusion. If one reads the positionof this draperyin
relation to the added tabie leg in the right foregroundcorner, the feet of the priest
hiddenbeneaththe hemof his gown seemto be the table-width'sdistancefurtherback
in space. If, on the other hand,one followsthe pianeof the hangingtabie cloth
283

downward,the red draperypeekingout undemeathreads as if it were in the same
foregroundpiane.
Not onlydoes the sunbeamenteringthroughthe unseenwindowcorrespondto
the unidirectionallightingof the entire lunettecomposition,but also it providedthe
painteran opportunityto show his virtuosityin the depictionof light's effectson
differentobjects. The pewter bowl and knifebiadegleambrightlywhere the sun strikes
them most directly,as do the two eggs on the table. The two round Ioavesand sliceof
breadare also subtlymodeled,showingthat eventheir matte surfacesrespondto
differingdegreesoflight. The bread and eggs cast shadowsonte the table, though the
priest's knife-holdinghand, incongruously,does not. This table setting, often praised
as a tour de farce of naturalisticstill-lifereminiscentof Netherlandishpainting,-1-1is in
fact taken directlyfrom Spinello'sSan Miniatoscenewherethe table is laid with eggs,
bread,and a knife;the servantwith a dishtowelthrownaver his left shoulderalso
recallsSpinello'sversion.45 (pi. l 18) Thesegenre-likedetailsderivein tum from
Taddeo's muralat Santa Croce (pi. 108),whichwas repeatedwithout muchchangein
the pane!by Giovannidel Biondo.(pi. I06)
The event depictedin this interiorrepresentsthe second miraclein Benedict's
!ife. The Gregoriantext describeshow God appeared"to a certainPriest livingfar off,
who had made readyhis dinnerfor Easter day, sayingto him: 'Thou hast prepared

-1-1Procacci,Sinopie e affreschi,66; and Chiarini,"Il Maestro del Chiostrodegli
Aranci,"15.
45

Neumeyer,30; N. R. Henderson,399; and Paolini 147.
284

good cheer for thyself,and My servantin such a piaceis famishedfor hunger."' 46
SpinelloAretinointerpretedthis passageliterally,showingthe figureof Christ
appearingto the priest.(pi. 118) At the Badia,as in the earlierexamplesby Taddeo
Gaddi,Giovannidel Biondo,and LorenzoMonaco,the visionappearsin the form of an
angel.47 (pls. 83, 106, 108, 133) The priestlooks up towardthe heavenlyvisionin
wonder,his amazementunderscoredby his raisedleft handthat is brightlylit to indicate
its projectioninto spacebeforehis body. His palm-opengestureimpliesboth awe and
puzzlementtoward the descendingangel,who pointsin the directionof Benedict's
cave. Whilethe priest's body is angledslightlyto the right of center,his head is more
dramaticallyturned upward,as indicatedby the deep shadowalongthe right side his
neckunderneathhis chin.
At the Badia,the angelappearsin a complex,foreshortenedpose, with its head,
shoulders,and wingsperpendicularto the picturepiane,whileits torso and legs rise up
behindin a gracefulcurve. This pose was renderedmore expertlyin the sinopia, where
the angel's torso and legs rise behindits perpendicularlysquaredshoulders. In the
muralthe painter,whileforeshorteningthe head and shouldersas shownin the
drawing,paintedan awkwardlybulgingtorso that causesthe figureto appearas if its
body and legs are twistedat a right angleto its head and neck,parallelto the picture

St. Gregorythe Great, VitaBenedicli, 1895ed., 13.

N. R. Henderson(400) commentedon this deviationfromSpinello's
interpretationof the textualsource,but was unawareof the other pictorialprecedents
by Taddeoand his followerslater identifiedby Paolini(147).
47

285

piane. A clumpof thin cloudsabovethe angelindicatesthe heavenlyrealmfromwhich
it descends. The angel's head and shouldersprojectforwardout ofthe picture piane
and transcendthe boundaryofthe compositionalspacecreatedby the edges ofthe
priest's house. The positionofthe angel's headis emphasizedby its halo, though
difficultto see, that is also foreshortenedperpendicularto the picturepiane. While
froma supematuralrealm,the angelrespondsto the lighteffectsconsistentthroughout
the composition.Its garment,as if madeof silk,is brilliantlycoloredin red and lit with
48 The wingsappearas solid,if not heavy,appendages,
cangiantegreen highlights.

brightlylit alongtheir crests with deep shadowsalongtheiropposingedges. As final
proofof its presence,the angelcasts a shadowon the rightwallof the priest's dining
roombehind. To conveyGod's message,the angelpointstoward Benedict's cave with
its left hand,a gestureechoedby the curveof its right armthat hangsbelow its body.
Gregory's text explainsthis heavenlymessageas a desireby God to allow others to
knowand followBenedict.49 UnlikeSpinello'sversion(pi. l 18),but followingthose
by Taddeoand Giovannidel Biondo,the Badiaartist did not representthe conclusion
to this chapterin whichthe priest,in responseto God's command,shares his Easter
supperwith Benedict. Instead,the viewerwas requiredto relyon his knowledgeof the

48 Cennini(chaps.77-80) recommended
the use of shot fabricsfor the garments

of angelsin his chapterson how to paintcangiallledraperieseitherin true fresco or a
secco.
ParaphrasingChrist's Sermonon the Mount(Mt. 5:15),Gregoryrecounted
that Benedict's exemplary!ifewas likea shininglampplacedon a lampstand to give
lightto ali in God's house. Gregorythe Great,Zimmermanntrans., 5, n. 4.
49

286

story to rememberthe happyconclusionto Benedict'sseclusionin the wildemessand
the beginningofhis fameas a wisehermitwho welcomedvisitorsto his cave. The
removalofthe more genre-likeportrayalofthe priest's Easter mealallowedthe viewer
to focus on the miraculousmessage. The third lunettewith its presentationof
Benedict'sacceptanceofthe monasticlifeemphasizesBenedict'spietyand humility
that eamed himGod's grace.

Scenefour: How he overcamea temptationof thejlesh, Vita Benedicti,II
Chaptertwo of Gregory'svita relatesthe devil's attemptsto pester Benedict
and diverthim fromthe meditationhe continuedto practicein his Subiacohermitage.
First, he senta blackbird to flyabout the saint's faceto disturbhis concentrated
devotion. Benedictmadethe sign ofthe cross, drivingthe annoyingbird away.50
Then, Satantried to tempt with a visionof a beautifulwoman. Just beforesuccumbing
to the dcvil's trap, Benedict,throughthe grace of God,
carneto himself,and, seeingnear hima thicketfullof netties and briars,he
threw offhis garmentsand cast himselfnakedinto the midstof those sharp
thoms and nettles,wherehe rolledhimselfso long,that, when he rose up, ali his
body was pitifullyrent; thus by woundsofthe fleshhe cured those ofhis soul,
by tuming pleasureinto pain;and by the vehemenceof outwardtormentshe
extinguishedthe unlawfulflamewhichbumt within... as he himselfrelatedto
his disciples.51

so St. Gregorythe Great, VitaSt. Benedicti,caput II "De tentationecamis
superata," 1895ed., 15-19.
SI

lbid., 15-17
287

Unfortunately,the fifteenth-centuryversionofthis sceneat the OrangeCloisterwas
destroyedsometime after it was paintedand, accordingto tradition,was replacedin
the early sixteenthcenturyby Bronzino.(pi. 84) Whilemost studentsof the Badia
cycleoverlookthis scene,it is importantto considerit for a clearunderstandingof the
narrativesequenceand consequentsymbolicmeaningof the murals.52 The originai
murallikelytook cues fromits predecessorsin the sacristyof San Miniatoal Monte
and the frescoedfacadeofthe GianfigliazziChapelat S. Trinita,paintedin the second
decadeofthe fifteenthcenturyby Cennidi Francescodi Ser Cenni.53 (pls. 119, 129) In
these two examples,we see Benedictnaked,face down in a bramblepatch. According
to the Gregoriantext, it was the vision of a womanthat drove Benedictto mortify
himself. However,the inclusionofthis narrativedetailwouldnot be decorous in a
monasticcloister,and so Spinelloand Cenniconflatedthe two attemptson the part of
the deviito distractBenedictfrom his devotionby portrayingthe disturbanceof the

52 The sceneis only mentionedin passingby Neumeyer(31) and is overlooked

by Chiarini("Il maestrodel ChiostrodegliAranci")and N. R. Henderson. lt is
consideredby Bronzinoscholars,who do not, however,piaceit in the context of the
cycle's iconographicprogram-- an undertakingdone onlyby Paolini(153-5). Chiarini
("Un restaurocinquecentesco,"225-6) discussedBronzino'sreplacementas a
consciouseffortto restore the narrativesequenceof the cycleand remainfaithfulto the
destroyedfifteenth-centurymural.
53 The S. Trinitamuraldepictingthe temptationof S. Benedictat S. Trinita is

locatedover the entrancearch to the Gianfigliazzichapel,the first to the right off of the
nave. MiklòsBoskovitsand Bruno Santiattributedthe frescoto the late career of
Cennodi Francescodi Ser Cenni,ca. 1410-15. Paolinipreferredto cali it "Fiorentine
School"as had Paatz. Paatz,Die Kirchen von Flore11z,5: 290; MiklòsBoskovits,
PitturaFiorentinaalla vigiliadel Rinascimento,I 370-/.100(Florence:Edam, 1975),
287; Paolini,153;and Bruno Santi,"Pittura 'minore' in S. Trinita:Da Biccidi Lorenzo
288

blackbirdimmediatelyfollowedby the saint's self-imposedmortification.It seems
likely,as pointedout by Chiarini,that Bronzinorepeatedthe originaififteenth-century
compositionin his replacementscene.54 The artist placedthe two episodesat the edges
ofthe lunette. At the right,the peskyblackbirdinterruptsBenedict'sdevotional
reading. At the left, havingdiscardedali but a loincloth,Benedictrollsface down in
painfulbriarsand brambles. Largerock formationsserve as backdropsfor the two
figuresthat are separatedby a viewto a distantlake and mountains. As in the other
scenesalongthis wall of the cloister,lightfallsacross the compositionfrom the left.
The first four scenesof the cycleshow the developmentof St. Benedictfrom a
youngstudentof noblebirth to a devouthermitmonk. ThesescenesstressBenedict's
pietyand asceticism-- virtuesthat were acknowledgedand rewardedby miraculous
eventsmadepossibleby divinegrace. In these scenes,the viewercouldfinda model
by whichhe could conducthis own pursuitof the monasticlife. The next nine miracles
in the cyclehighlightBen~dict'srole as abbotand stress his authorityover his disciples.
Thus, the remainderofthe cycle,in additionto providingdevotionalimagesby which
the viewercould contemplateGod's providence,also showedthe monksof the Badia
how they shouldbehaveto ensuretheir community's, as well as their own, well-being
and success.

a Neri di Bicci,"in La Chiesadi Santa Trini/aa Firenze,ed. GiuseppeMrachiniand
EmmaMicheletti(Florence:Cassadi Risparmiodi Firenze,1987), 133.
54

Chiarini,"Un restaurocinquecentesco,"225-6.
289

Scenefive:How St. BenediciShattereda Glass by the sign of the Cross,
VitaBenedicti,III
Duringhis hermitagein Subiaco,Benedict'sfamebegan to spread. Gregory's
third chapterrecountsthe story of a monasteryin the nearbytown of Vicovarothat
neededa leaderafter the death of its abbot.55 The VicovaresemonksaskedBenedictto
join them,but he refused,wamingthemthat his way of life and Rulewouldbe too
strictand consequentlynot to their liking. Persistentin their request,the monksfinally
convincedBenedictto serveas their abbot.
But when ... he beganto observethe regulardiscipline,so that noneofthe
monks(as in formertime)were permittedby their disorderto swerveany way
fromthe path of virtue, ... they fellinto a great rage, and beganaccusing
themselvesoftheir choicein receivinghimfora Superior,whoseintegrityof
lifewas disproportionateto their perverseness.... they beganthereforeto plot
his death.56
At San Miniato,SpinellodepictedBenedict'simpositionof his Rute on the Vicovarese
monksat the left of his composition and their attemptto kill himwith a glassof
poisonedwineat the right.(pls. 114, I 15, 120) In the first half ofthe subsequent
lunette,Spinellothen showedBenedictabandoningthis corrupt community.In this
secondpicturefield,the saintheadsfor the open countrysideonce again,leavingthe
wickedmonksbehinddespitetheir protests.57

55 The monasterywas locateciin Vicovaro,east ofRome and Tivoli,north and

slightlywest of Subiaco. T.C.I.,Lazio,499-500.
St. Gregorythe Great, VitaSt. Benedicti,caput III "De vase vitreocrucis
signorupto," 1895ed., 19.
56

57 Paolini,156-8.

290

At the OrangeCloister,on the other hand,the artist has portrayedonlythe
titular momentof Gregory'sthird chapter,singlingout the miraculousand hencemost
dramaticmomentof the story for inclusionin the cycle.(pi. 85) The entirelunetteis
filledwith one episode:the momentwhenBenedictmadethe signof the cross over the
nefariousgift of wine, shatteringthe glassand spillingits deadlycontentson the ground
beforehim. The viewerdoes not see the eventsleadingup to this climacticmoment
but, familiarwith the story, knowsthat havinggrowntired ofBenedict's strict Rute,
the Vicovaresemonkspoisonedthe winecustomarilypresentedeach day for the
abbot's blessing. By highlightingthe blessingand resultingdestructionof the poisoned
glass,the Badiaartist focusesthe viewer'sattentionon the miracleperformedby St.
Benedictand underscoresthe contrastbetweenthe honorablesaint and his disobedient
and depravedcharges.58 The artist's reductivepresentationof this episodemayhave
beendictatedin part by the limitedspaceof this particularlunette. Locatedin the
northwestcornerof the upper cloister,a doorwayinterruptsthe picturefield,removing
one third ofthe compositionalspaceavailablein the cycle's other lunettes.(pi. 61) The
artist cleverlyincorporatedthis doorway(whichseemsto have led to the western
dormitory,abbot's residence,guest quarters,and infirmary)into the scene. The real,
rectangulardoor frameis boundsimplywith gray stone, and the artist crownedit with

58 Neumeyer(31) interpretedthe Badia cycleto be a presentationofthe

mirac/es ratherthan the /ife of St. Benedict,with the narrativeskippingfromone
miraclouseventin the saint's !ifeto the next. He arguedthat in the case of the Miracle
o/ the PoisonedWine,the omissionof incidentalsheightenedthe psychological
intensityofthe episode's message.
291

a fictivepaintedarchway. In the mural,both the intradosand extradosof this fictive
arch are sharplypointedwhereasthe arch's loweredge is gentlyrounded in the
underdrawingand only subtlypointedat its apex. A haloedhead decoratesthe center
ofthis arch that is otherwiserelievedby a simplemoldingalong its top edge and at its
center. Intendedto simulatesculpture,this head,paintedthe samegray as the arch, is
not convincingas an architecturalelementanchoredin the fictivestructureof the arch.
Despitethe solidityimpliedby the strongwhite highlightsand opposingshadowson
either side of the its face and neck,the bust seemsto float in front of the arch. This
disjunctionresultsin part fromthe largegold halo that is foreshortenedalmost
perpendicularto the picturepianein a way that suggestsa great distancebetweenthe
head and the arch behindit.
As in the secondand third scenes,the actionof the fifth lunettetakes piace in a
box-likeinteriorthat is open to the front,its facadeframedby two compositepiers that
are T-shapedin pian. Thesebeigepierselaboratethe simpleoutlinesshownin the
sinopia. Relievedat the top and bottomby triple-bandedmoldingsand pale green
friezes,they support a tlat roof, the frontof whichcarries a friezeof altematingcoral
and pale green inlaidmarblepanelsthat also embellishthe sinopia. A parapetwall
recedesinto the distancealongthe left edge ofthis roof. The Jackof a similarparapet
alongthe front facadeof the structuremakesthe functionof this wall unclear. In the
distancerisesthe churchfacadeofthe Vicovaresemonasterywhere this scenetakes
piace. In the sinopia a clusterof ovals-- a shorthandnotationfor vegetation-suggeststhat the artist envisionedtrees risingbehindthe monastery'senclosurewall.
292

Anotherovai mayrepresenta low, terra-cottaplanter-- a motiffrequentlyused by Fra
Angelico. In the mural,the area abovethis wallwas left empty,and the trees were
paintedinsteadbehindthe highwallat the left ofthe composition.Whilethe dark
greenfoliageof these trees is damaged,the blue ofthe cloud-streakedsky survives,and
it fades froma deep gray-blueat the top of the lunetteto a rosy pink toward the
horizon.
The left side of the room opensonto a highwallthat extendsfrom the room's
backwalltoward the left edge of the composition. This solidexteriorwall is paintedin
shadesof purplishpink,with its more saliententablatureand protrudingengagedfluted
piers-- additionsto the sinopia-- heightenedwith greateramountsof white. Shadows
alongthe undersideof the architraveand the right edgesof the engagedpiers, as well
as the left side of each concaveflute,add to the three-dimensional
illusion of this wall.
Despitethese naturalisticdetails,this area presentssevera!ambiguitiesthat are difficult
to reconcile. This exteriorwall correspondsto the back wall of the interior,though it is
difficultto determineexactlywhere it meetsthe box-likechamber. Nevertheless,it is
clearthat the vieweris meantto read this wallas towardthe back of the composition
sinceits entablaturedisappearsbehindthe foregroundleft corner ofthe chamber. The
group of corrupt monkscrowdsinto Benedict'sroom fromthe left, seeminglyfilingin
fromthe open passagebetweenthe fictivearchwayand the wallbehindit. However,if
one reads the fictivearch in relationto the pier-embossedwall,there seemsto be little
distancebetweenthem. A fragmentof a yellowrectangleborderedwith black peeks
aver the archwaybetweenthe third and fourthpiersfromthe right. It is unclearwhat
293

this rectangleis meantto represent. Theseambiguitiesmayarise fromthe fact that the

sinopiafor this compositionis not detailedin this area. Whilethe door-framearch
includesthe haloedhead and voussoirs(omittedin the paintedversion),only a straight
line indicatesthe top edge ofthe wallbehindit. The drawingdoes show what appears
to be a cornice,perhapsthe top frameof a doorwaythat protrudesfrom the left
enclosurewallof the mainbox-spacebetweenthe archwayand wallbehindit. This
ambiguousdetailwas left out in the finishedwork.
The structuralinconsistenciescausedby the painter'smodificationsto the

sinopiablur the clearlyarticulatedarchitecturalsettingcarefullydesignedto framethe
miraculouseventthat takes piacein the rightforeground. lndeed,the architecturewas
constructedto emphasizethe divisionbetweenBenedictand his conspiringcharges. In
the sinopiatracesof a diagonalguide line-- likelymadewith a snappedcard -- are
visibledescendingtoward the center of the interiorfromthe recedingcorniceof the
parapetthat edgesthe left side of the room's roof. Thislinecan be joined to the
orthogonalofthe room's recedingright wallin the lowerright cornerofthe sinopia.
The resultingdiagonalseparatesBenedictfromthe crowdof murderousmonks. The
clarityofthis diagonaldivisionis somewhatobscuredin the muralby the elaborationof
the room's rightedge froma simplewallto a compositepier and by the replacementof
Benedict'sfoldingstool -- a motiftaken directlyfromSpinello'smodel-- with a low
bench.59 (pls. 85, 97, 120) The latter modificationeliminatesthe view ofthe room's

294

recedingorthogonalalongthe bottomof its rightwallthat was originallyvisible
throughthe stool's legs. In the sinopia,the artist effectivelyused the emptyspace
betweenBenedictand the monksto underscorethe differenceand distance(both actual
and ideological)betweenthe saintand his waywarddisciples. The painterhas
disturbedthe underdrawing's clarityby fillingeveryavailablesurface with unnecessary
and distractingdetails. The left and rightsidesof the foregroundroom angleinward
toward its back wall,whichis openedby a wide rectangulardoorwaythroughwhich
one sees a recedingrow of piersthat linea dark loggia. Shadingin the sinopia
suggeststhat this doorwaywas to openonto a darkenedroom. (pi. 97) The changeto
a light-filledcourtyardin the muralnot onlyconfusesthe relationshipof the foreground
interior and the distantchurchfacade,but also it removesthe plain,dark foilof wall
and shadedceilingthat the originaidesignprovidedfor the group of monksthat stands
beforeit. In anotherdeparturefromthe sinopia,a smalldoor piercesthe room's right
wall,givinga viewonto a wallof gray ashlarthat continuestoward the rightbeyond
the boundaryof the picturefield. Likethe changeto the back wall,this intrusion
interruptsthe plainbackdropbehindBenedict'sheadand distractsthe viewer's
attentionfromthe saint.
Fillingthe left side of the room,a crowd of over a dozen monksstandsbefore
the seated St. Benedict. Whileseveralofthe monksface Benedictin profile,the artist
has includeda varietyof posesand expressionsto enliventhe group. Monksof

59 RosenbergHenderson(400) had also noticedthat the sinopia design

originallyfollowedSpinelloAretino'scompositionmore directlywith Benedictseated
on a foldingstool that has beenchangedby the painterto becomea low woodenbench.
295

differentages and heights,somebearded,otherssmooth-faced,arejuxtaposedto
heightenthis diversity. Becauseshorter figures,includinga dwarf at the extremeleft,
are placedin the front row, the vieweris better able to see the monkswho stand further
back in space.
The first row of monksconsistsof three individualizedfigures. At the far left,
the dwarffaces forwardwith his arms claspedbehindhis back and looks slightlyup and
out of the picture piane. He pullshis lipstogetherover his teeth, a facialexpression
that suggestshe is lost in thoughtand maybe contemplatingthe evi!plot in whichhe
participates. Deep furrowscreasehis ruddyforehead,though their stylizationmakesit
difficultto determinewhetherthe painterintendedthemto signalthe monk's
momentaryconcentrationor to suggestwrinklesresultingfrom advancingage that is
also indicatedby his grizzledbeard,crow's feet, and the saggingbags under his eyes.
Despitethe superficialforeheadwrinkles,the dwarf s face is subtlymodeled,especially
aroundhis eyes and cheeks. To the right of this figure,a young monkbreaksthe line
of his pratile pose by tiltinghis headtoward his right shoulder. This subtie movement
also suggeststhought, perhapsan involuntaryresponseas he considersthe miraculous
eventbefore him. The proportionsofthis figureare quite awkwardgiventhe smallness
of his head in relationto the sizeof his hood and sleeves. His pose is equallyungainly
becausehis right foot peeks out clumsilyfromhis robe. A comparisonto the sinopia
showsthat in the designphase,the head,limbs,and body of this figureare more
harmoniouslyproportional. In the drawing,the figure's foot is hiddenundemeathhis
robe, renderinghim more solidand three-dimensional
than in the paintedmural.
296

Severa!steps in front ofthis youth standsanothershort monkwho offers St. Benedict
the poisonedwineon behalfof his community.Presentedin strict profile,this figure
standsfirmlywith feet far apart, steppingforwardwith his left foot to counterbalance
his extendedright hand in whichhe holdsthe glassof wine. He stares at Benedictwith
a wickedsmirkthat is emphasizedby the furrowthat creaseshis right cheekaround his
grin as wellas the wrinklesthat radiatefromthe cornerof his eye. He has a deeply
furrowedbrow -- a muscleactionrelatedto surprise,anger,displeasure,worry, deep
thought,or shock, but not smugjoy. As on the faceof the dwarf, these linesmay
indicatethe age of the monk,his face permanentlyfurrowedafter manyyears. Or, as
seemsmore likely,the painter,whileinterestedin presentingbelievableand interesting
facialtypes,did not quite understandthe nuancesof humanexpressionand was unable
to differentiatewhichfacialmusclesrespondto particularemotions.
Havingpouredthe poisonedwinefroma glasspitcher,now scarcelyvisibleat
his left sidedue to pigmentlossesbut clearlyseenin the sinopia,the wickedmonk
holdsthe fullglassbefore St. Benedict. By extendingthe right hand of this monk,the
artist was able not onlyto suggestthe successiveactionsof the presentation,blessing,
and consequentmiraculousdestructionofthe wineglass,but also to isolateand
emphasizethis pivotalnarrativedetailagainstthe room's pale gray back wall. As
throughoutthis scene,lightfallsfromthe left and glintsoff the convexsurface of the
transparentglass,againshowingthe painter's interestin reflectiveIighteffects. The
red winestreamsfromthe miraculouslybrokenglass,fallingover the hand of its

297

presenteronto the floor in severa!streamswhereit collectsin puddlesthat resemble
blood and also reflectlightalongtheir globularleft edges.
Directlyabovethe group's leaderstandsa youthful,chubbymonkwhose
tonsuredheadand neckare visiblein profile. He parts his lips slightlyas if gaspingat
Benedict's powers. This figurestandsfurtherback in spacethan the tali monkto the
left, who is positionedbetweenyet behindthe two monksin the front row. Whilehis
chubbyfaceis tumed in three-quarterviewto the right,he rolls his eyesback toward
the left and raiseshis eyebrowsand lipsin a cheeky,impishsmile. Likethe two short
monkswho stand diagonallyon eitherside beforehim,this fat-facedmonkhas a
creasedbrow that this timedoes correspondto his expression. Nevertheless,the
undulatingcurvesofthe furrowsas wellas his perfectlyarchedeyebrowsare
superficialand stylizedrather than convincinglyattachedto a musculo-skeletal
substructure. Whilehis fleshyface is modeledwith areas of light acrossthe left halfof
his face, a comparisonto the expressionof the abbreviatedbut more spontaneous

sinopiashowsa declinein skillfromthe designto the finishedpaintingthat presentsa
caricatureof the monkin the drawing. A similarqualitativeloss fromsinopia to mural
appearsin this figure'sleft hand with whichhe holdsup his thick robe. In the
underdrawing,the handis quite wideand convincinglyyet easilyclutchesthe garment.
In the fresco,it has becomea mannered,awkward,bonelessappendagethat no longer
holdsthe draperybut appearsmore likean inanimateobjectover whichthe garment
has beenthrown.

298

Standingnext to the cheekymonkand directlybehindthe dwarf is an elderly
monkwhosehead is boweforeshortening.His lower lip protrudesintoa slightfrownas he looks down at a pearshaped,goldenbrownobject held in his left handthat maybe the flaskfrom whichthe
poisoncarne. In his right hand, he holdsa weightybook whosecover is borderedwith
raisedroundstuds that reflectlightas wellas cast shadowson its cover. This figure's
left handis drawn with muchgreater successthan that ofthe cheekymonkto the right.
The use of highlightsalong the knucklesindicatesthat the figure's handbends slightly
towardthe picturepiane,and subtleshadowsundereach fingergive them solidityand
depth to convincethe viewerthat they holdan objectbetweenthem and his unseen
thumb. Behindthis monkto the left is a groupofthree figureswho forma smallcircle
with the right-mostmonk turninghis headto the rightto look at his neighbors. To the
right,standsanotherclean-shavenmonkin profilewith his mouthopen in shockas his
beardedneighborto the left turns awayfromthe miraclewith a sorrowfulexpression
and furrowedbrow. Onlythe tops ofthe remainingmonks' hooded headsare visible
behindthese figurcs.
By isolatingthe figureofBenedictat the far rightofthe room, the composition
furtheremphasizesthe differencebetweenthe saint,who is presentedseated calmly
with his right handraised in blessing,and the incorrigiblegroup of monkswho twist
and tum in a varietyof poses andare crowdedin the left-handside ofthe room. In the
sinopia, a beardlessBenedictlooks at the wineglasswith his head turned in three-

quarter viewin Iinewith the positionofhis chest. This subtletum of his body, blessing
299

hand, and head allowsBenedictto stare at the glassthat is heldto the saint's left. The
positionof the two figures' feet indicatesthat the wine-offeringmonk stands closerto
the picture pianethan the seated Benedict. Whilethe muralpaintermaintainedthe
positionsofthe figuresas describedin the sinopia,he presentedBenedict's head and
hand in strict profile,causingthe saint's fineof sightto fallbehindthe wine-offering
monk's left shoulder,thus destroyingthe calculatedfiguraiinterplayof the sinopia
design. For the first time in the cycle,Benedictwears a short brown beard that
indicatesthe advancingage ofthe maturesaint.60 As in the other scenesalong the
cloister's north loggia,Benedict's head is encircledby a round halo that casts a shadow
on the wall behindit along its right edge. It seemsthat pigmentsadded a secco to
imitategold have flakedaway, leavingonlya ghost that is the same color as the wall
behindit. In the subsequentscenesalongthe west loggiaBenedict's halo has
completelydisappeared,whichsuggestsa changeof technique. Insteadof a partialor
completeunderlayerpaintedin true fresco,the haloesin these scenesmust have been
paintedentirelya secco and thus have not survived. Both the poisonedglass of wine
and Benedict'sblessinggesture are raisedto the same height. The emptyspace
betweenthem underscoresthe miraculousnatureofBenedict's deed as it was not
necessaryto touch the glassto destroyit. Abovethis foca!point,the painteradded a

Benedictmay havewom a beard in the precedingsceneofthe Temptation.
In SpinelloAretino'sversionofthe scene,Benedict'sface showsthe beginningsof a
beard. Bronzino'sreplacementsceneshowsBenedictas beardless,though it is
impossibleto know whetherthis faithfullycopiesthe originaififteenth-centuryversion.
60

300

gothicbiforawindowthat is neitherindicatedin the sinopia nor functionalas the
scene's lightsource. Like the other changesto the room's walls,the windowinterrupts
the carefullycalculatedplainbackdropfor Benedict's handand the poisonedglassand
lessensthe narrativepotencyof the emptyspacebetweenthem. In the back right
cornerof the room, the painteralso added a cobwebthat casts a dark shadowon the
wallsto whichit is attached.61 This seeminglygratuitousadditionis an illusionistic
conceiton the part ofthe artist, added at the last minuteto heightenthe effectoflight,
atmosphere,and volumetriespace.
Accordingto Gregory's text, after leavingVicovaro,Benedictreturnedto his
solitary(ifein the wildemesswherehe remainedfor manyyears. Duringthis time
Benedictperformedvariousunspecifiedmiraclesand becameever morevirtuous,
attractingmanyfollowers. Consequently,he builttwelvemonasteriesand placed
twelvemonksin each under the leadershipof a superiorwhilehe kept some followers
for an abbeyof his own. Someof his new disciples,includingMaurusand Placidus,
two ofhis most famousfollowerswho later becamesaintsthemselves,carnefrom
62 WhileSpinelloincludedscenesofBenedict's departurefrom
Romannoblefamilies.

Procacci,Sinopiee affreschi,66.

62 St. Gregorythe Great, VitaSt. Be11edicti,
1895ed., 27.

301

Vicovaroand ofhis acceptanceofMaurus and Placidusinto his abbey(pi. 115),63 the
OrangeCloistercycleskips these eventsto proceedto the next miraclerecountedin
Gregory'sdialogue.64

Scenesix:How he rec/aimedan indevoutMonk, Vita Benedicti,IV
In one ofBenedict's foundationsliveda monkwho was unableto pay attention
duringhis dailyprayers. Whenhis communitywouldgather together,he would wander
off, his ihoughts"upon worldlyand transitory things."65 Despiterepeatedwamings
and censurefromhis abbot Pompeianus,he wouldnot reformhis disobedience.
Exasperated,Pompeianussought help fromSt. Benedict. After his arrivaiat this
particularmonastery,Benedictjoined the communityfor their dailyoffices. When,as
usual,the distractiblemonkwanderedoff, Benedictnoticeda demonpullinghimout of
chapelby the hem of his robes. Surprisedthat neitherAbbotPompeianusnor his
faithfuldiscipleMaurusrecognizedthe deviiat work, Benedictinstructedthemto pray

The eighthsceneof SpinelloAretino'sSan Miniatocycle,locatedin the
upper right quadrantofthe sacristy'seast wall,depictsSt. BenediciReceivesMaurus
and Placidusas Disciples.(pi. 105) SpinelloportrayedSt. Benedictstandingbefore
his abbey'schurchtogetherwith a group offellowmonks. Beforethe saint kneeltwo
youthswho are presentedby their kneelingfathersand other standingattendants. The
youngboysand their fathersare richlydressed,followingthe Gregoriandialogue's
identificationof their noblestatus. Diket(24, pi. 8) has identifiedthis scene as a
representationofthe importantBenedictinethemeof monasticfamilywith the abbot
servingas its father.
63

Neumeyer,33.

65 St. Gregorythe Great, VitaBenedicti,caput IV, "De monachevagrementis

ad salutemreducto," 1895ed., 27.
302

togetherwith himso that theywouldsee the demon. Aftertwo daysof prayer,Maurus
was ableto see Satan's agent, but Pompeianusremainedblindto the vision. On the
thirdday, upon leavingchapelafter prayer,Benedictagainfoundthe waywardmonk
wanderingaimlesslyoutside. Unsuccessfulin his repeatedreproofs,Benedictbeat the
youngmonkwith a disciplinaryscourgeto free himofhis diabolica!distraction. "From
that time ever after the monkwas free fromthe wickedsuggestionof the [devii],and
remainedconstantat his prayers."66
The interior,porch, and exteriorof a chapelor oratory separatediscreteevents
of the unfoldingnarrative.(pi. 86) The chapelis enclosedat the right by a loggiaand
at the left by a high,dusty pinkwalldecoratedwith a garlandfriezealongthe top.
Behindthis wall rise severa)trees in whosebranchespercha pair of white-breasted
birds. As in the sceneof Subiaco,these naturaldetailsindicatethe solitudeof the first
Benedictinemonasteries,self-sufficientin an otherwisewildcountryside.The sky
againis a brightreddishorangewith onlytracesof its originaiblue visibletoward the
top of the lunette. As in other buildingsrepresentedin the cycle,the rectangularfront
facadeof the structureis left open and is framedby two smoothTuscancolumnsthat
supporta wide round arch. The columnsare a cool gray whilethe framingarch and
corniceare a warmeryellowishbrown. Marbleizedpanelsstreakedwith coral and pale
bluishgreen fillthe spandrelsof the facadearch that carryglossybeigepaterae. The
alternatingconcentricconcaveand convexbandsof these diskseitherreflectthe bright

lbid., 29.
303

sunlightor cast shadowstoward the right as light strikesthem fromthe upper left.
Abovean entablaturesits a roof that is somewhatdifficultto read, as it is foreshortened
along diagonalsfromall three visiblecomers of the structure. The recedingedges of
the roof that rise fromthe building'sleft facadesuggesta steeplyinclinedtrianglethat
would indicatethat the roof is hipped. However,in contrastto the chapelportrayedin
the OrangeCloisterscene,hippedroofs are usuallyorientedwith the center beamalong
a building'slongeraxis. lf, on the other hand, both visiblefacesof the chapel's roof
are to be read as two slopingtrapezoids,the viewermust assumethat this roof is flat
with four slopingsides. Sucha roof type, however,was not commonin the fifteenthcentury. This awkwarddesignprobablyarises fromthe fact that the artist did not use
an actual buildingas the basis of his compositionbut rather copiedSpinello'sSan
Miniatoscene.(pi. 121) The sceneof the waywardmonkat San Miniatooccupies the
lower right quadrantofthe sacristy'swesternwallto the right of the entrance.(pi. l 13)
The picturefield's rectangularframecrops the churchin whichSpinelloset his sceneat
the top and left, blockinga full viewof its ribbeddomicalroof. Thus, it seemsthat the
pitchedyet tlat-toppedroof depictedin the OrangeCloistersinopia resultsfrom an
unalteredtransferof a sketchdrawndirectlyfrom Spinello'sscene.(pi. 98)
As Hendersonhas convincinglyargued,the sinopia for the OrangeCloister
lunette includesmanyother detailsthat indicateits derivationfromthe sceneat San
Miniato. The designerof the muralsmust have copied Spinello'scompositionsin
sketchesthat no longersurviveto use as modelsfor his own scenes. The Orange
Cloistersinopia showsthe interiorof the chapeldividedinto baysby a seriesof
304

diaphragmarches.(pi. 98) This systememulatesthe one employedby Spinellofor the
foregroundbay of his chapelas wellas for its two-bayextensionto the right.67 (pi. 121)
In the OrangeCloistermural,the painterchangedthe vaultingsystemthereby
eliminatingthe right anglescreatedwherethe transversearchesin the drawinghad
joined the building'sright wall. This omissionresultedin what appear to be sail vaults
supportedby engagedsquarepiersand separatedby wideribs. In the sinopia,the
archesalongthe rightwall were left open, as indicatednot onlyby the crowd of monks
underneaththe nearestforegroundarch, but also by a singlemonkseen in profilefrom
behindthe foregroundcolumnthat framesthe third bay. In the mural,this monk was
omitted,and with the exceptionofthe firstbay, the once open archeshave been filled
with rectangulardoorwaysand roundwindowsin the lunettesabove.
Anotherindicationthat the artist originallybasedhissinopia on the San Miniato
prototypecan be seen in the repeatedarcs alongthe top of the facadearch directly
above its spandrels. This detailis a schematiccopy of the archedcorbel table that runs
underneaththe corniceof Spinello'schapel.68 In the Badiamural,an entablaturehas
been insertedbetweenthe arch spandrelsand the roof linewith the corbel tabie
replacedby a row ofbeige dentilsthat relievesan otherwi5eplain,bluishgreen frieze.
These changes,whileperhapsan attemptto modernizeSpinello'sarchitecturalstyle
with more fashionablemotifsa/l'antica, in fact showthe painter's inabilityto

67 N. R.
68

Henderson,394-5.

Ibid.
305

understandeitherthe architecturalstructuresketchedout in the sinopiaor to create a
convincinglyaccuratebuildingwithoutguidingdrawings. The underdra\\~ngfor the
buildingis quite ambiguousin severa!areasincludingthe dispositionof the roof and
relieson the painter's skill,whichhe did not possess,for a successfultranslationinto
color. The emptyspacesin the sinopiahavebeenfilledin with doors, windows,and
architecturaldetailsthat are not structurallyconvincingupon close inspectionbut
rather seemto havebeen addedas livelysurfacedetail. For example,the row of seven
smallwindowsframedby engagedcolumnsthat were insertedin the chapel's left
exteriorwallare muchtoo smallgiventhe proportionsof the building,nor is it clear
how or whetherthey relateto the vaultedinteriorbehindthem. The squaredentils
hardlyprotrudefromthe friezebehindthemand do not suggesteitherclose studyor
structuralunderstandingby the painterof this classica!architecturalelement. Another
exampleof such confusionis evidentin the doorwaythroughwhichthe gathered
monksspillout of the chapelinto the cloisterat the right. By changingthe vaulting
structure,the painterremovedthe right angleand diaphragmarch wherethe transverse
arch oncejoined the wallof the chapel. Thismodificati
on resultsin a bulgingsai!vault
that receivesno supportfromthe open archwayunderneath. WhileHendersonargued
that these changesshowedthe artist's desireto updateand improveSpinello'sdesigns,
they insteadbetraythe handof a confusedassistantwho was unableto read his
master's designs.
To the right ofthe chapelextendsan open loggiaof reddishbrown stone with a
low benchon whichTuscancolumnssupporta plainarchitraveand moldedcornice.
306

The loggiacolumnscast shadowsto the right,both on their supportingbenchand on
the wallbehindthem. Set at an obliqueangleaboveand behindthis loggiarises a
block-likebuilding,perhapsthe waywardmonk's dormitory. Likethe foreground
chapel,the wallsof this building-- relievedby onlya few stringcoursesand dark
windows-- are beige. However,the tone is cooler,infusedwithgray to indicatethis
building's placementin spacebehindthe chapel. Lightfallsinconsistentlyfromthe left
acrossthe architecturalcomplex. Whilelightfallsin a uniformdirectionacross objects
and figuresthroughoutmost of the scene,the vault ribsand supportingpilastersinside
the chapelare lit fromthe rightwith edges that shouldbe in shadowinsteadbright with
highlights.This contradictionunderscoresthe painter'sconfusionin portrayingthe
architecturalstructureof the chapel's interior.
Despitethese inconsistencies,this architecturalsettingsuccessfullyorganizes
the differentepisodesof the narrativescene. In the centerof the composition, the
monkshavegatheredfor dailyofficesinsidea chapel.69 At the left, one monkis pulled
out of the oratory onto its porchby a small,blackdemon. The Gregoriantext says that
Satantook the form of"a littleblackboy." Pictorialtradition,however,representsthe
devilishdistracteras an unpleasantcreaturein whichthe featuresof bats, goats, and

By addingarbitraryarchitecturaldetails,the painterobscureda certain
identificationof this building.Abandoningthe modelfromSan Miniatoal Monte, the
painterreplacedthe apse and altar of Spinello'sinteriorwith a wallof dark doorways
ofunknown function. A goldenbrownobjectplacedin the left backgroundofthe
interiorappearsto be a lecternor altar, but it lacksthe clarityof purposeofferedin
Spinello'sexample.
69

307

7° FollowingFiorentine
other animalscometogether in a frightfulcombination.

conventionsin generaiand works by Fra Angelicoin particular,the Badiademon
displaysa mixtureof diabolica!featuresincludingwebbedfeet, a curledtail, and
mottledskinthat is both scalyand hairy.(pls. 86, 90) His face, now somewhatruined,
is bat-likewith beadyrodent eyes. His largehairyears and pointedgoatee completehis
fiendishvisage. The monk,his youthfulbeardlessface in left profile,standsat the
center of the smallporch,gazingstraightaheadand awayfrom his communitybehind
him. Anotherunfortunatedeviationfrom Spinello'smodelis the darkeneddoor
throughwhichthe monkhas exitedthe oratory. In Spinello's version, the spectatorcan
see throughthe open porch door into the chapel's apse, thus indicatingthe abilityof
Benedictand his followersto look out at their brotherwho is temptedaway from
prayerby the devii.(pi. 121) The pitch-blackdoorwayat the Badia,whileintendedto
read as shadow,createsa barrierbetweenthe porchand the brightlylit oratory behind

The Latin text says that the deviidistractedthe monkin the form of a "niger
puerulus"whichis usuallytranslatedas "a littleblackboy." In Tuscaniconography,
however,the diablolicaldistracteris representedas a smallblackcreaturewith webbed
feet, scalyarrnsand legs, a curlytail, and an unpleasantanthropomorphichead
combiningfeaturesofbats, goats, and other animals. Both SpinelloAretinoand the
BadiaMasterfollowa long traditionof Fiorentinedeviitypesthat originatedin the
depictionof Hell foundin the midthirteenth-centurydomemosaie in the Fiorentine
Baptistery. For more on this traditionsee: LorenzoLorenzi,Devils in Art. Florence,
/rom the Middle Ages to the Renaissance(Florence:CentroDi, 1997),50-57; 123-5;
and LudovicaSebregondi,"The Deviiin Fifteenth-and Sixteenth-CenturyFiorentine
Engravings,"in Demons:MediatorsbetweenThis Worldand the Other. Essays 011
DemonicBeings/rom the Middle Ages lo the Preselll,Beitragezur Europaischen
Ethnologieund Folklore,8, ed. Ruth Petzoldtand Paul Neubauer(Frankfurtam Main:
Peter Lang, 1998), 111-5.
70

308

it.71 Despitethis unsuccessfulmodification,the gesturesofthe monksinsidethe
oratory indicatethe momentwhen St. Benedictrecognizedthe deviiat work and
alertedhis disciples. At San Miniatoal Monte, SpinellodepictedBenedict,Maurus,
and Pompeianusin the foregroundofthe oratoryby forminga pyramidalgroup that is
separatedfrom the other monksbehindthem. (pi. 121) Benedictstandsand raiseshis
left palmtoward Maurusand Pompeianusas if to calmtheir agitation aver the young
monk's distraction,whilehe informsthem of the devii's responsibilityby extendinghis
right handpalmup toward the door. SpinelloidentifiedSt. Maurusand St. Benedict
with haloes.72

71 The muralpainteralso modifiedthe chapel's porch by closingits rear wall

ratherthan repeatingthe open arch shownin the si11opia.
72 LorenzoMonacoincludedthe episodeof the waywardmonkin the predellas

accompanyinghis two Coro11ation
of the Virginaltarpieces.(pls. 120, 121) In both
versions,Don Lorenzodepictedthe distractionofthe monkand recognitionby
Benedictofthe devil'swork, but not the consequentflagellation.Lorenzoplacedthe
sceneinsidea chapel,leavingthe front wall open fora viewofthe monksgathered
insidearoundtheir commonlectern. In each predellapane!,the youngmonk is pulled
outsidethe oratorydoor by a small,black,bat-likedevii,whileBenedictpoints toward
the distractionat the oratory door. In both, Benedictand Maurusare identifiedwith
gold haloes.
In both predellapanels,Don Lorenzoportrayedthe sceneof the waywardmonk
framedtogetherwith anotherscenefromelsewherein Gregory'stext. In the earlier
version,now in the VaticanPinacoteca,the waywardmonksharesits pane!with a
scenefrom the eleventhchapterofthe Gregoriantext: the resurrectionof a young
monkcrushedby a collapsedbuilding,whichis also depictedin the eleventhlunetteof
the Badiacycle.(pi. 83) LorenzoMonaco,Due Miracolidi San Be11edetto,
30 x 65
cm, temperaon panel,inv. 193. FabrizioMancinelliand Ezra Nahmad,Musei
Vaticani,Pinacoteca(Florence:Scala, 1981), 18.
In the slightlylater predella,now in the GalleriadegliUffizi,Don Lorenzo
combinedthe sceneofthe waywardmonkwith Benedictreceivingfood in his cave at
Subiaco. In both panels,Don Lorenzoused craggymountainsand architectureto
dividethese disparateeventsofBenedict's lifethat he placedtogetherin one frame,
309

At the Badia, however,such cluesare omitted.(pi. 86) At the center of the
group, a dark-beardedmonkkneelsin three-quarterviewand pointstoward the oratory
door with his right hand and raiseshis left palmas in Spinello'sexample. Unlikethe
compositionof Spinello'smural,this monkkneelstogetherwith his followers,a change
that more directlyfollowsGregory'stext, whichrecountshow Benedictprayedwith
Maurusand Pompeianusto helpthemsee the devii's work.73 Set apart from the other
figureswho kneelaround him,this dark-beardedfigure'scentraipositionand pointing
gesture helpto identifyhimas St. Benedict. Moreover,this is the only figurein the
group who wearsa brownbeard as Benedictdoes whenhe reappearsat the far left of
the scene.
If followingthe Olivetanimage,the kneelingfigureat the lower left ofthe
group wouldbe St. Maurus. This figure,withhis back to the viewer,holdshis handsat
shoulderheight,open in prayer,whilehe tums his head in pratileto look at St.
Benedict. Onlya sliverofhis beardlessface protrudesfromhis black hood. In the

sinopia,this figure's chinjuts forwardat a greaterangleto indicatethat he looks
directlyat Benedict. Neumeyeridentifieda differentyoungmonk,who standsbehind
Benedict,as Maurus.74 This standingfigureraiseshis righthandto his brow over his

with chronologciallyearlierepisodesin the left-handsideof the panels. For more on
the Uffizipanel's significanceas it relatesspecificallyto the CamaldoleseOrder, see
Eisenberg,26-7; and Bent, "SantaMariadegliAngeliand the Arts," 445-7, 492-500.
73 "Preghiamo,e lo vedreteanchevoi." Gregorythe Great, Vitae miracolidi

San Benedetto,73.
310

large eyes, strainingto look at his waywardbrother. However,it was by prayerand
obedienceto Benedict,not by laboredlooking,that Mauruswas allowedto see the
devii. Thus,the kneeling,back-tumedfigurein the left foregroundmustbe Maurus,
and the standingfigureis one ofhis less fortunatebrotherswho cannotsee the deviiat
work no matterhow hard he tries. Anotherfigurekneelsat Benedict's left, the
viewer's right,who can be identifiedas the abbot Pompeianusif the artist was
followingthe pyramidalfiguregroupingof Spinello.Thisfigure'sgray beard identifies
himas old enoughto be the community'sleader. He pressesbis handstogether in
prayer,obedientto Benedict'sinstructions.Whilehe kneelsin left profileto face the
open chapeldoor, he tums his subtlymodeledface awayfromthe porch, lookingback
over his left shoulderwith a sad expression.This tum of the head symbolizesthe
abbot's inabilityto see the true causeofhis disciple'stroubles. Behindthe three main
characterskneelsa group of young and old monkswhosefacesand gesturespresenta
varietyof reactionsto the scenebeforethem. The youngmonkin the lower right
corner,the elderlybeardlessmonkabovehimto the left, and the figureof Benedict
share a facialtype not yet seen in the murals. Alithree bavealmond-shapedeyes
whosecornersare especiallypointed. Thesefiguresalso sharepointedchinsthatjut
forwardand facesthat show minimalmodeling.Thesecharacteristicsresult in faces
that are flat and cartoonishand whosesuperficialityis especiallymarkedin comparison
to the subtlymodeledface of Pompeianus.

Neumeyer(33) mistakenlynamedPlacidusas a participantin this episode,
thoughthe GregoriandialoguespecificallydiscussesMaurus'srote in this event and
makesno mentionof Placidus.
74

311

At the far left of the composition,Benedictcures the waywardmonkof his
troublesby administeringpunishment.(pi. 144) The youngmonk,his back to the
viewer,kneelsbefore the saint. His left shoulderbared, he looksup at his superior,
readyto receivethe painfulblowsofthe disciplinaryscourge. Benedictholdsthe
youth's cowl in his left handand raisesthe rod in his right. Interestingly,as pointedout
by Henderson,the relationshipofthis figuregroup has beenchangedfromthe sinopia
underdrawing.(pi. 98) Originally,the artist intendedto depictthe kneelingmonkwith
his back and visibleright arm completelybare. Moreover,the youth kneelswith his
shouldersroundedand head down, as in Spinello'sversionat San Miniato. Henderson
postulatedthat this submissivepose was unacceptableto the patronsbecauseit showed
St. Benedictas too severeand stern.75 Whilethis changecouldresult froma patrona[
request,it wouldnot be for this reason. Severitywouldhavebeena desiredmessage,
as the Ruledictates:
... the Abbot shouldalwaysfollowthe Apostle's formula:"Reprove,entreat,
rebuke;"threateningatone time and coaxingat anotheras the occasionmay
require,showingnow the stem countenanceof a master,now the loving
affectionof a father .... It is the undisciplinedand restlesswhomhe must
reproverather sharply;... the negligentand disdainful,these we charge himto
rebukeand correct .... The well-disposedand those of good understandinglet
himcorrect with verbaladmonitionthe first and secondtime. But bold, hard,
proud and disobedientcharactershe shouldcurb at the very beginningof their
ill-doingby stripesand other bodilypunishments,knowingthat it is written,
"The fool is not correctedwith words .... Beat your son with the rod and you
willdeliverhis soul from death."76

75 N. R. Henderson,395. This opinionis followedby Paolini,162-4.
76

St. Benedici's Rute/or Monasteries,Doyletrans., chap.2, pp. 10-11.
312

The waywardmonk had alreadybeen rebukedverballyby both his own abbot and St.
Benedict. Thus, more severepunishmentwas required. The changefromsinopiato
paintingaffectsthe attitudeof the monkas he receiveshis punishment.Ratherthan
coweringin fear, he is resignedto accepthis fate obedientlyand looks up at St.
Benedict.77 Unfortunately,the painterchangedthe positionofBenedict's eyes and
unlikethe sinopia he glancesto the right ratherthan down at the kneelingmonk.
Indeed,the Rule stressesthe importanceof obedienceto the abbot, devotingits fifth
chapterto the subjectas wellas weavingthe theme throughoutthe entire treatise.
... obediencewillbe acceptableto God and pleasingto menonly if what is
commandedis donewithouthesitation,delay,lukewarmness,grumbling,or
objection. For the obediencegivento Superiorsis givento God, .... And the
disciplesshouldoffertheir obediencewith a good will,for God "lovesa
cheerfulgiver."78
Thus, this episodeillustrateshow punishmentis to be givenand received. Through
Benedict's wisdom,goodjudgment,and fair discipline,the waywardmonkwas
restored to his community.In this episode,as throughoutthe remainderof the cycle,
St. Benedictsymbolizesthe ideaiabbot. As the Order's founderand author of its Rule,
it is to himthat ali Benedictineabbots,IikePompeianus,must tum for guidance.
Abbotswho followedBenedict'sexamplewould, in tum, eam the abbatialauthority

77 N. R. Henderson(395) comparedthe differencebetweenthe two versionsof

the monk's pose in the Badiacompositionto the contrastingportrayalsoflsaac by
LorenzoGhibertiand FilippoBrunelleschiin their competitionpanelsfor the Baptistery
Doors of FlorenceCathedral. In Brunelleschi'sversionof TheSacrificeof Isaac, the
youth tremblesin fear beforehis father,whilein Ghiberti'she calmlyawaitshis fate.
78

St. Benedici's Rulefor Monasteries,Doyletrans., chap. 5, p. 19.
313

describedin the Rute. As shownin this scene,Benedict'slifeand deeds legitimizethe
absoluteauthorityofthe abbot -- anotherthemethat is stressedthroughoutthe Rute
and was defiantlydefendedby Gomezio,evenin oppositionto the Benedictine
79
Congregation.

Sceneseven, TheRecoveryof the Billhook/rom the Lake, Vita Benedicti,VI
As at San Miniatoal Monte,the OrangeCloistercycleskipsthe next chapterof
Gregory'sdialoguein whichhe miraculouslycausedwater to springfrom a
mountaintopto proceedto the sixthchapterin whichanothermiracle,also involving
water, took piace. A "certainGoth poor of spirit,desirousto lead a religiouslife"
carneto Benedictto join his congregationas a converso,or lay brother.80 One day, he
borroweda billhookfrom the monastery'stool-shedto clearaway some bramblesto
makeroomfor a garden. Whilethe laybrotherwas hard at work cuttingthe thick
briars,the iron biadeslippedfromthe handleof the billhookand fell deep into a nearby
lake. Feelingresponsiblefor the loss of the biade,he ran tremblingto Maurusto
confess. Maurusin tum told Benedict,who accompaniedthe conversoto the sceneof

79 It shouldbe recalledthat Gomeziowithdrewthe Badiafrom the

Congregationof SantaGiustinato protest the reducedauthorityof the abbot. This
secessionofficiallylastedfrom 1428to 1437,but the monasterywas onlyfullyrestored
to the Congregationin 1441.
St. Gregorythe Great, VitaBenedicti,caput VI, "De ferro ex profundoaqure
ad manubriumreverso," 1895ed., 30-31.
80

314

the accident. Takingthe brokentool's handle,Benedictplungedit into the water and
causedthe iron to rise fromthe water's depthsand reattachitselfto the handle.
At San Miniatoal Monte,Spinellopresentedthis miracleas part of a scene
devotedto the dailymanuallaborofthe monasticcommunity.(pls. 114, 122) At the
left, he placedthe lay brotherheavinghisbillhookamidstsevera!other laborershard at
work for the monastery. At the right,on the other sideofthe lake, Benedict
miraculouslyrepairsthe brokentool, to the amazementand gratitudeofthe kneeling

conversoin the companyofMaurus, Placidus,and others.81 The sceneis set in a
woodedlandscapewhereBenedict'smonasteryrises in the distance. In the
background,a hunterat his chaseand a shepherdtendinghis flock,likethe fisherman
and woodsmenin the foreground,performdutiesrequiredfor the maintenanceand
sustenanceof the monasteryand its community.
At the Badia,however,the storyhas been strippeddown to its essentialdetails,
and the eventhas been presentedwith closerfidelityto the Gregoriantext.82 (pi. 87)
As at San Miniatoal Monte, the scenetakes piaceoutdoors in an open landscape
dividedby a pale green lake. On the far sideof two promontories,the lake extends
toward a distantshore in the backgroundwherea crowd of smallboats sailsbeforea
walledcity surroundedby dark rollinghillsand highpale gray mountainsbehind.
Again,the sky has lost its blue pigment,leavingonlythe red and whitebandsofthe

Paolini,166-7.

Neumeyer,35.
315

preparatorylayerintact. UnlikeSpinello'smodelin whichthe conversokneelsbefore
Benedictas the saintrecoversthe billhook,the OrangeCloistercompositionseparates
the pleadingconfessionfromthe ensuingmiracle. The confessiontakes piaceon the
right bank ofthe lake in whichthe biadehas been lost. The barrenground is a cool
sandybrown,scatteredhereand there with smallstones. Towardthe background
stands a pair of gray birds-- a leitmotifadded to severa)scenesto indicatethe
wildemess. Sometrees withdamagedfoliagerise behindthe monastery,partially
obscuringa brightlylit beigemountainfurtherback in space. Thisrather stylizedrocky
outcropjuts into the lake,partiallyblockinga viewof the mountainsand town-filled
valleyin the distantbackground.Thejagged loweredge of this promontoryis reflected
in the lake's cleargreen water.
In the right foreground,the converso-- his status indicatedby his simplebrown
tunic coveredby a Benedictineblackscapularas wellas by his shaggy,untonsured
head and long brownbeard-- kneelswith the brokenbillhookbeforehis abbot and
brothersin front of their walledmonastery. In his right hand,he holdsthe handle,
whichcasts a shadowon the groundbelow. As in other scenesof the cycle,only
certainobjectsand figurescast shadows-- in this lunettethe billhook'shandleand the
kneelinglay brother. The painterwas not completelysuccessfulin portrayingthe lay
brother's grip as his handresemblesa closedfist in front of the staffratherthan
wrappedaround it in a secureclasp. UnlikeSpinello,the Badiaartist skippedthe
momentwhenthe toilinglay-brotherlosesthe biadeto beginwiththe confession.
Placedin the foreground,the conversokneelsin three-quarterviewwith his back to the
316

vieweras he looks up imploringlyat his abbot. As seen in the fifthlunette,the painter
altered the positionof the lay brother's head froma three-quarterto profileview. The

sinopia showsthat his chin followsthe diagonallineofhis body,allowingthe lay
brother to look directlyat his abbot. Holdingthe bladelesshandlein his right hand, the

conversogesturestoward the lake with his left, holdinghis palmup. His remorseis
evidentin this plaintivepose, emphasizedby the largetears that streamdown his face.
(pi. 145)
Whilethe artist did eliminatemanyofthe agrariandetailsincludedin Spinello's
model,he also divergedfroma striet renderingof the textualsource. Gregoryrecounts
tbat the penitentconversoadmittedbis mistakeand apologizedfor his wrongdoingto
Maurus,wbo in tum alertedBenedictto the accident. In the OrangeCloister,bowever,
the lay-brotherkneelsdirectlybeforeSt. Benedict,83 who is seatedwith a large book
proppedon bis left knee as he blessesthe poor worker withhis right band. This change
is significant,as it directsthe viewer's attentionto tbe importanceof tbe abbot as
leader,caretaker,disciplinarian,and problem-solverfor the monasticcommunity.
Benedict'simportanceis emphasizedby his impossiblylargesize. Were he to stand, he
would tower aver the monkswbo stand directlybehindhimas wellas over the laybrother who kneelsbeforehim.
Whilethe loss of a billhookmay seema minorinfractionto the modemviewer,
worthy of irritation but not tears and trepidation, the care of tools and other

Neumeyer,35-36.
317

possessionswas of great importanceto the monasticcommunity,so muchso that
Benedictdevoteda chapterof his Ruteto the safe-keepingof"the tools and property
ofthe monastery."84 The largered book prominentlydisplayedby Benedictrepresents
his Ruteand remindsthe viewerof the abbot's authorityin generaiand ofBenedict's
specificadmonitionthat "if anyonetreats the monastery'spropertyin a slovenlyor
carelessway, let himbe corrected. lfhe failsto amend,let himundergothe discipline
of the Rute."85
The paintermadeother changesfromthe sinopiato the finishedmural,
elongatingBenedict'storso and changingthe pose and gesture of the figurewho stands
directlybehindhim.(pi. 99) In the underdrawingthis standingfigurestaresout of the
picture,his handscoveredby his large sleeves. In the mural,this figure,like St.
Benedict,holdsa red-boundbook in his right handand makesan odd gesturewith his
left hand,openinghis fore-and middlefingersto forma horizontalV. Whilehe faces
forward,he inclineshis head (paintedon a reducedscale)slightlyto the left to facilitate
his viewof the converso'sconfession.Thismonk,whosechubbyyouthfulface has

84 St. Benedici's Rulefor Monasteries,Doyletrans., chap. 32, p. 50. Meiss

("Masterof the ChiostrodegliAranci,"The GreatAge of Fresco:Giottoto Pontormo,
150)claimedthat the Badiaartist was ableto take minordeeds from Benedict'slifeto
transformthem into solemnand importantevents. This criticism,however,seemsto
missthe point of Gregory'sdialogue. Theseepisodeswere not seen to be minor,but
werethe miraclesand eventsrecordedas proof ofBenedict's virtue and authority.
Indeed,the Miracle of the Bi/lhookwas deemedimportantenoughto warrantits own
chapter. Paolini(166-7)discussedthe valueplacedon tools and manuallaborby the
monastiecommunityin his discussion of Spinello's renditionof this scene.
85 St. Benedici's RuteJor Monasteries,Doyletrans., chap. 32, p. 51.

318

dose-set eyes,archedeyebrows,and a smallpuckeredmouth,shouldbe identifiedas
Maurus. The changesof pose and gesture,as wellas his placementbetweenSt.
Benedictand two other monksremindthe viewerof Maurus's role as mediator
betweenthe conversoand the abbot in the Gregoriantext.
The miraculousrecoveryof the billhooktakes piaceat the left of the
compositionon the oppositeside of the lakebeforea steep promontorywith pointed
peaksthatjuts out into the water in the middledistance. A group of four figuresstands
beforea thickgrove of trees on the snakyshorelinewhosethick, shadowededge dotted
with grassesis reflectedin the green waterbelow. The sandyground is scatteredwith
flat whitestonesand occasionaiclumpsof grass as wellas with flecksof red and brown
paint. Benedicthas immersedthe billhookhandleinto the water and causedthe shiny
metalbiademiraculouslyto reattachitself. In the underdrawing,Benedictstandsin
three-quarterviewand watchesthe end of the brokentool as he thrusts it into the
water. In the mural,the painterwas lesssuccessfulin the depictionof this pose and
had especialdifficultywith the placementofthe saint's feet. Benedict's right foot is
awkwardlyplacedparallelto the picturepianewhilehis left is placedforwardat an
angleat the water's edge. The result is an odd, agitatedpose that is quite different
from the calm,confident,and securepose in the drawing. The ungainlinessof the pose
is exacerbatedby the contoursof the saint's draperythat slopesdramaticallydown
from his waisttoward his outstretchedleft toe and undulatesnervouslyalongits hem
line. As with other figures,the painterhad difficultywith the three-quarterpose of
Benedict's head. In the mural,the placementof the featureson his face and the
319

positionofhis head insidehis cowl appearquiteawkwardin comparisonto the sinopia.
The lay-brotherstandsto the left of Benedict,facingforwardawestruckand grateful
with his armsflungopen in surprise. His left foot curvesawkwardlyin a way that
suggeststhe painterfoundit difficultto foreshortenit accordingto its angledposition.
Two beardlessmonksstandbehindBenedictfurtherup the shore,their attentionto
Benedict'smiraclesomewhatcompromisedby the vacuousstare ofthe left-mostmonk
and the shiftin the positionofhis neighbor'shead. In the sinopiathe background
figuretums his headtoward Benedictin almostfullview. In the mural,however,he
stares across the water, seeminglyuninterestedin the miraclebeforehim.
Once again,the painterhas used the laketo showotf his interestin the etfects
of light. Fish and eels swimthroughthe pale greenwater that frothswhere the billhook
breaksits surface;the water also reflectsthe shorelineand grassesalongthe water's
edge. As seen in theMiracleof the PoisonedWine(pi. 85), surfacesthat are both
transparentand reflectiveat the sametime, likeglassand water,appealedto this
painter. The sceneofthe miraculousrecoveryis againuniformlylit from the left, and
the subtleshiftsin tone fromthe brightlylit foregroundto the more shadowy
backgroundfacilitatethe illusionof depth, atmosphere,and space. However,the sense
that the right bank risesup the two-dimensionalpicturepianerather than recedesinto
the distance,as wellas the uniformsize of the boats irrespectiveof their location on the
open sea indicatethat the painterwas eitheruninterestedin or incapableof usinga
measuredsystemto renderthe illusionof three-dimensional
space.

320

Sceneeight,Howhis discipleMauruswalkedon the Water,Vita Benedicti,VII
UsuallyentitledMaun,s SavesPlacidusby modemiconographers,the use of
Gregory's chaptertitle proves moremeaningfuland appropriatefar an interpretation of
this scene. One day whileBenedictwas studyingin his celi, his followerPlaciduswas
retrievingwater froma nearbylake. Whenthe youngmonkbent to filihis bucket,he
fellin after it and was carried off by the current. Benedictimmediatelylearnedof his
disciple'scatastrophein a vision. He calledMaurusto rescuePlacidus. "Maurus
havingaskedand received[Benedict's]benediction,upon the commandof his Superior
went forth in haste, and ... thinkingstilihe went upon dry land, he ran upon the water,
took [Placidus]by the hair ... and retumedspeedilyback."86
SpinelloAretinoportrayedthree elementsof this episodeat San Miniatoal
Monte.(pls. l 14, 123) In the centerwith his monasteryrisingbehindhimin the
background,Placiduswalkswith his waterjug toward the lake. At the left, Maurus
kneelsbeforeBenedict,who sits in his studyat his readingdesk, to receivethe abbot's
commandand blessing,whileat the rightMauruswalksacross the lake's surface to
rescuethe drowningPlacidusas a group of fellowmonkslooks on in amazement.The
OrangeCloistersceneomits incidentalnarrativedetails,focusinginsteadon Benedict's
commandand the miraculousrescue. Thiscompositionfindsa more direct
correspondencein predellapanelsfromthe Coronationof the Virginaltarpieces
paintedby LorenzoMonacofar the FiorentineCamaldoleseconventsof San Benedetto

St. Gregoryth Great, VitaBenedicti,caput VII, "De Mauro ejus discipulo
qui superaquas pedibusambulavit,"1895ed., 33.
86

321

87 (pls.
fuoriPorta Pintiand Santa MariadegliAngeliin 1407-9and 1414respectively.

130, 134) In both panels,the rescueof Placidustakes piaceat the left of the predella
compartmentthat it shareswith anotherseparatescenedepictingTheMiracleof Santa
Scholastica.88 Don Lorenzofurtherdividedthe left halfof the compositionalfieldwith
craggyrock formationsand placedMauruskneelingbeforeBenedictin his celi at the
far left;the miraculousrescue,withoutwitnesses,is depictedat the right.89
FollowingDon Lorenzo's more strippeddown presentation,the Grange
Cloisterartist presentedthe miraclealmostin exact reverseof the Camaldolese

The San Benedettoaltar is now in the NationalGallery,London;and the
Angelialtar is now in the GalleriadegliUffizi,Florence. For the datingof these
altarpiecessee DillianGordonand AnabelThomas,"A new documentfor the high
altar-piecefor San BenedettofuoridellaPorta Pinti,Florence;"and DillianGordon,
"The altar-pieceby LorenzoMonacoin the NationalGallery,London,"Burlington
Magazine 137(November1995):720-22;723-27;and DillianGordon,"Appendix.The
Coronationof the Virginby LorenzoMonacoin the NationalGallery,London:Art
HistoricalResearches,"in LorenzoMonaco. Tecnicae restauro:L'Incoronazione
della Verginedegli Uffizi, l'Annunciazionedi Sama 1hnita a Firenze,ed. Marco
Ciattiet al. (Florence:EDIFIR, 1998),146-50.
87

The miracleof St. Scholasticawas not includedin the cyclesat San Miniato
al Monteor at the GrangeCloister. The storycomesfromchapter33 of Gregory's
dialogue,"De miraculoScholasticresororisejus," St. Gregorythe Great, Vita
Benedicti, 1895ed., 92-95.
88

LorenzoMonacoonlytook isolatedmotifsfrom SpinelloAretino'scycleat
San Miniatoal Monte for his variousBenedictinepredellapanels. Eisenberg(27) has
arguedthat he reliedmore on a varietyof slightlyearlierworks includingthe five-panel
seriesby Giovannidel Biondopaintedin the late 1360s. For the representationof
Placidus'srescue,Lorenzomayhaveturnedto the altarpieceby the Master of the
RinucciniChapelfor the BenedictineBadiaat Settimo,now housedin the Accademia
in Florence(Eisenberg,pi. 306). For more on this altarpiecesee LuisaMarcucci,
GallerieNazionalidi Firenze.I Dipinti Toscanidel SecoloXIV, Cataloghidei museie
galleried'Italia (Rame:Istituto Poligraficodello Stato, 1965),94-96.
89

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compositions,thoughwith some modifications.(pi. 88) As in the predellapanels,
Benedict's commandand the subsequentrescueunfoldon either side of a high,jagged
cliffreminiscentof the compositionaldividersused by Ghibertifor his Baptistery
competitionrelief.9()
(pi. 139) The similarityto the subtlymodulatedsurfacesof
Ghiberti'srock formationsis quite strongin the sinopia.(pi. 100) However,the
rounded,rockyformationsofthe sinopiahavebecomeschematicand stylizedwith
smoothpianes that curveto sharpedges. The right faces of these cliffsare modeled
with sinoperwashesin the underdrawing,showingthe draftsman'sinterestin working
out the composition'sfallof lightat the preparatorystage. Curiously,this type of
shadingdoes not appearin each underdrawingof the cycle. It is most pronouncedin
this sceneand in the Miracleof the PoisonedWinewhere the buildingsand draperies
are modeledwith sinoperwashes.(pi. 97) Similarly,the A4irac/eof the Billhook
employedshadingfor the left-handpromontoryand some draperiesat the right of the
scene.(pi. 99) Some shadingis also evidentin the architectureof the secondsceneand
in the draperiesof the first. (pls. 94, 95) The remainingfivesinopie, on the other hand,
do not haveany shadingand consistonlyof schematiccontour lines.
In the depictionof Placidus'srescue,Benedictis not depictedin his celi,despite
the specification of the Gregoriantext and the precedentsof SpinelloAretinoand
LorenzoMonaco.(pls. 88, 123, 130, 134) Instead,he sits on a benchoutside,
presumablyon the porch ofhis celi. A simple,block-likebuildingrisesbehindBenedict

RichardKrautheimerand TrudeKrautheimer-Hess,
LorenzoGhiberti,2nd
ed. (Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1970),46-7, pi. I.
90

323

and is openedon its left side by an archeddoorway. A simplerectangularwindow
relievesits front face. A red-tiledcanopysupportedby wooden rods providesshelter
on two sides;abovethe canopyrisesa low,flat-toppedstory in whichthe painterhas
added smallwindowsframedby engagedcolumnson the front face and recessed
squarepanelsalongthe side. The sinopia,as in previousexamples,did not otfer the
painteranyguidelinesfor the articulationof this buildingsave the outlinesfor the walls,
bench,and canopy.(pi. 100) The minusculewindowsadded to the upper portionof
the building-- a favoredmotifof the painter-- indicatean interestin surface pattern
and decorationratherthan an understandingof realisticor functionalarchitectural
design. Interestingly,the painteromittedthe one decorativedetailincludedin the
underdrawingfor the building,a friezeof squarebossesalongthe front face of the
building'splinth. The paintermadeanothersubtleyet significantchangeto the
depictionof the building. Like the sinopiafor the firstlunette,the architecturein this
scene's underdrawingwas calculatedto framethe figures. The building'splinth
recedesinto the backgroundwhereit meetsa diamond-patternedtrellisthat in the
muralsupportswhat must have once beenbeautifulpink and white roses. In the
drawing,the far edge ofthe plinthabuts the cornerofBenedict's study. Thisjoin is
visibleunderneathBenedict'ssleevethat hangsfromhis outstretchedright arm. In the
muralthe cornerof the buildingwhereit meetsthe plinth'sedge is obscuredby
Benedict's sleeve. This overlapblursthe clearseparationof objectsset in the

324

sinopia.91 By shiftingthe placementofthe plinth'sedge,the paintersteepenedthe
pitchat whichit recedesinto space.
Despitethese changes,the buildingserveswellas a stage for St. Benedict,who
sits with his kneesopen wide, solidlyastridethe left cornerof his bench,his head in
front ofthe building'snear cornerbehindhim. A closedred book rests on his left knee,
securedby his left hand, and he raiseshis right handwith two fingersout to bless
Maurus,who kneelsbeforehimwith handscrossedreverentlyover his abdomen. The
inclusionof the book recallsthe traditionalrepresentationof this scenein which
Benedict,interruptedat his study,sits beforean open book on his desk as he orders
Maurusto save the drowningPlacidus. The subtleshiftin presentationbringswith it a
changein interpretation.The closedbook, carried by Benedictin three of the miracles
portrayedalongthe westernwall ofthe OrangeCloister,symbolizeshis Rule. As he
blessesMauruswith his right hand,his left handrests on the Rulethat explicitlystates
the importanceof complianceto the abbot's authority. The miraculousrescue was
madepossibleby Maurus's unquestioningobedienceto Benedict'scommand. Indeed,
the Gregoriantex1highlightsthis message. Maurusrealizedthat he had walkedacross
the lake's surfaceonly after returningsafelyto shorewith Placidus. Amazed,he
attributedthe miracleto St. Benedict,statingthat it was becauseof his Abbot's
commandthat such a feat was possible. Benedictcounteredthat it was insteadthe

Behindthe saintsgrows a gardenthat is filledwith clumpsof grass beforethe
trellis. Thicktrees, now also damaged,grow up behindthis garden beyondwhich
mountainsare visiblein the distance. Pigmentlosseshaveagainrenderedthe sky a
deep orange-redthat tums whitetoward the horizon.
91

325

obedienceofhis faithfuldisciplethat madethe salvationpossible. Thisexchange
underscoresthe messageofBenedictineRule: Withwiseleadershipby the abbot and
unquestioningobediencefrom his disciples,the monasticcommunitywillthrive.
Gregory'schaptertitle, "How his discipleMauruswalkedon the water," emphasizes
the themeof abbatialauthoritybecauseit refersnot to Placidus's rescue,but to the
resultofMaurus's dutifulcomplianceto Benedict'scommand.
The abbot's dual role as leaderand father-figureis indicatedby the kindly
expressionon the saint's face, whichis paintedwith great attentionto detailssuch as
individuallydelineatedstrandsof beard or the crow's feet at the comers of his
somewhatbulgingeyes. The obedientMauruskneelson the groundbefore Benedictin
a three-quarterviewalonga recedingdiagonalthat intersectsthe angledpositionof
Benedict'spose. Mauruslowershis head in deferenceto Benedict'scommand,raising
his eyes to receivehis orders. This hurnilityis underscoredby his submissivegesture,
in whichhis hands(thoughweaklydrawn)are crossedbeforehim.
The miraculousrescuetakes piaceto the left of thejagged cliffthat is strongly
lit fromthe left with its right face in deep shadow. Not onlydoes this cliffdividethe
compositionin two, but also it offersproof ofthe miraclethat Benedictknew of
Placidus'stroublethrougha divinevisionratherthan throughphenomenological
experience.Maurusstandson the water's surface, bendingat the waistto pull his
brotherPlacidus,who stiliclutchesthe shinymetaljug, to safety. As in the previous
scene,the water, now damaged,is a pale bluishgreen. It swirlsinto the foreground
from an unseensource,its dangerouscurrentemphasizedby the wavesthat ripple
326

aroundthe sinkingbody of Placidus. The swirlingwater,jug, and graspingofthe boy's
cowl ali findprecedentin Spinello'sscene.92 In the OrangeCloisterversion,the
drowningmonklies on his back, his blackhabitdisappearingas he sinksunder the
surgingwaves. He holdsthe pitcherwith whichhe had tried to fetch water atop his
chest,as if worriedmore about the monastery's borrowed propertythan about his own
safety. The metaljug gleamsin the sunlight,and its prominenceremindsthe viewerof
its crucialrote in this unfortunateaccident. As in scenestwo and seven,the artist
masterfullycombinesgray and whitepigmentsto replicatethe luster of pewter. The
stunnedmonkgazes up open-mouthedat his saviorwith eyes that bulgeunder
schematiceyebrows,facialfe.iturestypicalto manyfiguresthroughoutthe cycle.
Maurusstandsin a three-quarterpose to the right of the drowningPlacidus,bendingat
the waist to grab his friend's hood withboth hands. The relationshipofMaurus and
Placidusis renderedmore convincinglyin the drawing. There, the two figuresare
slightlyclosertogether,and Placidusis more completelysubmergedunderthe water
with onlyhis head and right shoulderand arm breakingits surface. The wider
separationofthe figures,the modificationof the dramaticallyforeshortenedtilt of
Placidus'shead,and the more pronedispositionof Placidus'sbody forcedthe painter
to alter Maurus's pose in the mural. Whilehe Jeanscalmlyand securelyto rescue

LorenzoMonacoalso showedthe furiouslyswirlingcurrentof the lake.
UnlikeSpinello,Don LorenzoplacedMaurusin a crouchingpose and showedhim
grabbingPlacidusby the hair,as specifiedin the Gregoriantext.
92

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Maurusin the sinopia, in the muralhis furtheroutstretchedarms preventas firma
grasp on the drowningmonk.
A steep ciiffrises at the back ofthe lake. The painter has amendedthe sinopia
with trees that grow impossiblyfromthe water's edge. The cliff s diagonalslope
echoesthe directionof the scene-dividingridge,whileits deeper mauvetones indicate
its positionfurtherback in space. As in the other scenes,light fallsuniformlyacross
the compositionfrom the left, pickingout foregroundelementswith brightlightwhile
other areas are cast in subtleshadow. The foregroundbeach alongthe lake's near front
edge is scatteredwith roundstonesand flecksof paintas in the previousscene. The
steeplypitchedforegroundshorelineis configuredstrangely,risingin the centerto a
conica!peak that seemsto be a misreadingof the sinopia.(pi. l 00) The drawing
suggeststhat the bank was meantto undulateinto spacealong the water's edge to form
a narrowpeninsula,ratherthan roll up and downas indicatedby the modelingof the
hillockin the mural.

Scenenine,O/ thepoisonedloafwhich the crowcarriedaway, Vita Benedicti,VIII
The next event in Benedict's lifewas not includedby SpinelloAretinoin his
cycleat San Miniatoal Monte,and the OrangeCloisterversionsurvivesas the first
knownTuscanexampleofthe miracleofthe poisonedbread. (pl. 89) While
monumentalprecedentsfoundin Lazioand Umbriaas well as representationsin
illurninatedmanuscripteditionsof the VitaBenedictido exist,93 the designerof the

328

OrangeCloisterscenewas liberatedfromlocaipictorialtraditionand thus free to invent
a new compositionto representthe eighthchapterfromGregory's Dialogue.94 The
momentchosenfor representation,likethose in the three previouslunettes,stressesthe
themeof obedienceto the abbot. Gomeziolikelyrequestedthat this scenebe included
not onlyto previdehis audiencewith a miracleset in a familiarmonasticsetting,but
also to supportandjustify his claimsfor supremeabbatialauthoritythat were
challengedby the constitutionof the SantaGiustinaCongregation.
The chapterfromwhichthis miraclecomesis quite long as it describesthe
variousplots againstSt. Benedictconcoctedby a jealouspriest namedFlorentius.95
EnviousofBenedict's fameand virtue,but uninterestedin pursuinga virtuouslife
himself,Florentiusschemedto kill St. Benedictby sendinghima loafof poisoned
bread. Benedictacceptedthe gift, eventhoughhe recognizedits true purpose. Each
day at dinner,a crow would come to Benedictto be fed, and on that particularday,
Benedictorderedthe bird to take the poisonedbreadaway whereit would not harm

Boccolini(78) noted the inclusionof this scenein the cyclesat Subiaco(S.
Speco,lowerchurchby MagisterConxolus);the OrangeCloister,BadiaFiorentina;the
Badiaat Passignano(by Filippod'AntonioFilippeli,1483-5);the large cloisterof
MonteolivetoMaggiore(by Luca Signorelli,ca. 1497-1505,continuedby Il Sodoma,
1505-8);and at San Severinoin Naples(Lo Zingaro,ca. 1515).
93

The successof the Badia imageis provenby its near replicapaintedsome
fiftyyears later at the Badiaa Passignanoby Filippod'AntonioFilippelli.This cycleis
locatedin the upper loggiaofthe cloisterat the Badiaa Passignano,locatednear
Florence. It was paintedca. 1483-5by Filippod'AntonioFilippelliand consistsof
twenty-ninepoorly-preservedscenes. Paolini,136-7;172-3.
94

95 St. Gregorythe Great, VitaBenedicti,caput VIII, "De pane venenoinfecto

per corvumlongiusprojecto," 1895ed., 34-4l.
329

anyone. The crow squawkedand flutteredat his request"as thoughshe wouldbave
said, I wouldwillinglyfuifilithy command,but I am not able."96 Benedictreassured
her and repeatedhis order. Thistime she obeyedand removedthe breadfrom
Benedict'smonastery. As he had for theMiracleof the Billhook,MillardMeiss
interpretedthe Miracleof the PoisonedBreadas a "minorepisode"in the lifeof St.
Benedict.97 However,the lengthof the chapterand the fact that its title refersto the
incidentofthe poisonedbread suggeststhat this event was anythingbut minorin the
developmentof Gregory's narrative. Indeed,it was Florentius'splots that drove
Benedictto abandonhis monasteryin Subiacoand moveto MonteCassinowhere he
foundedwhat would eventuallybecomethe motherhouse of the BenedictineOrder.
Moreover,likethe miracleofthe billhook,these episodeswere not believedto be
insignificantbut representedthe miraculousproof of Benedict's virtue. He servedas
an exemplarto his followersand, importantlyfor Gomezio,legitimizedthe authorityof
the abbot.
The Badiacompositionuses both the interior and exteriorof a monastic
refectoryto set this scene.(pi. 89) Outsideof the dininghall at the right,a messenger
deliversFlorentius'smurderousgift. He kneelsin profilebeforeBenedict,who is
seatedon a gray stone benchadjoiningthe refectory's right wall, and presentsthe bread

96 Ibid., 37.

Meiss,"Master ofthe ChiostrodegliAranci,"The GreatAge of Fresco:
Gioitoto Pontormo,150;and idem, TheGreatAge of Fresco.Discoveries,Recoveries,
and Survivals,120.
97

330

froman unwrappedcloth. Both Benedictand his attendant,perhapsMaurus or
Placidus,reachto accept the treacherousoffering. The messengerwears a pale purple
dress with a thick red cloak around his shoulders,and both garmentsare brightlylit
alonghis front to indicatethe fai!of lightfromthe left. Benedictis almost entirely
envelopedby his dark black habitexceptfor the tip ofhis nose, lips, and beard that
protrudefrom his hood, as well as his right handthat he extendsto accept the bread.
The depictionofBenedict's hiddenhead is indicatedin the sinopia,but there more of
the saint's face protrudesin pure profile. In the mural,his nose is lower than in the
drawingand togetherwith the placementof his thick,red Iipsdisturbthe effect of the
underdrawingand cause the saintto appearas ifhis headwas lollingto one side. His
youngdisciplestandsin three-quarterviewbehindhimto the right and grasps the loaf
with both his long-fingeredhands. His hood is loweredto revealhis tonsured head,
and his chubbyyouthfulface resemblesthe types seen in the two precedingscenes.
Again,the figureis not as welldrawn in the muralas in the sinopia. The artist who
drew the preparatorydrawingwas muchmore assuredin his handlingofthe monk's
down-tumedhead shownin three-quarterview. The muralpainterhas raised the
figure'schinand movedhis featuresslightlyto the right-- subtlechangesthat give a
differentcharacterizationto the figure. The dark area behindthe figuresis quite rnined,
thoughit seemsthat green bushesand trees once servedas a backdrop. A large black
bird seeminglyperchedin one of the deterioratedtree tops over their heads looks down
at the exchangetakingpiacebelow. Damageto this area ofthe fr~scomakes it difficult
to interpretthe bird's presencebere. Most likely,as in other versionsof this subject,
331

the bird is takingthe loaf far awayfromthe monasteryas directedby Benedict. While
the refectoryfillsmost of the lunette,a sliverof now-redsky is visibleabove its roof
line. The sinopiaincludesa slopingcanopyaver Benedict's head, renderedas if seen
frombelowwith accomplishedforeshortening.(pi. 101) For some reason,perhapsa
lackof confidenceor abilityon the part of the painter,this well-drawnand functional
architecturalelementwas omittedin the finalmural. The painterdid, however,
elaboratethe exteriorof the refectoryby insertinga row of recessedsquaresfittedwith
minutedouble-lancetwindowstoppedwith smalloculi. As in the other "clerestories"
seenin the buildingselsewherein the cycle,these windowsare proportionallymuchtoo
smallin relationto the buildingand do not seemto serveany functionother than to
previdesurfacedetailand patternto an otherwiseplainexterior.
A nearlysquareopeningin the building's front facadeallowsa view insidethe
refectorywhereBenedictand his disciplessit on long benchesarounda diningtable.
The anglesof the walls,ceiling,and furniturerecedealongdiagonalsto create an
illusionof deep space. This effectis heightenedby the ceilingraftersthat intersectat
rightanglesto resultin open rectanglesthat diminishin width as the horizontalbeams
recedefurtherinto the depth ofthe room. Two long woodentablesspreadwithwhite
clothsjoin at a rightanglein the far rightcornerof the refectory. Six hoodedmonkssit
on a benchalongthe right sideofthe room,whosediagonalrecessioninto spaceallows
a viewof each man's face. The painterhas tried to instilldiversityin what would
otherwisebe a monotonousrow of monkswithvariationsof age, facialfeatures,head
inclination, and placementof handseitheron the tabie or in laps. Severa!of these
332

monks,especiallythe third fromthe right,morecloselyresemblethe monksportrayed
in the sixthscenethan they do other figuresthroughoutthe cycle. This differencein
handlingcouldindicatethat morethan one painterexecutedthe murals.
Flankedby two monks,Benedictsits at the back of the room. A pitcherdrawn
in the sinopiato Benedict'sright does not appearon the tabletopin the mural.
Whetherthis detailwas omittedor was painteda secco and does not surviveis difficult
to determine.Benedictleansover the table's edge to point at the poisonedbreadthat
lieson the floorbeforehim and directsthe birdto removeit. Benedict'spose is quite
complicated:his head is foreshortenedwith hischinloweredtoward his chest, and he
holdshis sleeveback from his extendedarm with his opposite handas if to ensurethat
his commandis understoodby bird and vieweralike. Thoughnot indicatedin the
sinopia,the ravenstandsdirectlyundemeathBenedictand bends her head toward the
loaf as she preparesto take it in her open beak. Thus,the compositiondepictsthe
momentwhenthe ravenabandonedher proteststo obeyBenedict'scommand. The
viewer'seye is drawn to Benedict'srighthand,whichis highlightedagainstthe white
tableclothon whichthe saint's arm casts a shadow;his pointinggesture bears the
significanceofthe scene. Becauseofthe abbot's effectiveleadershipand the raven's
consequentobedience,the communityescapedpotentialdestruction.
The artist has used an ingeniousdesignfor this sceneby presentingan
asymmetricaland incompleteviewofthe refectory. Refectorydiningtablesare
commonlyU-shaped,as seen the sceneof St. Dominicand his CompanionsFed by
Angels fromFra Angelico'spredellafor his altarpiecedepictingthe Coronationof the
333

Virginoriginallypaintedfor his conventof S. Domenicoin Fiesoleand now in the
Louvre.98 In this scene,Dominicanfriars sit at a tabie paralie! to the back of a large
refectory. Two tablesare placedat right anglesto the end of the center table, forming
a large, squaredU. The hall's depth is indicatedby thickceilingbeamsthat overlapin
a steep descentas they recedetoward the back ofthe room. Severa!clues in the
OrangeCloisterlunettesuggesta similartable arrangement.The refectoryis lit
throughan unseenwindowin the left wall of the room that is obscuredby the
refectory'sfront facade. Unfortunately,this illusionis somewhatcompromisedby the
painter's inconsistentdepictionofthe building'sexterior. Whilethe corniceand
windowscontinuebeyondthe left boundaryof the compositionto suggestits unseen
continuationto the left,the use of a reddishbrownfor the verticalframeofthe facade's
openingand a pale beigefor the area to its left suggeststhat the buildingends along
this vertica!division. The inclusion of four trees with spindlytrunksadds to the
ambiguityof this area. Nevertheless,detailsinsidethe refectoryleaveno doubt that the
room extendsto the leftbeyondthe spectator's view. Longdeep red shadowsfall
toward the center of the room on its pale red floor, cast by the headsof unseenfigures
seatedat the third wingof the diningtabie at the left. As in the second,third, and fifth
scenes,the painterhas addeda rectangularwindow-- not drawnb the sinopia - to
piercethe back wallofthe dininghall,its edgesand irongrilllit fromthe same hidden

This altarpieceis now usuallydated ca. 1430. Pope-Hennessey,Fra
Angelico,2nd ed., 215-6;Cardile,142-53;Strehlkein Pai11ti11g
and Illumination,3135, 322; idem,Fra Angelico, 19-25.
98

334

light sourceat the left. Unlikethe improvisedwindowsin the second,third, and fifth
scenes,this window,whilenot a sourceoflight, does servea function. A shutter
anglesout from its right side, suggestingthe continuationof space behindthe building.
A final,otherwisegratuitous,detailcompletesthe illusion of space and depth: a
woodenpote or tie beamspansthe widthof the roomjust insideits front facade. This
bar casts a shadowalongthe right-handwallas does a dish towel casuallythrownover
it. Thistowel,depictedwith complexgathersand twistsof fabric,servesno narrative
purposeand appearsonly as a virtuosodisplayof spatialillusion. Interestingly,the
charcoalsketchfor the bar and clothwas not retouchedwith sinoper. Nevertheless,
the detailwas includedin the mural.99
The OrangeCloistercycleskipsthe remainderof this chapter. Accordingto the
Gregoriantext, Florentiuswas disappointedby his failureto killBenedictbut was
resolutein his plots. Realizingthat he couldnot murderthe saint, he decidedto
corrupt his followers. Thus, "he sent sevennakedgirls into the garden of the Cloister
where Benedictlived,that so playingfor a longtimehand in hand,they mightentice
their soulsto naughtiness."100 Whilethis episodedoes appearin manuscript
illuminationsand in a few sixteenthand seventeenthcenturyexamples,it did not findits
way into most monumentalrepresentationsofthe VitaBenedicti. The reasonsfor its
omissionare quite obvious. lndeed,ifthe sevennakedgirlswere meantto distract

Procacci,Sinopiee affreschi,66.

100

St. Gregorythe Great, VitaBenedicti,1895ed., 37.
335

Benedict'sdisciples,surelythey mightalso offer impropertemptationsto his followers
at the BadiaFiorentinaand elsewhere. Despitethe decoreuschoicenot to presentthis
incidentin paint,the Benedictineviewerswouldcertainlyhave remembered
Florentius'sother schemesand eventualdemisewhilecontemplatingthis scene.
Moreover,familiaritywith illuminatedversionsofthe VitaBenedicti,would previdea
menta!imageto filithe variouslacunae,includingthis purposefulomission,in the mural
cycle_101

Sceneten, How the man of God by his prayer,removeda huge stone,
Vita BenedictiIX
Benedictrealizedthat Florentiuswould not relentin his persecutionand that he
could only ensurethe well-beingofhis monksby leavingthe community.So, after

101 Two fourteenth-century
manuscriptsprevideexamplesof the seven

temptresses. The LeggendarioUngheresedegli Angiò was paintedin the midfourteenthcenturyfor KingRobertCharlesof Anjouby Hungarianartiststrainedin
Bologna. The codex consistsof singlepageseach devotedto a differentsaint's !ife.
The page dedicatedto St. Benedict,likethe others, is dividedinto quadrantsin which
four scenesare presented. The artist choseto representBenedict'sHermitagein
Subiaco,his mortificationin the thorns,the temptationofthe sevennakedgirls,and
Benedict's miraculousresurrectionof a youngmonkat MonteCassino. Biblioteca
Vaticana,Vat. lat. 8541. BibliotecaApostolicaVaticana,XV Centenariodella nascita
di San Benedetto,-180-1980."Oraet Labora,"testimonianzeBenedettinenella
BibliotecaApostolicaVaticana(VaticanCity:PoliglottaVaticana,1980),6, pi. II.
Anotherexamplecomesfromthe full-pageilluminationin the Vitabeati
Benedictiby Jean de Stavelotin whichthe artist has representedBenedictin his walled
celi, lookingout the windowat a circleof sevennakedgirlswho hold handsand dance
in a circleunderthe directionofFlorentius. ViktorDammertzet al., San Benedetto,Il
fondatore.L'Europa dal ./80al 1980(Milan:Jaca Book Edizioni,1980), 19.
The scenewas includedin the thirty-sevenscenecycleat Monte Oliveto
Maggiore,thoughthe younggirls are showndressed.
336

reorganizinghis congregation under the leadershipof loyalpriors, he departed,taking
severa!discipleswith himto builda new monastery.For the site ofhis new homehe
chosethe remotemountaintopofMonte Cassino,on whosesummitstood an ancient
fortressand tempiededicatedto Apollo.102 "The holyman,by removing,changedhis
habitationbut not his adversary,"103 and though he escapedthe evilplots of Florentius,
he could not evadethe devii's persecution. Duringconstructionof his new
monastery'sdormitory,Satan contrivedto thwart progressby renderinga large stone
impossibleto move.104
Whentwo or three were not ableto moveit, they set more to it, but it remained
as immovableas if it had been heldby roots to the ground, so that it was easy
to conceivethat the old enemysat upon it, sincethat so manymen were not
able to lift it. After muchlabor in vain,they sent to the man of God to help
them with his prayersto driveawaythe enemy,who...havingfirst prayed...gave
his blessing,whenbeholdthe stone was as easilyliftedas if it had no weightat
all.105
The OrangeCloistermuralderivesits compositionfromthat of SpinelloAretino,who
combinedthe variousmomentsofthe episodeinto one scene.(pls. 115, 124) At the
center ofthe San Miniatocomposition,a wingeddemonsquatson a large, flat slabof

102 The abbeyat Montecassino,foundedca. 529, lies abovethe town of Cassino

that is locatedmidwaybetweenRomeand Naples. The monasterywas completely
destroyedduringWorldWar II and has been rebuiltwith an attemptto providea
faithfulreconstructionofthe complex. T.C.I.,Lazio,622-36.
103 St. Gregorythe Great,

VitaBenedicti,1895ed., 41.

104 Ibid.,"De ingentisaxo per viri Dei orationemlevato,"caput IX, 1895ed.,

42-43.
105lbid., 43.
337

stone that three monksand a lay brothertoil fruitlesslyto lift. Behindthem at the left,
two monkslook on whileBenedict,Maurus,Placidus,and other monksclose the
semicircleof figuresat the far right. Behindthe group risesthe facadeof their new
church,fillingmost of the composition,its remotelocationindicatedby the
surroundingrocky landscape.Benedictextendshis right arm with two fingerspointed
in benedictionto drive awaythe devii,who fleesin disgraceat the upper left corner of
the image.
Providedwith a largerpicturefield,the Badiaartist set his figuresin a deep and
emptylandscape,signifyingthe isolationof the Cassinesemountaintopchosenfor
protectionfromdiabolicaldistraction.(pi. 90) A sandyclearingscatteredwith rocks
and pebbles(improvisedby the painter,thoughnot convincinglyat random)is framed
by a craggycliffand trees at the left and a sectionofBenedict's new monasteryat the
right. The open spacebetweenthese framingelementsprovidesa viewto a distant
mountainouslandscapeover whichthe siategray sky lightenstoward the high horizon.
The building,orientedon a wideobliqueangle,is poorlyconstructed,againshowing
the painter'sinabilityto elaborateon the schematicguideprovidedby the sinopia. (pi.
102) The roof, supportedon wide brackets,slantsdramaticallytowardthe center of
the compositionin an unsuccessfulattemptto indicaterecession. An archeddoorway
allowsa viewinto an arcadedcourtyard. The undersideofits loggia's slantedroof is
visible,thoughthe pitchof its raftersis too steep to correspondto the positionofthe
loggiawalls.

338

As at San Miniato,the large immovablestone liesat the centerof the
composition and is surroundedby a semicireie of laboringmonks. The flat slabis
foreshortenedperpendicularto the picturepiane,its near end raisedby smallstones
wedged undemeathto facilitateits removal. Lit fromthe left, the slabcasts a shadow
on the ground to indicatethis slightelevation. Benedictand his attendantsstand
amongstthe toilinggroup at the right, and he raiseshis right handin benedictionwhile
holdinga red book with his left. The inclusionofthe book, a detailnot seen in
Spinello'sversion,againalludesto Benedict'sauthorityas abbotas writtenin his Rule.
The demon, perchedon the largestone, tums toward Benedict'sexpulsivegesture.
The demon standstowardsthe rear of the slabon four webbedfeet, his legs casting
shadowsto the right. Similarto the demonwho distractedthe youngmonkin scene
six, this hideouscreaturehas a whiteunderbelly,splotchybrownfur, a coiledtail, and a
bat-likehead. His mouthis openwide in an evi!grin that stretchesaver a row of fangs.
Ten monksforma semicirclearoundthe stone and St. Benedict;and they
stoop, crouch, and bend in variouspositionsas they laborto removethe obstacle. A
few of the monkshave stoppedtheir toil to watch Benedictwhilethe rest continueto
struggle in vain. Oddly,the painteralteredthe positionofthe figurewho standsbehind
Benedictto the right. In the sinopiathis figuretilts his head slightlytoward the picture
piane to view Benedict'smiracleaver the saint's left shoulder. In the muralthis figure
tums his head, now almostcompletelycoveredby his blackhood,awayfromthe
action. This changeis quitedistracting,as the figure's hoodedheadalmostlooks like a
hump on Benedict'sback. Damageto this fresco has resultedin the loss of details
339

addeda secco. The artist did not paintthe tools and leversused by the monksin true
frescobut added muchofthe whitepigmentafter the surfaceplasterhad dried. This
less-stablemethodhas not withstoodthe ravagesof time and weather,and manyof the
white levershave disappeared.The sinopiaunderdrawingallowsfor a reconstruction
of the originaimuralcompositionand explainswhy someof the workersappearonlyto
pantomimethe act ofraising the stone,their leversnow vanished.106 (pi. I02) The tool
ofthe monkwho standsat the right-mostedge of the figuregroup survivesin part, as
the sectionheld in his handswas paintedaffresco. lts continuationto the stone's
underside,painteda seccobut visiblein the sinopia,has disappeared.
Uniqueto this sceneare the habitsworn by the laboringmonks. Ratherthan
the blackrobes worn by Benedictand his followersthroughoutthe cycle,fiveof the
eight workerswear whitetunicsunderneaththeir black scapulars.WhileNeumeyerdid
noticethis anomaly,he did not otfer an explanation.107 Accordingto tradition,the
habit of the earliestBenedictinesconsistedof a white tunic and blackscapular. The
universalacceptanceof an entirelyblackhabit(consistingof cowl,tunic, and scapular)
did not take piace unti!the earlytenth century.108 Thus, the use here of the variegated
habitcouldbe a referenceto the firstcommunityat Montecassino.Or, it could be that
the blackrobes worn for prayerand mealswere not used duringheavylabor and that

106

Procacci,Sinopiee affreschi,66; N. R. Henderson,405.

107

Neumeyer,39.

108

Moroni,4: 307-8.
340

the undyedand thereforeless expensivewhitetunicsreferto simplerclothesdonnedfor
suchwork. Despitethe lossesof severa!tools painteda secco and the somewhat
awkwardarchitecture,the overalleffectof this sceneis quite successfulin its
presentationof a wideopen space as the settingfora dramaticevent. The episode's
cohesionis heightenedby the effectiveuse of lightthat warmlybathesthe scene from
the left, as it does in the other lunettesalongthe samewall.

Sceneeleven,Howa Boy Crushedby the Fai/ of a Wa/1was Hea/ed

by the Servallloj God, VitaBenedicti,XI
The devii,unrelentingin his attemptsto obstructSt. Benedict'splans,
continuedwith his distractionsand plots at MonteCassino. First, he deludedthe
monkswith an imaginaryfire in their kitchen,an episodeskippedover both at San
Miniatoand in the OrangeCloister.109 Then,he causeda recentlyconstructedwallto
collapse,killinga youngmonk.
Aliofthem muchgrievedand discomforted,not for the loss ofthe wall but far
the harmto their brother,broughtthe heavytidingsto their venerableFather
Benedict,who bid them bringthe boy to him,who could not be carriedbut in a
sheet,by reasonthat not onlyhis bodywas bruisedbut also his bones crushed
with the fall.110

VitaBe11edicti,
"De phantasticocoquinreincendio,"
1895ed., 42-43. The monkshad discovereda paganbronzeidol whiledigginga
foundationfar their new monasteryand placedit in the kitchen,whichthen appearedto
be on fire. As they scurriedto throw water on the tlames,Benedictalertedthem that it
was merelya distractingillusioncreatedby the devii. This episodewas includedby
Signorelliin the cycleat MonteolivetoMaggiore. Paolini,178-9.
109 St. Gregorythe Great,

110 St. Gregorythe Great, VitaBe11edicti,
"De puerulomonachoparietisruina

confracto,et ejus orationesanato,"caput XI, 1895ed., 45.
341

The Badiasceneincludesmanyof the elementsseen in its predecessorat San Miniato
al Monte,but with modificationsthat presenta more faithfulrenditionofthe Gregorian
text. In the earlierversion,Spinelloreducedthe narrativeto two importantevents,
eliminatingsomeof the narrativedevelopmentto presentthe most dramaticmoments
ofthe story.111 (pls. 113, 125) In the backgroundat the left, a black,bat-winged
demonpushesdown a newlybuiltwall on top of a monk,killinghimwith the crushing
weightof fallingmasonry. Two lay masonscower in horror at the sightof the dead
monk,whoseblood spillsfromhis head, neck,and wrist. In the right foreground,the
monksbavebroughttheir dead brotherto Benedicton a sheet, as describedin the text.
Benedict,identifiedby his baio,beard,and book, blessesthe dead monk,who sits up
with claspedhandsin responseto Benedict'smiraculousbenediction. Six monks,
includingthe haloedMaurusand Placidus,forma semicirclearoundthe resurrected
monk,amazedby the miracle.
Severa!detailspresentin the OrangeCloisterversion of the story findprecedent
not in Spinello'sscene,but in three other Fiorentineexamples.Anotherpane!from the
Benedictineseriesby Giovannidel Biondo,112 containssevera)detailsthat were not

111 In the Gregoriandialogue,the chapterbeginswiththe monksat work on the

buildingwhileBenedictprayedin his celi. Duringhis devotion,the deviiappearedto
the saint,threateningthat he wouldharmthe laboringmonks. Benedictsent word to
wam them, but the messengerarrivedjust as the wallcarnecrashingdown. Paolini,
180.
112 Giovannidel Biondo,TheResurrectionof a YoungMonk, 29 x 31.7 cm,

panel(Toronto,Art Galleryof Ontario,no. 52.36). Offnerand Steinweg,78, pi.
XVIW3. For fullbibliographyon Giovanni'sBenedictineseriessee Parenti,48-55.
342

used by Spinellobut were later adoptedby LorenzoMonacoand the designerof the
Badia's scene.113 (pls. 91, 131, 135) In Giovannidel Biondo'sversion,St. Benedict,
dressedin black,standsat the right, holdinghis cloakwith his left bandwhileblessing
the crushedboy withhis right.(pi. 109) Spinelloportrayedthe saintholdingthe book
from whichhe plannedto read the funeralmassin his left handwhilethe other artists
adoptedthe cloak-holdingpose used in Giovanni'spane!. The lack of a book in this
sceneensuresthat the book heldby Benedictelsewherein the cycleis interpretedas the
Rule. Giovannidel Biondoportrayedthe resurrectedmonkas muchsmallerthan the
figuresaroundhim. Spinello,however,presentedthe resurrectedyouth as he did the
other beardlessmonksin the scene. LorenzoMonacoand the designerof the Badia
muralfollowedGiovanni'sprecedentand exaggeratedthe youthofthe crushed monk
by renderinghimmuchsmallerthan his brethren.114

113 LorenzoMonaco,Due Miracolidi San Benedetto,30 x 65 cm, temperaon

pane!(VaticanPinacoteca,inv. 193)and TheResurrectiono/ a YoungA,/onk, predella
(Florence,GalleriadegliUffizi,no. 885). Mancinelliand Nahmad,18;Eisenberg,27,
120-4, 138-45,166. Fora redatingof these altars,placingthe Londonversionfirst,
and additionalbibliographysee Gordon,"A new document," 720-22;idem,"The altarpieceby LorenzoMonacoin the NationalGallery,London,"723-27;and idem,
"Appendix.The Coronationo/ the Virgin,"143-50.
114 Eisenberg(27) has arguedthat the economica!
and clear narrativestyle

employedby Giovannidel BiondoinspiredLorenzoMonacoin someof his
compositionalchoicesfor the Coronationpredellapanels.
The pose of Benedict,holdinghis cloak in his left hand,blessingwith his right,
and the portrayalofthe youngmonkas a very smallboy was also used by Bicci di
Lorenzoin his version of the scene. The provenanceof this pane!is unknown,but
Benedictand his brethrenwear black. It was pairedwith a pane!depictinga scene
fromthe Life of St. GiovanniGualbertoand thus was probablya Vallombrosan
comm1ss1on.
Panel,A. HausmmannColi.,Zurich. Repr.Kaftal,158,pi. 165.
343

The examplescited aboveportraythe Resurrection of the Y01mgMonk as a
continuousnarrativeand show the boy crushedbeneatha pile of collapsedmasonryas
well as revivedby St. Benedict. Giovannidel Biondo,Spinello,and LorenzoMonaco
in his first portrayalof the episodeplacedthe collapsedbuildingand crushedmonkin
the backgroundofthe scene,usingdistancein spaceto indicatethe tempora!
relationshipof the eventsdepicted. In his secondversion of the scenethat fillsan entire
predellacompartment,LorenzoMonacohad more spaceto presentthe story. (pi. 135)
He broughtthe diabolica!disasterinto the foregroundby placingthe corner of the
obliquelyangledruinedbuildingand the pileof rubblein the right lobe ofthe panel's
quatrefoilframe. The two monkswho bringthe dead boy to Benedict,however,do
stand in front of the collapsedbuilding,thus stiliindicatingthe sequenceof events
through spatialposition.
At the OrangeCloister,the sceneis framedby the collapsedbuildingat the right
and an unharrnedmonasticstructureto the left.(pi. 91) The open area betweenthese
two buildingsprovidesthe stage for the accidentand miraclethat is closed at the back
by a thick row ofvegetationwhosedark greenfoliageis now quite damaged. A hilly
landscapeextendsbelowthe Cassinesemountaintopbehindthem, endingat a pale
green sea dotted with shipsbeforea port citybehindwhichrise mountainsthat
disappeartoward the highhorizonline. Thisdistantlandscapeis interruptedat the
right by an incongruousscarp of jagged, spikycliffswhoseclarityof outlineand
shadowcontrastsmakeit appearto hoverover the landscaperather than to be a part of
it. Could this detailyet againbe a misreadingofthe sinopia? In the underdrawing,a
344

monklooks over the top ofthe ruinedbuilding'srear wall,his pick-axrestingon his
shoulderas he claspshis handsin fretfulprayerat the tragedybelowhim.(pls. 103,
146) To the left ofthe ax biadeis a hasty sketchthat seemsto be shorthandfora
wingeddevii. Indeed,Giovannidel Biondo,SpinelloAretino,and LorenzoMonacoali
includedwingeddemonshoveringover their destructivehandiwork.(pls. 109, 131,
135) Thus, it seemsthat the painterread the sinoper outlinesof a similarlywinged
demonand the ax biadeas a sharplycreasedmountain,therebycreatingthe strange
insertioninto an otherwiseharmoniouslandscape.
The shapeand positionof the collapsedbuildingshowthe closestresemblance
to the SantaMariadegliAngeliCoronationpredellain whichLorenzoMonaco
portrayeda simplebuildingwith smoothstuccoedwallsthat havebeen fracturedalong
an irregularbreak, resultingnot onlyin the pile of crumbledmasonrybelow but also in
a seriesof fissuresand cracksin the wallsthat remainstanding.(pi. 135) In additionto
Don Lorenzo's example,the OrangeCloisterstructureis quitesimilarto the jagged
edges ofthe ruinedbuildingpaintedin the right backgroundofMaso di Banco's mural
depictingSt. SylvesterSealingthe Mouth of a Dragonpainteda centuryearlierin the
Bardi di VernioChapelat SantaCroce.115 (pi. 138) UnlikeMaso,Don Lorenzoand
the BadiaMaster placedtheirfracturedbuildingsat obliqueanglesto heightenthe

115 Maso di Banco,St. SylvesterSea/s the Mouth of a Dragon,after 1335,

Chapelofthe HolyConfessors,SantaCroce, Florence. For more on the patronageof
this chapeland the muralcyclededicatedto St. Sylvester,see Jane CollinsLong,
"Bardipatronageat SantaCrocein Florence,c. 1320-1343"(Ph.D.Dissertation,
ColumbiaUniversity,1988),222-82.
345

illusion of the structuresas three-dimensionalobjectsin spaceand to close off the area
wherethe miracletakes piace.
In the OrangeCloistermural,the front wallof the crumbledbuilding,subtly
shadedto indicateits lessdirect receptionof light,formsthe backdropfor the ghastly
sceneofthe monk'sdeath.(pi. 91) Fragmentsofthe monk'sbrokenbody emerge
fromthe largepileof heavystones and scaffoldbeamsthat are spatteredwith blood.
The right wallof the destroyedstructure,brightlylit by the sunshinethat fallsfrom the
left, anglessharplytoward the center of the compositionand, as in Lorenzo's version,
framesthe spot wherethe miracletakes piace. Havingsustainedthe most damage,the
crumbledbuilding'sfront wallallowsthe viewerto see brokenbits of scaffolding
protrudingfromthe back wall,over whichthree monkspeer down at the disaster.
Whilethe inclusionof these figuresis faithfulto the Gregoriantext and shows the
painter's skillin foreshorteningas they look down, their scalecontradictstheir position
both furtherbackand higherup than the figuresin the foreground. This inconsistency
of scale can be seenby comparingthese monksnot onlyto the nearlyequivalentsized
figuresin the foreground,but also to the smallshelteringporchthat protrudesfrom the
back side ofthe building.Even though these monksoccupythe samepiane as this
porch, it wouldbe impossiblefor them to stand underneathit. The scaffoldingthat
protrudesfromthe wallas well as the beamssplayedat randomin the rubblewere
includedto underscorethe disastrousnature of the accidentas well as to allowthe
painterto displayhis skillat foreshorteningand lighteffectsbecausethey cast shadows
on the wallsand rubblebehindthem.
346

The miracle,separatedfromthe accidentsite by an emptypatch of ground,
takes piaceat the front of the composition' s left side in keepingwith the rightto left
narrativedirectionof the cycle. A dark pinkbuilding,most likelythe churchwherethe
dead monk's funeralwas to take piace,framesthe sceneat the left. St. Benedictstands
at the far left in right profile,holdinghis robeswith his left handas he raiseshis right in
blessing. The translationof this pose fromunderdrawingto paintwas not completely
successful. The figure'sclaw-likeleft handis placedtoo low on his bodyand givesthe
figurean awkwardnessnot seenin the drawing,where the gatheredfoldsare held by an
unseenhand. Moreover,the saint's feet are visiblein the drawing,a detailthat visually
anchorsthe saintas he stepsforwardtowardthe youngboy. By obscuringthe feet
with long robes, the painterhas madeit difficultto understandexactlyhow Benedict
supportsthe weightof his body.
Two monksstandslightlybehindBenedictto the right. A young,beardless
monk presseshis handstogetherin prayerand looks down with a somewhatbored
expressionat the miraclebeforehim. In the sinopiathis figure's head is turnedmore
toward the left to be alignedwiththe miraculouslyrevivedboy. In the mural,he looks
insteadat the monkswho holdthe boy's sheet. At this standingfigure's right,stands
an older, gray-beardedmonk,who openshis handswide in a gesture of surprise. In the

sinopia,this monklooksdownat the revivedyouth, but the painterchangedthe
directionof his gaze so that he staresinsteadat Benedict'shandperhapsto focus
attentionon the sourceofthe miracle. At his left kneeltwo monks. In the foreground,
the monkwho holdsthe sheeton whichthe boy has been presentedto Benedictlooks
347

down sadly,dismayedover his brother's death and unawareof his revival. A second
monkkneelsto the left, touchinghis brother's right shoulderto alert himto the miracle
beforehim.(pi. 147) Feelingsof dismayaver the boy's death and amazementat
Benedict'smiracle-- clearlydepictedin the sinopiadespitean economiedelineationof
facialfeaturesand gestures-- are somewhatlessenedin the woodenfacesand posesof
the four monkswho encircletheir resurrectedbrother. Similarly,in the sinopiathe
youth's face is depictedin three-quarterview,allowinghimto look up thankfullyand
lovinglyat his abbot's kindtàce and miraculousgesture. This detailhas been modified
in the mural,and the youth is shownin profile,staringsolemnlyahead. Benedict'sgaze
has also been shifted. In the sinopiahe looks downat the boy's face, underscoringthe
interactiverelationshipbetweenthe two figures. In the mural,however,the abbot's
sightlinehas been raisedso that he staresaver the boy's head.

Scenetwelve:How he discoveredthe dissimulationof King Totila,Vita BenedictiXIV
Thereis universalagreementamongstudentsof the OrangeCloisterthat the
last two scenesof the cyclewere not paintedby the sameartist or artists responsible
far the precedingscenesbut by anotheranonyrnouspainter,of relativelymediocre
talentsand differentstylisticorientation.(pls. 92, 93) The cycle's last two surviving
scenesare paintedon eitherside of a corner-- a locationespeciallyvulnerableto
damagingdampness.116 Becausethese lunettesare in a muchpoorer state of

116 Procacci,"The TechniqueofMural Painting,"23.

348

preservationthan the precedingscenes,it seemsthat this artist used a differentmural
techniquethat was overlyrelianton the applicationof pigmentsa secco, whichhave
not survivedas well aver time. Interestingly,the fictivedado in the last westernbay
underneaththe twelfthscenehas not sufferedthe flakingand damageseen in the
paintedlunetteabove it. The conditionofthe dado suggeststhat it was paintedmostly
in true frescotechnique,as is the dado alongthe entirewest wall, by a memberof the
team responsiblefar the first ten scenes. Anyjudgmentof the last two narrativescenes
is thus compromisedby the tàct that entirepassagesare hopelesslylost. The sinopie
do providesomecluesto the designofthese scenes,but an explanationabout how
these drawingswere worked up in color provesto be more elusivethan far the earlier
scenes.(pls. 104, 105) With the exceptionofNeumeyerand Procacci,most authors
haveali but dismissedthe last two scenes,sayingonlythat they were paintedby an
artist muchless skilledthan his predecessor.Neumeyerfaund the compositionsofthe
scenesto be weaklyconceivedwith a narrativepresentationnot conduciveto easy
comprehension.He criticizedthe artist far pilingup his figuresindiscriminately
without
attentionto or interestin compositionalclarity. He arguedthat the facialtypes and
Burgundian-stylecostumesdisplaya particularlyun-Fiorentineappearanceand dated
them later than the rest of the cyclebetween1440and 1450.117 Severa!subsequentart

117 Neumeyer,39-40. Procacci(Sinopiee affreschi, 66) agreedthat the

costumesare particularyun-Fiorentinein style.
349

historians,recognizingthe Fiorentinequalitiesof the first ten scenes,have postulated
that these scenescould have been paintedby the PortugueseGiovannidi Consalvo.118
Unfortunately,the twelfthand thirteenthlunetteswere inadvertentlyswitched
duringreinstallationafter the detachmentand restorationof the murals,so the narrative
progressionofthe cycleis disrupted. The lunettedepictingRiggo's deceptionnow
hangslast in the cloistereven thoughit is the penultimatesceneto survivein the cycle.
Likeits predecessorat San Miniatoal Monte,the OrangeCloistercycle skipstwo
chaptersof Gregory's dialogueto proceeddirectlyfrom the miraculousresurrectionof
the youngmonkto Benedict'sencounterwith Totila,the king ofthe Goths. The king
had heardword ofBenedict's abilityto prophesyand decidedto put himto a test. He
sent one ofhis guards, Riggo,to presenthimselftoBenedictas ifhe were Totila.
Despitefancyclothesand a regal retinue,Benedictimmediatelyrecognizedthe
impostor. "Riggostraightwayfellto the groundand was muchafraid,for having
presumedto deludeso holya man."119 Riggoreturnedwith his ashamedand
astonishedcortegeto Totilato relatewhat had transpired.
The designof the twelfthscene's compositionis quite similarto that of Spinello
Aretino,(pi. 126)though the Badia's scenereads from right to left. (pi. 92) St.
Benedictsits on a stool in the left foreground,surroundedby a group ofblack-robed

118 CollobiRagghianti,"Domenicodi Michelino,"374, n. 21; idem,"Una

mostradell'Angelico,"391; Berti,!vfostra,68-70; Procacci,Sinopie e affreschi, 66.
119 St. Gregorythe Great, VitaBenedicti,"De simulationeregis Totila:

deprehensa,"caput xiv, 1895ed., 51.
350

Benedictinemonks,theirchurchrisingbehindthemat the far left. One monk standsin
the doorwayofthis buildingand raiseshis handsas if amazedby Benedict'sabilityto
recognizethe falseTotila. Riggo,now almostentirelyobliterated,wears a fancyhat
and cloakto impersonatethe king,and he kneelsbeforeBenedictwith bis handsplaced
humblyon his chest. In contrastto the black-cladmonks,a crowd of courtiersdressed
in brightlycolored,fur-trimmed,pleatedtunicsstandsbehindthe kneelingRiggo. The
artist has madelittleeffortto create a harmoniouscompositionas the sizesof the
variousfiguresdo not correspondto their placementin space. For example,the head
ofthe white-beardedmonkwho standsbehindBenedict,raisinghis right handto his
chest, is muchlargerthan the headof the beardedfigurewho stands in front of himat
the right. This secondfigure's forwardpositionis indicatedby his shoulderthat
overlapsthat of his largerneighborto the left. The figures,especiallythe courtiersat
the right,are poorlyconstructedwith littlesenseof anatomieproportionsor skeletal
structure. Theyalso appearratherflat despitedraperyfoldsthat catch the lightas it
fallsfromthe left.
Thesinopiafor this scenecan helpto reconstructthe originaiappearanceof the
composition.It suggeststhat a craggylandscape,similarto the other scenesset at
Monte Cassino,servedas the backgroundto Benedict'sdiscoveryofTotila's ruse,
though whateverlandscapeelementsmayhavebeen includedbehindthe figuresin the
muralare now completelylost. The drawingdemonstratesthat the hand held above
Riggo's headoriginallybelongedto a courtierwho once stood behindhimbut is now
otherwisecompletelylost. The churchat the left followsthe underdrawing,thoughthe
351

painterhas removeda foreshortenedawningand has addedpanelsinlaidwith variously
coloredtrianglesto the wallsand facadeof the church.

Scenethirteen:How he prophesiedto king Totilaand to the

Bishopo/ Canossa,VitaBenedictiXV
The last scenein the OrangeCloistercycleagaincorrespondsto its counterpart
at San Miniatoal Monte. After learningofRiggo's failureto fool Benedict,Totila
presentedhimselfto the saintand, stiliin awe of his propheticpowers,"fell prostrateto
the ground."120 Benedictinvitedthe Kingto rise,but he humblyrefused. After his
third request,Benedictofferedthe kinghis handsto help himstand, and proceededto
recountTotila's past crueltyand foretellhis futuredemise. Benedictpredictedthat
after enteringRome,the kingwould sai!to anotherlandwhere he would reignfor nine
yearsand die in the tenth. Whilethe kingdid not likethis fortune,he did amendhis
cruelways. "Not long after, he went to Rome,sailedto Sicily,and in the tenth year of
his reign...lost both crown and life."121
ReversingSpinello'smodel(pi. 127), this scene's artist placedBenedictand his
monksat the left of the lunettewith KingTotilaand his entourageat the right as he had
done in the precedinglunette.(pi. 93) Severa!detailshavebeen taken directlyfrom
Spinello'sscene,includingthe horses,one ofwhose bridlesis grabbedby an attendant

120 St. Gregorythe Great, VitaBenedicti,"De prophetiaeidem regi Totila:et

Canusinrecivitatisantistitifacta," caput xv, 1895 ed., 53.
i21 Ibid.

352

in an attemptto calmhim. The conditionof the frescois quite poor, with great losses
in the paint surface throughoutthe lowerhalfof the lunette. The upper portionof the
scenesurvivesrelativelyintact,preservinga bizarrelandscapeof spikysilverygray land
formationsdotted with smalltrees and severa)castleson either side of a siate blue sea.
In the foreground,Benedictstandswith bis handsextendedto the kingwhom he helps
to rise fromthe ground. Thoughthe text says he fellprostratebefore Benedict,both
Spinelloand the secondBadiaMastershow Totilaon his kneesbeforethe saint. King
and abbot stare intentlyat each other with their facesin profile. The sinopia for this
scene-- executedin broad, painterlystrokes-- suggeststhat the artist experimented
with the positionof these figuresdirectlyon the wall surface. The styleof this sketch,
like the precedingmural,is markedlydifferentfromthe economie,schematiccontours
and delicatewash shadowsofthe other ten sinopie. Behindthe centraifiguregroup
stand the respectiveentouragesof each maincharacter. At least four monksstand
behindBenedict,and the group has beenshiftedconsiderablyto the left fromtheir
positionin the sinopia. At the rightstandthe brightlydressedcourtiersand horsesof
the king's cortege. Even thoughthe artist movedthe monkscloser into the
foreground,he did not adjusttheir height. Thisoversightgives the impressionthat
Totila's menare considerablytallerthan Benedict'smonks. The churchat the left of
the scene,whilequite similarin designto that ofthe precedingsinopia,does not
displaythe bizarre,colorfulpanelsofthe churchin the precedingmuralbut insteadhas
open arcadedporcheson the front and side. The underdrawingshowsthat the artist
experimentedwith the placementofthe church,wherea rejecteddesignfor the building
353

is drawnfurtherin the distanceand orientedperpendicularlyto a second sketchthat
was adoptedfor the mural.
The cycleends abruptlyafter thirteenscenesin the first bay of the cloister's
southemloggia. This scene does not surmounta decorativedado, an absencethat
togetherwith the inconclusivecessation of the narrativesuggestseither that the mural
projectwas abandoned,or, as seemsmore likely,that the remainderof the cyclehas
not survived. lndeed,the dramaticallypoorer state of preservationin the last two
scenessuggeststhat its successorshavebeen lost to the ravagesof time and weather-a likelyscenarioifthese sceneswere paintedin the sametechniqueas the twelfthand
thirteenthlunettes. Additionally,the drasticseventeenth-century
renovationto builda
new sacristybehindthe cloister's east wallcouldhavedamagedalreadyfragilemurals
paintedthere.

354

CONCLUSION
The OrangeCloisterofthe BadiaFiorentinahas long challengedhistorianswho
wishto understandhow large architecturalprojectswere conceivedand executedin
earlyfifteenth-centuryFlorence. Unfortunately,issuesof authorshiphave
overshadowedor preventedexaminationof questionsabout how, why, and for whom
the cloisterand its surroundingbuildingswere builtand decorated. Furthermore,
investigationsof the architecturalhistoryof the compiex have been separatedfrom
discussionsof its muraldecoration. This artificialdivisionmakesit difficultto
reconstructthe way the cloisterand its muralswere originallydevisedand experienced.
An inclusivemethodthat integratesanalysisof the buildings,cloister,and murals;
reviewsexistingscholarship;reexaminesdocumentaryevidence;and reliesheavilyon
detailedvisualanalysissuggestssolutionsto this difficultpuzzle.
Architecturalhistorianshavefocusedon identifyingthe designerof the cloister,
examiningpaymentrecordsand the cloisteritselfin their searchfor the project's
architect. Ratherthan naminga singlearchitect,the documentsprovidethe namesof
manyof the workerswho collaboratedon this largeconstructionprojectthat was most
likelyco-directedby Antoniodi DomenicodellaParte and Giovannid'Antonioda
Maiano. In their attemptsto isolatea singleartisticpersonalityas responsiblefor the

355

designof the cloister,historianshavencglectedto explorequestionsabout the
building'spatron and its role in the architecturalcomplexthat surroundsit.
Similarly,the muralsthat decoratethe cloister'swallshaveobsessedart
historianswith the tantalizingriddleof theirauthorship. Vasari's attributionofthe
fourthlunettein the muralcycleto Bronzinohas neverbeendoubted. The remaining
twelvelunettes-- unattributedand hardlydiscussedbeforethe nineteenthcentury-havelongbeen recognizedas works ofthe 1430spaintedby more than one master:one
painterresponsiblefor the firstten fifteenth-century
scenesand a secondfor the last
two lunettesin the cycle. An inabilityto identifythese "Masters"-- likethe dispute
about the cloister's architect-- has resultedin unsatisfyinginterpretationsof the
monument.A reviewof the literatureaboutthe OrangeCloistershowsthat almostall
historianshaveapproachedthe attributiondilemmain the sameway: A thorough
examinationof the muralsconfirmsthe long-heldbeliefthat the first ten paintingsshare
similaritiesof composition, spatialorganization,use of light,and narrativestyle.(pls.
81-83, 85-91) The last two lunettesshow markeddifferencesof conception,technique,
and stylefromthe firstgroup. (pls. 92, 93) The first"BadiaMaster"has been
characterizedas an eclecticartistwho was responsiveto the progressivestylesof his
day whilethe second"BadiaMaster"is identifiedas a comparativelyunsophisticated
and uninterestingartistwho was relativelyunfamiliarwith Fiorentinepractice.
Despitetheir fragmentarynature,paymentrecordsto Giovannidi Consalvo
haveprovento be influentialto manyart historiansin their searchfor an identifiable
author of the murals. Tryingto matchthe documentaryrecord with the archaeological
356

evidence,manycriticshavejudged the firstgroup of ten scenes,long recognizedas
works of great merit,in terms of this Portuguesepainter's presumedartistie
personality.Becausehe is the onlyartistat work in the cloisterwho is mentionedby
namein the Badia's accountbooks, historianshavecreditedhimas beingsolely
responsiblefor the designand executionof the murals. Yet, what is knownabout
Giovannidi Consalvois based solelyon the Badiamuralsthat are attributedto himby
inconclusivedocumentaryevidencealone. Thiscircularargumenthas led art historians
to focuson Giovanni'snationalityto explainthe styleof the murals,in whichthey have
attemptedto identifyPortuguesestylisticqualities. The assumptionthat certain
"Netherlandish"stylisticfeaturesfoundin the cycle's first ten sceneswere the result of
Giovanni'spresumedacquaintancewith the paintings-- if not the person-- of Jan van
Eyckis basedon superficialanalysisand ignoresthe growinginterestin and awareness
of Netherlandishart by Italianpatronsand artistsduringthe 1430s.1 Particular
elementsseen by historiansas Netherlandish-- the clear lightthat spreadsover deep
landscapes,an interestin depictingreflectivesurfacesand cast shadows,and portraitlikeheads-- are not explainedby themas the resultof this burgeoninginterestby

1 The importanceofNetherlandishpaintingon Italianart has longbeen

recognized,thoughit is more difficultto establishsecurelinksin the earlyfifteenth
century. Fora recent discussionofthe subjectwith bibliography,see Keith
Christiansen,"The Viewfrom Italy,"in From VanEyck to Bruegel.Early
NetherlandishPaintingin TheMetropolitanMuseumof Art, ed. MaryanW. Ainsworth
and KeithChristiansen(New York: HarryN. AbramsInc., 1998),39-61,esp. 48, 49;
60, n. 5. For earlyfifteenth-centuryknowledgeand appreciationofNetherlandish
paintingin Florenceand earlierbibliography,see PaulaNuttall,"EarlyNetherlandish
Paintingin Florence:Acquisition,Ownershipand Influence,c. 1435-1500"(Ph.D.
Thesis,CourtauldInstitute,London, 1989).
357

Fiorentinepainters,but rather as importsbroughtby a foreignartist to Florence. Such
a suggestion,however,cannotbe supportedif the Badiamuralsare comparedto early
fifteenth-centuryNetherlandishor Portuguesepaintingwith whichthey share very few
similarities.Indeed,scholarswho argue that foreigntraits in the muralssecure
Giovanni'sauthorshiphave not offeredspecificexamplesas points of comparison
betweenthe cycleand non-Italianpaintings. Moreover,the traits identifiedas foreign
bear muchgreater correspondenceto the works of Italianartists like Fra Angelico,Fra
FilippoLippi,DomenicoVeneziano,and others interestedin trends typicallyassociated
with Netherlandishrealism-- lightand its relationto form,color, and space as wellas
veristicphysiognomyand the representationof everydayobjects. Most of these
interestshad been pursuedin Italyby Gentileda Fabrianoin the 1410s and 1420s,and
artists of the followingdecademay not have lookedmuchfartherafieldthan the works
by their fellowcountrymanin Florence. Manydetailsin the cyclefollpwFiorentine
traditionrather than indicatethe presenceof a foreign-trainedartist. For example,the
third scene's table-settingthat has beenheraldedas a northem-inspiredstill-lifeinstead
derivesfromlocaipictorialtraditionfor Benedictineiconography.(pls. 83, 106, 108,
118) The interestin lighteffects,cast shadows,and reflectivesurfacessuch as glass
and metalthat appearthroughoutthe Badiacyclefindsprecedentin the Baroncelli
Chapelpaintedby TaddeoGaddi at SantaCroce about a centuryearlier. These murals
reveala Fiorentineartist exploringsimilarnaturalisticphenomena.(pi. 140)
Nevertheless,the coincidenceofVan Eyck's diplomaticmissionto Lisbonin 1428and
1429,Giovannidi Consalvo'sPortugueseheritage,and the focus on findinga single
358

author for the Badiacycle has lured scholarsto attributethe muralsto Giovannidi
Consalvoaloneand to explain"his" styleas the resultof an artisticupbringingsteeped
in Eyckianrealismthat he then transportedfromPortugalto Italy.
The documentedpresenceof Giovannidi Consalvoindicatesa rote for the
Portuguesepainterin the executionofthe OrangeCloistercycle. Unfortunately,
withoutany other certainworks by Giovanni's band,it is difficulteven conjecturallyto
locatespecificpassagesby himin the murals. Moreover,the meagerpaymentsto
Giovannifor retrievingpaintingmaterialsraisethe possibilitythat he was only
responsiblefor procuringand preparingthe pigmentsto be used by other paintersat
work in the cloister.(pi. 76) Indeed,his presenceat Angelico'sconventin 1435might
possiblysuggestmembershipin his workshop.
Up unti)now, art historianshavesoughta singleartisticpersonalityfor each of
the two groupsof fifteenth-centurymurals. However,a closerexaminationof the first
group of ten muralsrevealssignificantconceptualdifferencesbetweenthe sinopia
underdrawingsand their completedpaintingsthat suggestthe collaboration of more
than one artist for their designand execution.(pls. 94-103) Furthermore,differencesof
figurestyleand handlingamongthese ten muralsraisethe possibilitythat more than
one artist was responsiblefor workingup thesesinopiadesignsin color, neitherof
whomis likelyto havebeen the designerofthe scenes. Thus, ratherthan the "work of
a distinctiveartist" -- as the firstten scenesare usuallyacceptedto be --2 these murals

Meissand Berti, FrescoesfromFlorence,142.
359

seemto havebeen designedand paintedby a team of artists, a practicenot uncommon
for earlyRenaissancemuralcommissions.Suchteamsusuallycomprisedone or more
masterswho had assistantshandletasks rangingfromthe procurementand preparation
of pigmentsto the executionof the muralsthemselves.A few selectedexamples
illustratethe collaborativenatureof muralproduction. The projectto decoratethe
vaultsand wallsofthe chapelof San Jacopoin PistoiaCathedralwas undertakenby a
teamof sevendocumentedpainters-- two masters,four assistants,and one pigment
grinder.3 Slightlymore than a centurylater,Fra FilippoLippiis knownto have
employedat leastthree assistantsto paintthe vaultsand wallsof the cappella
maggioreof Prato Cathedral.4 Recordsshowthat from 1446to 1450,Fra Angelicoled
a five-personteamto paint now lost muralsin a chapeldecoratedfor NicholasV in St.
Peter's, and he likelyused the sameteam for the papa!chapelin the VaticanPalace.
Angelicotook at least three ofthese assistantswith himto work on the vault ofthe
CappellaNuova in OrvietoCathedral.5 Unfortunately,no documentssurvivefor

The murals,commissionedin 1347,includedGod the Father,the Apostles,
and narrativescenesfrom the life of SanJacopo. The team was lead by the "magistro"
Alessod'Andreaand Bonaccorsodi Cino. Four paintersservedthese two as assistants
andare namedin the documentsas: DuccioNutini,NiccolòGhini,Tommasodi
Lazzaro,and a fourthidentifiedonlyas Girolamo. AntoherpainternamedLaurentio
was responsiblefor grindingcolors. Ciampi,93-95, doc. 29.
The decorationof the chapelcost 397 lire, 7 soldi,and 9 denari,or
approximately129½tlorins. Tolomei,16,n. 2.

Borsook,"Fra FilippoLippiand the Muralsfor Prato Cathedral,"34; 45; 63;
67; 108,n. 141;docs. 75, 127, 140, 141,298, 330; and idem,Mural Paintersof
Tuscany,2nd ed., 105, n. 8.

5 In May 1447Fra Angelico'steam far the Chapelof St. Peter was documented

as includingBenozzoGozzoli, who received7 tlorinsa month;Giovannid'Antonio
360

Angelico's large muralprojectat SanMarco,paintedjust beforehis work in Romeand
Orvieto. Art historianshavediscernedat leastthree mainhandsat work on the San
Marcomurals,those of Angelicohimselfand two assistantswho executedhis designs.6
Thisnumber,however,does not accountfor any additionalgarzonior pigmentgrinders
who mayhavebeen hired to help withthe large projectthat includedmuralsin the
convent'scloister,chapterroom, dormitorycorridors,and cells.
Studentsofthe OrangeCloister,however,have not consideredthe possibility
that the two distinctgroups of muralsin the OrangeCloisterwere paintedby teams
ratherthan individuals.Withthe exceptionof GiulianaCarbi,art historians,while
recognizinga varietyof stylistictraits in the firstgroup of murals,havecharacterized
themas the works of a single,eclecticartist. The manydiscrepanciesbetweenthe
well-executedand confidentsinopieand the often weak paintingsdenyan attributionof
the drawingsand muralsto the sameartist. Whilein generai,comparisonsof sinopieto
their finishedmuralsoften revealchanges,they are usuallyof an experimentalnature-that is, the artist modifiedposes,gestures,or expressionsin the ongoingconception
and creationofhis composition. Suchexperimentationis evidentin the sinopiefor the
OrangeCloistercycle's last two scenes,whichhavebeen shownand acceptedto be the

dellaChecha;Carlo di ser Lazaroda Narni,and Giacomod'Antonioda Poli,each of
whomreceived1 florina month. Benozzo,Giovannid'Antonio,and Giacomo
d'Antoniowere also documentedwith Angelicoin Orvietoat work on the Cappella
Nuovain June 1447. Ahi,BenozzoGozzo/i,22, 38, 237, 275-6, docs. 4 and 5.
Pope-Hennessy,Fra Angelico,2nd ed., 20-23;GiorgioBonsanti,"Gli
affreschidel Beato Angelico,"158-72;Ahi,BenozzoGozzo/i, 14-18;216.

361

conceptionof a differentartist. (pls. 92, 93, 104, 105) In contrast, the incongruities
betweenthe Badia's first ten sinopie and their muralsare of a differentcharacter.(pls.
81-83, 85-91,94-103) Ratherthan an artistreworkingand refininghis designs,the
changesevidentthroughoutthese scenesoccur becausethe artist ofthe sinopie left his
sketchesto be paintedby others. In manycases,thoughtfuldetailshavebeen omitted
or altered,such as the carefulpositioningofheads and faces to indicatecommunication
betweenfiguresor their attentionto the narrativeaction.(pls. 83, 85, 86, 87, 91) The
painter,or painters,also had great difficultywith the architecturethat was carefully
designedto frameeach scene. In the murals,orthogonalsare often shifted,and
windows,doors, and other architecturalomamenthave been eitheradded or removed.
Complexposes and detailsindicatedin the sinopie,such as the descendingangelin
scenethree, the drowningPlacidusin sceneeight, headsshown in three-quarterview in
scenesfiveand seven,or the canopyroof foreshortenedas if seen from below in scene
nine,were routinelymodifiedin a mannerthat suggeststhe talentsof the draftsman
were not equaledby his assistants.(pls. 83, 85, 87-89) In the sinopie, the surely
drawn,solidfiguresstand in firmand convincingposes. These characterswere not
alwaystranslatedsuccessfullyinto paintfromthe schematicoutlinesof the designs. In
severa!murals,the feet of certainfigureshavebeen either hidden,exposed,shifted,
confused,or otherwisechangedfrom their placementin the sinopie. These changes,
even thoughsometimessubtle,modifythe three-dimensionaland credibleposes of the
underdrawingsto becomeawkward,mannered,and two-dimensional.Examplesof
such poorlyarticulatedposes includethe third scene's standingfigureofRomanus;the
362

fifthscene's young,head-tiltingmonk;the sixthscene's waywardmonkas he is pulled
outsideby the devii;the seventhscene's Benedictand conversowho stand at the left of
the composition;and the eleventhscene's Benedict.(pls. 83, 85, 86, 87, 91)
In addition to these changes,the expressionsof manyof the figuresare quite
blandand stilted,havinglost the preciselyrenderedand easilyunderstandableemotions
oftheir correspondingunderdrawings.The mannered,superficialqualityofthe faces,
hands,and poses suggestthe work of less-talentedassistantswho copied the formsand
outlinesoftheir master's drawingswithoutunderstandingthe anatomicalstructurethat
underlieseach figure. Neumeyerwas the firstto criticizethe bonelessweaknessof the
figures,especiallytheir soft handsthat do not give any indicationof skeletalstructure
and result in flabbyappendagesand affectedgestures.7 One such mannerismis
exemplifiedby the elongated,stenderhandof the cheeky,smilingmonkin the Miracle

of the PoisonedWine.(pi. 85) Similarlyattenuatedhandscan be foundin the figure
who standsin profile at the left of the sieve-admiring
crowd in scenetwo, the monk
who holdshis right handto his foreheadin scenesix,the handsof Maurusand Benedict
who reach to grab the poisonedbread in scenenine,and the monk who kneelsnext to
the revivedyouth in sceneeleven. (pls. 82, 86, 89, 91) This last figure's long handhas
a bizarrelybent third fingerthat demonstratesan inabilityto representcomplexposes.
(pi. 147) Sucha difficultycan also be foundsevera!hands-- like the handsof St.
Benedictin sceneseight and elevenor the onlookerin the secondscene's crowd who
claspshis neighbor's shoulder -- that are meantto appearas if foreshortened

7 Neumeyer,31.

363

perpendicularly
to the picturepianebut insteadlookflat, deformed,and claw-like.(pls.
82, 88, 91) Other handsdisplayequa!ignoranceof anatomy;some are
disproportionatelylarge and fat, as ifbloated and boneless. Such sausage-likefingers
can be foundin the wavingservantofthe first scene,the prayingBenedictand crowd
memberwho raiseshis right hand in the secondscene,the handsof Benedictas he
receiveshis habitin the third scene,the blessinghandof St. Benedictand the wineofferingmonk's handin the fifthscene,the prayingPompeianusin the sixth scene,the
figureofMaurus who kneelsin the eighthscene,the handsthat do not hold leversin
the tenth scene,and the handsthat holdthe sheetand are outstretchedin wonderin the
eleventhscene.(pls. 81-83, 85, 86, 88, 90, 91)
The facialtypes employedthroughoutthe murals,like the handtypes, can be
dividedinto groups. The first consistsof figureswho havefleshyfacesthat lack
underlyingskeletalstructureand appearsomewhatswollen. Even though eyes, noses,
lips,and cheeksare frequentlymodeledto suggestprotrusionor recession,these facial
featuresoften seemto be appliedto the surface of the puffy-facedheadsthat carry
them ratherthan responsiveto muscleand bone underneaththe skin. Manyfigures-likethe curly-hairedyouth in the first scene,the crowdof figuresin the secondscene,
the kneelingBenedictin the third scene,Maurusin the seventhscene,Maurusand
Placidusin the left halfof the eighthscene,and Maurusin the ninth scene-- have small,
puckeredmouthsand bulging,dark-liddedeyesset underperfectlyarched, linear
eyebrows.(pls. 81-83, 87-89) In other figures,likethe beardedfigurein scenetwo,
the standingbald monk in scenesix, or the monkat the center of sceneten who turns
364

his head in right profile,wrinklesand creasessuggestage, emotion,and reactionbut
are againappliedin a superficialway.(pls. 82, 86, 90) The figuresoftenappear
detachedfrom each other and fromthe action portrayedin the sceneas they stare out
vacuouslywith eyes that bulgefromunderneathstylizedarchedeyebrows;examples
includethe stony-facedfiguresin scenetwo or the monkwho raiseshishand to his
eyes in scenesix. (pls. 82, 86) Severa!other monksin scenesix -- the youth who prays
in the lowerright corner,the elderlybeardlessmonkabove him,and the kneelingfigure
of St. Benedict-- havealmond-shapedeyes with especiallyacute corners,pointed
chins,and faces that are minimallymodeled. These monksshow a markedcontrast to
the figureof Pompeianuswho kneelsin front of them. His face that emergesfrom a
grizzledbeard is subtlymodeledto showa convincinglysad expression.
In contrastto the blandfiguretypesdescribedaboveare figureslike
Pompeianusin the sixthscenethat are individuallycharacterizedwith a wide range of
facialtypes,ages, and emotions. Severa!figures,like the wizenedRomanusin scene
three, the conversoin sceneseven,or the St. Benedictin sceneeight showgreat
attentionto facialdetailssuch as crow's feet, saggingtear bags,and beardswith
individuaistrandspickedout in a rangeof grays,black,and white.(pls. 83, 87, 88)
Such individualization
is cspeciallyevidentin theMirac/e of the PoisonedWine,where
the monksare variedaccordingto age, weight,and height.(pi. 85) Most of these faces
convincinglyshow thought,emotion,and responseto the narrativeaction. The subtle
modelingofthese charactersreappearsin other scenes,for example,the

365

correspondencebetweenthe dwarf in scenefiveand Pompeianusin scene six. (pls. 85,
86)
The differencesbetweenthese individualizedfiguresand the insipidtypes seen
elsewherein the cyclesuggestthat two paintersworkedside by side in the Orange
Cloistercycle's firstten scenes. This hypothesisfindssupport in the two depictionsof
St. Benedictin the Hermilagein Subiaco.(pi. 83) The haloesofthese two figures
were paintedwith a differenttechnique. Thisvarianceis matchedby strikinglydifferent
facialtypes. The kneelingSt. Benedictin the foregroundhas a rather puffy,soft face
with superficialfeaturesthat do not suggestany underlyingbonesor muscles. He turns
his head slightlyout of profile,but his lack of facialstructureresultsin an unconvincing
depictionof a head in three-quarterview. In contrast,the upturnedhead of St.
Benedictin his cave at the center of the compositionis subtlymodeledboth to show
the angleof his head and to describethe weather-beatenface of the hermit. Another
instanceof seeminglydifferentpaintersat work in the samescenecan be found in the
two figuresof St. MaurusinMaunts SavesPlacidus.(pi. 88) The face of the saint
who kneelsbeforeSt. Benedicthas subtleshadowsto accentuatehis upturned eyes,
flaringnostrils,and protrudinglips. The face of the saintwho pullsPlacidusto safety,
however,has blanklystaringeyes, perfectlyarchedbrows,and smooth,puffycheeks.
An investigationthat would map the differentgiornate,or individuaipatchesof plaster
paintedon successivedays, ofthe Badiascenes,unavailableat this writing,could
determineif differentfacialtypes appearin separategiornate,and if so, whetherthey
correspondto the different hand types or other traits identifiedthroughoutthe scenes.
366

It shouldbe rememberedthat manydetails,like St. Benedict'shalo throughoutthe
cycleor the leversused to raisethe heavystone in sceneten, were added to the murals

a secco;therefore,manyof the weaknessesand variationsapparentin these figuresmay
once havebeenmade less obviouswith correctionsthat have sincedisappeared.
Most criticsof the OrangeCloistercyclehavenoted a correspondencebetween
the firstgroup of muralsand the work offra Angelico.8 The manyweaknessesand
idiosyncrasiesevidentthroughoutthe cycleconfirmthe prudencewith whichthese art
historianshaveassociatedthese paintingswith the artist. Tantalizingcoincidences-the ground-flooroverdoor,whosedesignis attributableto Angelico,Giovannidi
Consalvo'spresenceat Angelico'sconventof San Domenicoin Fiesole,and the
Badia's lay brotherFra Macariowho seemsto haveapprenticedin the workshopat
SanDomenico-- together with a stylisticaffinityseemto support the claimsfor
Angelico'sinfluenceover the artists responsiblefor the Badiacycle. By focusingon
the muralsthemselves,rather than on tantalizingbut ultimatelymisleadingdocumentary
evidence,it maybe possibleto confirmthe hesitantsuspicionsof art historianswho
haverecognizedan Angelicanqualityin the OrangeCloisterLife of St. Benedici. With

The criticswho mentioneda correspondenceto the work of Angelico,listedin
chronologicalorder, include:Croweand Cavalcaselle,the Homers, Crutwell,
Neumeyer,Berenson,Salmi,Ragghianti,CollobiRagghianti,Longhi,Berti, Almeida,
Chiarini,Orlandi,Meiss,RosenbergHenderson,Baldini,Pope-Hennessy,Bologna,
Cardile,Castelnuovo,Carbi,CastelfranchiVegas,Sframeli,Bertelli,Bellosi,
Ragionieri,Borsi,and Hood. Manyofthese writers,as describedin chapterone, also
namedother artistswho they believedwere influentialfor the OrangeCloistermurals
includingMasaccio,Masolino,Paolo Uccello,Fra FilippoLippi,and Domenico
Veneziano.

367

the "eclectic"BadiaMasterdividedinto three distinctpersonalities,it may now be
possibleto solvethe attributionalconundrumthat has frustratedthose who have
attackedthe problemto date. The styleand techniqueofthe cycle's last two scenes,
long recognizedas differentfromthe first ten, seemto be the work of a muralpainter
relativelyunfamiliarwith Fiorentinepractice. It couldbe, as has been suggestedby
some critics,that the secondgroup of muralswas paintedby the foreign-bomGiovanni
di Consalvo. However,withoutany other knownworksby this artist, it is only
possibleto makea tentativeattributionto him.
The reviewof the literatureabout the OrangeCloisterdemonstratesthat an
interestin the identityof its paintersand buildershas overshadowedthe reasonsfor
undertakingthe project. Uponhis arrivaiin Florencein 1418,Abbot Gomeziofound
the BadiaFiorentinain a grave state. As Gomezio'sbiographersand the Badia's
chroniclersreport, the monasteryitselfwas dilapidated,and its inhabitants"had
banishedtheirzeal and fear of God."9 Chargedwith restoringdignityand prosperityto
the ancientFiorentinemonastery,Gomezioembarkedon an ambitiousprogramof
reform. He broughta new observanceofBenedictineRuleto Florence,where he
recruitednew members,raisedfunds,and refurbishedthe fabricofthe monasteryitself
At the centerof this new projectrose a two-storycloister. The monkshad to pass
undemeathits arcadedloggiassevera!timeseveryday as they movedbetweentheir

Puccinelli,Historiadell'EroicheAllioni de 'BB.Gamelio,7. See also
Salvetti,5v-6;Don Girolamoda Perugia,Ricordanza,fol. IO (see app. 1, doc. 137);
and Puccinelli,Cronica,34.

368

church,livingquarters,and dininghall. On the groundfloor an imposingimageof St.
Benedictsurmountedthe door to the refectoryand remindedthe monksto keep quiet
upon entering.
On the wallsof the upper story unfoldedscenesfromBenedict's Iife. Abbot
Gomeziocommissionedtwo teamsof artists to completethis cycleof whichonly
twelveoriginaiscenessurvive. The fourth scenewas replacedin the earlysixteenth
century,and it seemsthat the remainderofthe cyclewas damagedafter this
replacement,mostlikelyduringthe majorrenovationsto the abbeyin the seventeenth
century.10 Thiscycleservedmanypurposes. The episodeschosenfromGregory's
biographyof St. Benedictcreate a narrativepresentation of the saint's Iife that
highlightshis miraclesand focuseson the most dramaticmomentof each story. While
the selectionof the individuaiscenesand the desireto renderGregory'stext as
accuratelyas possiblewere certainlydictatedby the patron,it was up to the artiststo
choosehow to presenteach story. Ali incidentaldetailsofBenedict's biographyhave
been omittedto focusthe viewer's attentionon the principalactionof each marvelous
event. Unlikethe cycle'spredecessorat San Miniatoal Monte,whichpresentsboth
biographicaland miraculouseventsin a detailedexposition,the firstgroup of scenesat
the Badiarelatethe !ifeof Benedictas a series of episodesthat are reducedto their
essentialnarrativecontent,freed of either extraneousor distractingdetail. The
omissionof certainincidentswouldhave engagedthe monasticspectatorto use his

In his publicationof 1754,Richa(1: 204) describedthe muralcycleas having
thirteenscenes.
10

369

memoryand imaginationto fleshout the storiesretold in paint and would haveallowed
himto focus his attentionon the dramaticmomentsreproduced. Both muraldesigners
returnedto St. Gregory's biographyto presenthis narrative. Gregory's text was
writtenonly a few decadesafter St. Benedict'sdeath and was believedto be the most
authenticand accurateaccountof the saint's Iife. By using the textualsource,rather
than relyingsolelyon the pictorialprecedentof SpinelloAretino's cycle,the Badia's
muraldesignerswere able to renderBenedict'slifeas accuratelyas possible. Such
textualfidelitywould have been importantto the Observantcommunityat the Badia.
AbbotGomezio'sreformprogramsoughtto retum to the "true" Benedictineway of
!ife,that is, to adhere strictlyto Benedict'sRuteas well as to followthe mora!example
set by the saint himself.
As the first Benedictinecycleknownto appearon the wallsof a monastic
cloisterand as an importantmanifestationofthe QuattrocentoBenedictinereform
movement,the GrangeCloisterLife o/ St. Benedicimeritsinclusionin the canonof
Italianmuralpainting. By tryingto understandthe motivationsof AbbotGomezio,the
originsof the commission,and its receptionby the abbey's inhabitantsand visitors,
studentscan beginto appreciatethe importanceofthe project to the communityat the
Badia. By reviewingdocumentaryevidenceand continuingto examinethe murals
themselves,the mysteryof architectsand artists movescloser to solution,and it
becomesclearthat this largearchitecturalundertakingwas conceived,built,and
decoratedin a world of cooperativeartisanalteamwork.

370

APPENDIXONE:
DOCUMENTSRELATED TO THE CONSTRUCTION
OF THE ORANGECLOISTER

This appendixgatherstogetherdocumentsrelated to the architecturalcomplex
of the BadiaFiorentina. Severa!authorshave publishedsome of this materiai,
providingan indispensablefoundationon which furtherresearchhas been based.
Corneliusvon Fabriczypublishedexcerptsfrom the dailyjournal of the Badia (see
doc. 41 below)related to the sculptorBernardodi Matteo Gamberellida Settignano,
knownas Rossellino. Piero Sanpaolesireturnedto this joumal, fleshingout Fabriczy's
work with the publicationof five appendicesof documentsorganizedby artisan,and a
sixth of miscellaneousbuildingexpenses. From this research,Sanpaolesiwas able to
establisha buildingchronologyof the OrangeCloister. In his biographyof Abbot
Gomezio,EduardoNunes discussedthe buildingprojectsat the Badia and at S. Maria
alle Campora. Havingconducteda thoroughexaminationof all known recordsfrom
the monasterydated 1419to 1439,he found two accountbooks related to the Orange
Cloisterproject unknownto Sanpaolesi--anEntratae Uscita,1426-34(see below doc.
37) and a Libro di Certi Debitorie Creditori(see below doc. 7). AlessandroGuidotti
also examineda wide range of archival materiairelated to the monastery,and he was
particularlyinterestedin the workshopsthat lined the monastery'sbordersand were
371

rented by the Badiato variousartisans. A fourthaccountbook, the Libro Debitorie
Creditori,BiancoC, 1441-50(see below doc. 131),has also providedinfonnation
about the GrangeCloister artisans~and variousinventoriesof the Badia and its
propertyhelp to reconstructthe monasticcompound. The survivingrecord books are a
small fractionof the entire series of accountsthat would have been kept from 1420to
1450,as attestedby cross-referencesto manyother books that are now lost.1 Had the
entire seriesof accountbooks and correspondingmemorandasurvived,a muchclearer
pictureof the projectwould be revealed.
UnlikeFabriczyand Sanpaolesi,the documentaryexcerptsin this appendixare
groupedtogetherby accountbook in chronologicalorder. The followingappendixis,
like its predecessors,also selectiveand reproducesonly those documentsthat bear
directlyon argumentsmade in the text of the dissertation. Therefore,the reader should
also consultFabriczyand Sanpaolesifor their lists of documentsgroupedby artisan for
BernardoRossellino,2 Jacopo di Domenicodel Borra,3 Giovannidi Domenicoda
Fiesole,4 Giovannid'Antonio da Maiano,5 Antoniodi Domenico,6 and Domenicodi

1 App. 1, doc. 138.

2 Fabriczy,"Ein Jugendwerk," 108-110and Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni," 164-9.
3 Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"169.

4 lbid., 170.

5 Sanpaolesi(170-2)conflatedtwo stonecuttersnamedGiovannid'Antonio,

identifyingali paymentsas to the FiesolanstonecutterGiovannid'Antonio di Cambio.
See chapter3, note XXX.
6 lbid., 172-6.

372

Pino da Prato.7 Unlessotherwisenoted, the transcriptionshave been newlytaken from
the originaidocuments. Referencesto prior mistakesof transcriptionare made with
the utmostrespectfar and humilitytowardthose who have preceded me. I gratefully
acknowledgethese scholarswho have forgeda path throughthe unwieldymass of
paperstaken from the Badiaand stored at variousFiorentinearchivesand libraries.
The transcriptionspreserveoriginaispelling,thoughpropernames have been
capitalizedfar easier identification.Punctuationand accentshave been addedonly
when necessaryfar clarity. Abbreviationshave generallybeen expanded. A simple
ellipsis (...) indicatesblank areas left in the document,usuallywhere full namesor
numberswere to be filled in at a later point but never were. An ellipsis in square
brackets([...]) indicatesthat the documenthas not been fullytranscribed.8 Dates are
given accordingto modemusageeven thoughthe new year began in Florenceon
March 25. In some cases a precisedate is not identifiable,and temzinihave been
providedwherepossible.

1. 1298,January7. Excerptfrom the decreestatingthe FiorentineCommune's
desire to build a new road runningwest to east to connectthe Piazza of Orto San
Michelewith the Palazzodel Podestà. This project wouldhave crossedthroughthe
monasticcompoundof the Badiaand wouldhave necessitatedthe destructionof its

7 Ibid., 176-7.
8 The criteria used far the transcriptionsfallow modemsemi-diplomatic

practiceas employedand thoroughlyexplainedby Louis Waldmanin his dissertation.
Louis AlexanderWaldman,"The Choir of FlorenceCathedral:Transfarmationsof
Sacred Space, 1334-1572"(Ph.D.Dissertation,New York University,1999),303-5.
373

campanile.(PI. 6) ASF, Diplomatico,Badia di Firenze, 1298gennaio 7. The
followingpassage,includedhere for easy reference,is taken from the full transcription
of the documentby Pampaloni,doc. 66, pp. 115-6.
[....] Coram vobis dominis officialibuspro comuniet populo Fiorentino
constitutissuper reinveniendisiuribus comuniset populiFiorentiniet ad dirizandumet
de novo fieri faciendumstratas et vicus in civitateet comitatuFlorentie,ad honoremet
pulcritudinemet actationemdiete civitatiset populi Fiorentiniprecaturatque
supplicaturcum maxima reverentia,quod vobis placeatordinareet facerecum effectu
quod quedampulcerimavia que mieti debeat atque fieri a platea Orti Sancti Michaelis
usque ad palatiumcomuniset populi Fiorentini,incipiendohoc modo:[....] et per
domos de Cerchiiset Cionis del Bello, que protendunturusque ad terrenumabbatie,et
per domos et terrenumabbatieFiorentineprope campanileusque ad viam pallatti
comuniset populiFiorentini;cum hac intentionequod supra ipsam viam sic de novo
ordinandamet construendamnon possit fieri sponicus neque pons neque aliquod aliud
hedifitiumnisi forte tectum sub certa pena, et tale hedificiumdebeat destrui [....]

2. 1422,November1. Openingprotocolfor the libro di pigioni e fitti, segnato C in
which the tenantsand rents of propenies owned and leasedby the Badia were listed for
the years 1422-3. This passageidentifiesthe Abbot as Gomeziodi Giovanniof Lisbon
and refers to the monasteryby its nickname,the Badia. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,
310, fol., 1. Unpublished.
Al nomedi Dio [....] Questo libro e di messerGhometiodi Giovannidi
Lisbonaabate della badia di Firenze in sul quale si scriverrapigioniet fitti et avillariet
altre venditedi badia per detti et porralliper debitoreche terra et detti fitti et le detti
pigioni poderia mezo et d'altro et quello debbanopaghareper uno anno cominciato
adì primo di novembre1422et finito come seguire.
Et chiamasiil libro segnato C pigioniet fitti.

374

3. 1422. Descriptionof a cooper's shop rented from the Badiaby Giovannidi
Torsellinofor 5 florins a year. The workshopwas locatedon Via del Garbo
(Condotta)next to the alley ownedby the Badia and the familyof TommasoSacchetti.
It most likelycorrespondsto Via della Condotta, 12r,which is now a toy store,
"Bartolucci,"that is also accessiblefrom the doorwayat Via della Condotta, lOr. This
seconddoor originallyopened onto a second,separateworkshoprentedat this time by
Guasparredel Buono for eightjlorins a year. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 310, fols. 2
and 2v. Unpublished.
pigioni mccccxxii
Una botteghaposta nel garbo allato al chiassodella badia et dell'erede di
messerTomasoSachetti.
Giovannidi Torsellino bottaiodedare per pigionidella sporadettabottegha
tiene dalla badia per uno cominciatoadi primodi novembre 1422e finito adi ultimo
d'ottobre 1423ff. cinque d'oro facientoil paghamentodi sei mesi in sei, ff. v, lib. l di
ciera.
Et dua magio lib. una di ciera.

Unacasa d'abitare con palchiet botteghadi sotto, allato di la botteghatiena
Giovanidi Torsellinoposta nel Garbo.
Ghuasparedel Buono pianellaiode' dare per pigionedella sopradettachasa et
botteghaexcepto il palcho primo di detta chasa che tiene [la] madredi Don Niccolo
nostro monacheper uno anno cominciatoadi primo di novembre 1422et finito come
seghe ff. otto faciendoil pagamentodi sei mesi in se mesi, ff. viii.

4. 1422. Descriptionof cooper's shop (also rented by Giovannidi Torsellino)next to
the easterndoor of the monasteryon Via del Proconsoloacross from Via Ghibellina
(formerlydel Palagio). This shop was locatedunderneaththe small churchof Santo
Stefano,now the Pandolfinichapel, and is currentlya jewelry store--Orificeria"Il

375

Bargello,"Via del Proconsolo,l 7r. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 310, fol. 9.
Unpublished.
Una botteghaposto sotto la chiesadi santo Stefano allato alla porte della badia
dirimpettoalla via del palagio. Giovannidi Torsellinobottaio devonodare....ff. xii.

5. 1420. Openingprotocolto the Libro Ricordanze,segnatoA, 1420-34. Monastery
referredto as "La Badia." Identifiesthe abbot as Gomezio. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,
78, 261, fol. 1. Publishedin part by Nunes, 178.
Al nome di Dio et della vergineMariaet di tutta la celestialecorte di paradiso.
Questo libro chiamatodi ricordanzasegnatoA è di messerGomezioabate della badia
di Firenzenel quale si scriveraogni e casched'una cosa della quale si debba fare
ricordoper la badia.

6. 1429,July 2. Recordof negotiationswith the Sacchettifamily. Mentionsthe
chiassi,or alleyways,that ran betweenpropertybelongingto the Badia and to the

family. The record describesa Sacchettihouseas locatedbehind the refectory,which
must have been completedor nearlycompletedby this time. Betweenthis house
(currentlyVia della Condotta, 14r-16r)and the refectory(Via della Condotta, 10r-12r)
ran an alleywayfrom Via del Garbo(dellaCondotta)to Via S. Martino(Dante
Alighieri). As the monasteryexpandedto the west, these alleys were incorporatedinto
the monasticcompound. By the end of the 1440smonasteryseems to have annexed
the Sacchettihouses along Via del Garboto the corner at Via dei Magazzini. The
alleywas filled in with a small buildingvisibleat Via della Condotta,4. ASF,Corp.
Rei. Soppr.,78,261, fol. 38. Cited by Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedella
BadiaFiorentina,"69, 92, nn. 167-9.
Ricordanzache questo dì ii di luglio 1429,Ridolfocome sindachodella Badia
feciegeneraici permessocon Tomasodi messerTomasoSachettiin messerGiovanni
da Ghabbiaselo sopra certi liti et diferentieerano d'una certa casa posta drietoal
rifettorodella badia, la quale indebitamenteocuparre,et certi chiassi del Garbodove
376

dentradettoTomasoet che riuscinanoin San Martinoallato a detta casa, durantedetto
cipermessotutto [...]plentemese carte per ser JacopoAndreoziadì 28 detto, detti portò
in detto modoper lungharonodetto ci permessoinsinoadì 15 d'aghosto in detto
messerGiovannicarte per ser Jacopo sopradetto.
lo disse perla detto messerGiovanniadì d'aghosto 1429carte per ser Ghoccio
di ........ da Carmigniano.

7. 1431. Openingprotocolto the Q11ademodi CertiDebiti,Spese, e Creditori,
segnatoB. An accountbook of debits and credits from 1431to 1434. Severa)bundles

of pages are missingand only folios 2- 63 and 129-144survive. This double-entry
accountbook is stored togetherwith 4 other miscellaneouspiecesas volume#438. As
the earliestof the 5, this piece is referredto as 438: 1. Cross-referencedwith an
Entratae Uscitaof 1426-1432(see below,doc. 37). ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,Conv. n.

78,438: l, fol. l. Nunes, 181.
MCCCCXXXI
Al nomedello honipotentissimoet dolcissimoDio et del suo unigesimo
figliuolomesserGiesu Cristo et della sua gloriosamadremadonnasanta Mariaet di
messersan Pieroet di messersan Pagalo et di ser San Benedettoet di tutta la
cielestialecorte di paradiso[....]
Questoquadernoè di messer Gometiodi Giovannida Lisbonaal presente
dignissimoabbatedella badia di Santa Mariadi Firenzein sul quale si scriverracierti
debitiet speseet creditoridi detta badia.
debitorida c. 2 insinoa c. 130 [missingfols. 64-128]
creditoridac. 130insino ac. 192 [missingfols. 145-192]

8. 1432-1433,March26. List of debits totaling l,401 lire, 7 soldi, ten denari to the
accountof the stonecuttingfirm of Giovannid'Antonio da Maiano. Recordedin the
Quademo di CertiDebitorie Creditori,B. Correspondsto entry in Uscitaof same

377

years (see below doc. 39). ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,438: l, fol. 2. Publishedin
part by Nunes,258, n. 112.
+ MCCCCXXXII

Giovannid'Antonio scharpelatoreet frateglidevonodare lb. mille treciento
settantanove s. quattordicid. quatrochomeappareal quaderno B + c.
120.....................................................................................
.lb. mccclxxviiiis. xiiii d. iiii
Et deono dare lb. otto s. sedici per lib. 4 di vino ebbono per noi da Pagninoa suo conto
al quadernoB + c. 171...............................................................................
.lb. viii s. xvi
Et deono dare adì 28 di dicembre 1432lb. quattroportò Giovannicontanti...........lb.
iiii
Et deono dare adì 7 di febraio lb. una s. due portò Giovannicontanti.................lb. i s. ii
Et deono dare adì 14 di febraios. dieci portò Giovannidetto....................................
s. x
Et deono dare s. cinque s. sei per loro a ser JachopoAndreozziquando fu rogatodel
conpromessofaciamoin 'ficina.........................................................................
s. v d. vi
Et deono dare adì 26 di marzo 1433lb. sette per loro a Benedettodi Marchofornaciaio
a suo conto a c. 132.............................................................................................
.lb. vii
Messi a uscita a Giovannidetto a c. 98............................................
lb. mccccis. vii d. x

9. 1432. Debits to the accountof Antoniodi Giovannidel Riccho, a scarpellatore
from Fiesole,including4 lire for supplyinga fireplacefor the Abbot's bedroom-- also
posted to the buildingexpense account(see below,doc. 17). ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,
78, 438: l, fol. 6. Unpublished.
+mccccxxxii
Antoniodi Vanni da Fiesolede' dare adì 16di novembrelb. quattro portò e' detto in
grossi et quattrini..................................................................................................
lb. iiii
Anno dato lb. quattro per uno chaminoavernoda lui per la chameradi Messer l'abate
posto a spese di murarea c. 28..............................................................................
lb. iiii

378

10. 1432,December6 • 1433,July 4. List of debits to the account of Bartolomeodi
Giovanni,master builder, for work at the monastery. Tota! 83 lire 5 soldi. ASF, Corp.
Rei. Soppr., 78,438: 1, fols. 6v. Cited by Nunes, 262, n. 163.
+ mccccxxxii

Bartolomeodi giovanni maestro de'dare adì 6 di dicembre lb. sei s. dodici portò e'
detto adì in grosso........................................................................................
.lb. vi s. xii
Et de' dare adì 24 di dicembre lb. otto s. cinque portò e' detto in grossi. .......lb. viii s. v
Et de' dare adì 10 di gienaio lb. otto portò e' detto a contanti..............................lb. viii
Et de' dare adì 7 di febraio lb. sei portò e' detto contanti........................................lb. vi
Et de' dare adì 21 di febraio lb. sei portò e' detto contanti......................................
lb. vi
Et de' dare adì 10 di marzo lb. una s. due portò e' detto contanti.......................lb. i s. ii
Et de' dare adì 22 di marzo lb. otto portò e' detto contanti...................................lb. viii
Et de' dare adì 2 di maggio lb. sei portò contanti....................................................
lb. vi
Et de' dare adì 30 di maggio lb. dieci portò e' detto contanti..................................lb. x
Et de' dare adì 20 di giugno lb. una s. tredici portò e' detto contanti...............lb. i s. xiii
Et de' dare adì 27 di giugno ff. tre nuovi portò e' detto dissa per porra in sulmocaper
sidota della figliuola.....................................................................................
lb. xiii s. vii
Et de' dare adì 4 di luglio lb. tre s. sei per lui Antoniodi archone fornaciaioa girare
per una moggiodi chalcina.................................................................................
.lb. iii s.
vi
Porto inanzi a c. 19..................................................................................
lb. lxxxiii s. v

11. 1433,January-May.Excerpts from a list of debits to the building expense
account. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 438: 1, fol. 9v. Unpublished.

a. The manual laborer Biagio di Carlo is debited fora year's work. He was an
assistant to the master builder Antonio di Domenicodella Parte. See below, doc. 73.

b. The stonecutterAntonio di Giovanni,known as Ciabatta, paid for supplying
a door and for carting dirt.

379

c. 7 l lire spent for the supplyof lime and cartingdirt, paid to Martino
d'Antonio.
d. Antoniodi Domenico,here referredto as "maestro,"bought 300 guttertiles

from the Badia's supply.
+ mccccxxxii
Spese di muraredeono dare lb. [....] cientoventiquattroper opere 280 pagamoa Biagio
di Charlo manovalea suo conto in questoa c. 130.........................................
.lb. cxxiiii
Et deono dare lb. quarantetres. diciasettepagamoAntoniodi Giovanni
detto Ciabattaper forniturad'uscia et portareterra adannochome appare a suo
conto a c. 131...........................................................................................
lb. xliii s. xvii
[....] Et deono dare lb. setantaunaper fornituradi chalcinaet portare terra[ ...] pagataa
Martinod'Antonio ad oggi a fino conto a questoa c. 172...................................
lb. lxxi
Innonedato lb. quattro s. seidiciper 300 tegolisi venderonoa Antoniodi Domenico
maestroa suo conto a c. 11.........................................................................
lb. iiii s. xvi

12. 1433,February7-August. Excerptsfrom buildingexpensestotaling 1048lire,
16 soldi, 6 denari. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,438: l, fol. 10.
a, e, g, h. Suppliesof bricks and mortar,possiblyfor the OrangeCloister
project. Ali unpublishedexcept for c. -- mistakenby Nunes (261, n. 153)to be part of
the debit to Antoniodi Domenico(b.)
b. The mastermason Antoniodi Domenicoand his son Zanobi are debited
440 lire fora year's work. Publishedin part by Nunes (261, n. 153) who mistookthe
subsequentpaymentfor bricks and mortarto be for Antoniodi Domenico.
d. The lastraiuoloFrancescodel Bozolinosupplieda window for an
unspecifiedlocation. Unpublished
e and f. Two unnamedmanuallaborersare paid for work in unspecified
workshops,perhapsthose along Via della Condottathat borderedthe new refectory
and other ground-floorrooms of the OrangeCloisterthat would have been partly
demolishedto incorporatethem into the new cloistercomplex.
380

+ MCCCCXXXJI

A spesedi muraredevono dare adì 7 di febraiolb. quattroper 500 mezzane
comperammodal Origo di Giovannifomaciaio.....................................................
.lb. iiii
Et devonodare lb. quattrocientoquarantaper opere275 lavoro Antonio maestroet
opere 260 lavoroZanobi suo figliuoloa suo conto a c. 132.............................lb. ccccxl
Et devonodare lb. dugentoquarantaquattroper lavorio[di Benedettodi Marcho
fornaciaio]cioè mattonie chalcinachomeapparea suo conto c. 132...............lb.
ccxliiii
[....]

Et deonodare lb. quattro per uno uscio intachatosi comperroda FrancescoBozolinia
suo conto a c. 14..................................................................................................
.lb. iiii
[....]

Et deonodare lb. cinque s. trediciper hopera 14 di manovalia di fare le
bottege........................................................................................................
.lb. v s. xiiii
Et deonodare adì 8 d'agosto lb. cinque s. quattrod. sei per 12 hopere di manovali
adiffarele bottege..........................................................................................
lb. v s. iii
Et devonodare lb. quattro pagamoa Rovigodi Giovannifornaciaioper 500
mattoni.................................................................................................................
lb. iiii
[....]

Et devonodare s. sedici pagamoa Mariottofornaciaioper una soma di chalcinaa suo
conto al quadernoB a carta 168............................................................................
s. xvi
Ponemoin questo a c. 25 debbinodare 1048.16.6..........................lb. mxlviii s. xvi d.
vi

13. 1432-1433,May 6. List of debits totaling337 lire 18 soldi to the accountof
Antoniodi Domenico,here referredto as "maestro." These are part of the 440 lire
debitedabove,doc. 12. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 438: 1, fol. 11v. Cited by Nunes,
261, n. 154.
+ MCCCCXXXJI

381

Antonio di Domenichomaestro devono dare lb. dugientosesanta cinque s. due levati
dal quadernoBa carta l 15.........................................................................
lb. cclxv s. ii
Et devono dare lb. quattro s. sedici per 300 tegoli vechi ebba di nostri posto a spese di
murare abbino date a c. 9............................................................................
.lb. iiii s. xvi
Et de' dare lb. quaranta quattro per st. 22 tra grano et farina avuta in fino adì 4 di
dicembre 1432a c. 131.....................................................................................
.lb. xliiii
Et de' dare adì 6 di maggio 1432 lb. ventiquattroper st. dodici di grano portò e' detto a
ritratto di grano a c. 131................................................................................
.lb. xxiiii
Anno dato lb. trecientotrentasettes. diciotto posto abbi avuto in questo a c.
132.................................................................................................
.lb. cccxxxvii s. xviii

14. 1433,July-December.List of debits to the account of Bartolomeodi Giovanni,
master builder, for work at monastery. Broughtforwardfrom account on fol. 6v (see
above doc. 10), carryingdebit balance of 83 lire 5 soldi to new total of 141 lire, 10

soldi, 6 denari. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438: l, fol. 19. Cited by Nunes, 262, n.
163.
+ mccccxxxii
Bartolomeodi Giovanni maestro devono dare lb. ottantatres. cinque scritti di questo a
c. 6...........................................................................................................
lb. lxxxiii s. v
Et de' dare adì 28 di luglio lb. una s. due prto e detto........................................lb. i s. ii
Et de' dare adì 31 di luglio lb. quattro portò contanti..........................................
.lb. iiii
Et de' dare adì 27 d'agosto lb. due s. quattro portò contanti...........................lb. ii s. iiii
Et de' dare adì 19 di settenbre lb. otto portò e deto contanti.................................lb. viii
Et de' dare adì 29 d'ottobre lb. tre portò e' detto contanti per pagare chatasti........lb. iii
Et de' dare adì 29 d'ottobre lb. tre s. sei portò e' detto contanti per fare sotterante la
figliuola.........................................................................................................
lb. iii s. vi
Et de' dare ff. quattordiciper uno paio di pianelleebbe per noi da Pazzino pianellaioa
conto di detto Pazzino a libro B a c. [....]..............................................................
s. xiiii
Et de' dare adì 14 di novembre lb. tre s. sei portò e' detto...............................lb. iii s. vi
382

Et de' dare adì 20 di novembrelb. due s. dieci per lui a Menaio di Giunta portò e'
detto................................................................................................................
.lb. ii s. x
Et de' dare lb. una s. sette d. sei per lui a frate Lorenzoper inchamaiuoloebbe da
lui.......................................................................................................
.lb. i s. vii d. vi
Et de' dare lb. ventidues. sedici per lui a Giovannidi Giuducciodetto Leprinoper uno
mogiodi grano ebbe da lui posto leprinodebbi avere in c. 136...................lb. xxii s.
xvi
Et de' dare lb. sei per noi da Giovannidetto per bar. 5 di vino posto detto Leprino
debbi avere a c. 136...............................................................................................
lb. vi
Posto in questo a sua ragione a c. 137abbi avuto..................................lb. cxli s. x d. vi

15. 1433. List of disbursementsof grain totaling48 stai (over 33 bushels)to Antonio
di Domenico,here identifiedas "maestro." The value of the individuaidisbursements
listed here was left blank. The tota) value of the grain, 36 lire, was entered as a credit
to Antonio's account(see below doc. 34), and this amount is part of his overall debit
of 440 lire (see above doc. 12). ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 438: 1, fol. 20.
Antoniodi Domenichomaestrode' dare a di.....d'agosto lb......per st. sei di grano[ ....]
Et de' dare adì 5 di settenbre lb......s......per stai sei di grano
Et de' dare adì .....di genaio lb...... s...... per stai dodici di grano [....]
Et de' dare per st. 24 di grano[ ....]
Anne dato st. quarantottodi grano posto abbia auto in questo a c. 140

16. 1433,November30. Debit to the accountof Bartolomeodi Giovanni, master
builder,for 169 lire, 3 soldi, and 6 denari. Excerptedfrom the building expense
account. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 25. Cited by Nunes, 262, n. 163.
+ mccccxxxiii
Et adì 30 di novembrelb. cientosesantanoves. tre d. sei per loro a Bartolomeo
di Johani maestroper opere uno anno et opere cinque a lavoratocon noi insino a
questo dì a suo conto in questo a c. 137..........................................
.lb. clxviiii s. iii d. vi
383

17. 1433, November30 • 1434, February. Excerptfrom the buildingexpense
accountalso postedto the accountof Antoniodi Giovannidel Ricchoda Fiesoleon
fol. 6 (see above,doc. 10) for supplyingthe fireplaceof the Abbot' s bedroom. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 438: l, fol. 28. Unpublished.
+ mccccxxxiii
Et deono dare lb. quatro per loro Antoniodi Vannida Fiesoleper uno chaminoper la
cameradi messerin posti a Bartolod'Antonio detto a c. 6 ...................................
.lb. iiii

18. 1433/1434. Debitexcerptedfrom the buildingexpenseaccount to Romolodi
Michelefor supplyingworkedstone doors and a basin for the bedroomand Iiving
room of the Abbot's quarters. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,438: l, fol. 35v.
Unpublished.
Spese di muraredeono dare[ ....] lb. ventunas. dieci per concio, cioè per una
porticcuolaa bastoni,ii usci a bastonitondi, uno aquaioavuti qui in Badia per la
chamerae sala di messer l'abate, a Romolodi Michelea suo conto in questo a c.
139...............................................................................................................
.lb. xxi s. x

19. 1433,March• 1434, May 22. List of debits to the accountof Bartolomeodi
Giovanni,masterbuilder,totaling 26 lire, 10 soldi. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 438:
1, fol. 38. Cited by Nunes,262, n. 163.
Bartolomeodi Giovannimaestrode' dare lb. una s. due portò e' detto
contanti............................................................................................................
lb. 1 s. ii
Et de' dare adì 20 di marzo 1433ff. uno nuovoportò et detto........................lb. iiii s. x
Et adì 27 di marzolb. quattro s. undici portò contanti....................................
lb. iiii s. xi
Et adì detto lb. una s. quattro per lui a Boldrinosegatore................................
.lb. i s. iiii
Et de' dare lb. quattroper lui a Benedettodi Marchofomaciaoper chalcinaebbe da lui
a suo conto a c. 35...............................................................................................
.lb. iiii

384

Et adì xxiii d'aprile 1434lb. una s. due per lui a Matteod'Antonio legnaiuolo
portò................................................................................................................
.lb. i s. ii
Et de' dare lb. quattro s. cinque postodebbaavere in questo a c. 139.............lb. iiii s. v
Et de' dare adì 22 di maggiolb. cinques. quattordiciportò et detto..............lb. v s. xiiii
posto in questo a c. 44 debbi dare lb. xxvi s. viii

20. 1434,Aprii 9 • July 17. Debitsto the accountof stonecutterAmbrogiodi
Giovannida Fiesole,the last of whichis specificallyidentiftedas for stone doors and
three stairs for the new dormitory. His stone shipmentswere transportedby Lorenzo
de'Lombardazo,and some of his paymentswere receivedby his son Mariotto. These
paymentsare followedby a list of paymentsto the stonecutterFrancescodel Bozolino
da Fiesolewho also used Lorenzode'Lombardazoas his carter. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78,438: 1, fol. 40. Cited by Nunes,246, n. 26 and 260, nn. 138and 140.
MCCCCXXXIIll
Bruogiodi Nannida Fiesolede'dare adì viiii d'aprile s. diciotto per lui a Nencio
di Nicholodellonbardagioportòe' detto per tre some di pietre............................
s. xviii
Et adì xiii d'aprile s. dodici per lui a Nenciode' Lombardazoper vetturaledi due some
di prieted'usci........................................................................................................
s. xii
Et adì detto lb. quattro s. due d. sei portòe' detto contanti.....................lb. iiii s. ii d. vi
Et adì xvi di detto lb. due s. quattroportò Mariottosuo figliuolo....................lb. ii s. iiii
Et adì detto lb. una s. quatro per lui a Nenciovetturaleper vetturaledi some
quatro..............................................................................................................
lb. i s. iiii
Et adì xxiiii di detto lb. tre portòe' detto...............................................................
lb. iii
Et adì xxx di detto lb. due portò e' detto.................................................................
lb. ii
Et adì xvii di luglio 1434lb. quatroper lui alcianeorafo portò Piero di Filippo......lb.
iiii
Et resta dare lb. ii s. i d. vi messi a uscitaB + 99.......................................
.lb. 2 s. 1 d. 6
Ane dato lb. quindicis. dicianoveper quatrouscia di prieta et una opera a compere/et/
tre schaglionia spese del dorrnentorionuovoin questo c. 43.....................lb. xv s. xviiii
385

Francescodel Bozolinoda Fiesolede' dare adì x di aprile 1434s. sei9 per lui a Matteo
d'Andrea Pichi portò e' detto per priete rechò.........................................................
s. vi
Et de' dare s. dodici per lui a fioc. vetturale............................................................
s. xii
Et a di v d'aprile lb. cinque s. cinque portò e' detto..........................................
lb. v s. v
Et adì xiii di detto s. sei per lui a Nenciodellombardazoportò e' detto per vetturale
d'una so1nad'usci ...................................................................................................
s. vi
Et adì xvi d'aprile s. diciotto per vetturaledi tre some di pietre a 2 vetturali.........s.
xviii
Et adì xxx d'aprile lb. una portò e' detto................................................................
.lb. l
Et adì xvii di luglio 1434 lb. due s. trediciportò e' detto per resto d'ogni ragionein
sino a questo di..............................................................................................
lb. ii s. xiii
Anne dato per tre uscia di pietra di quelli del dormentorionuovo e per una schaglione
a bastonechollenvolte,et per una soma di pietruzzenon choncie per foglie per
inpionbaredi drieto gli stipiti in tutto lb. undiciposto al spese di detto dormentorioin
questo a c. 43........................................................................................................
lb. xi

21. 1434, Aprii 14 - June 12. Debits to the accountof the manual laborerLorenzo
(Nencio)di Giusto for work done far the Badia including46 l/2 days workedin the
new dormitory. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,438: l, fai. 40v. Unpublished.
MCCCCXXXIlII
Nenciodi Giusto detto scrabalichide' dare adì xiiii d'aprile lb. due per lui al Grassino
portò et detto..........................................................................................................
lb. ii
Et adì xxii di maggio 1434 lb. una s. trediciportò et detto...............................lb. i s. xiii
Et adì xii di giugnio lb. una s. due portò et detto................................................
lb. i s. ii
Et de' dare lb. diciotto s. dieci per lui a Nicholodi Tomaso rigattura..........lb. xviiii s. x

9 Cancelled:tte. Changednumberfrom 7 (sette) to 6 (sei).

386

Anne dato lb. ventitres. cinqueper opere 46 1/l lavoronel dormentorionuovo a spese
del detto dormentorioin questo a c. 43.......................................................
.lb. xxiii s. v

22. 1434,Aprii29. Debit to the accountof Piero for two days workedon the new
dormitory. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 438: l, fol. 41. Publishedby Nunes, 246, n.
24.
MCCCCXXXIIll
Piero Grassinide' dare adì xxviiiid'aprile 1434lb. una portòe' detto.....................lb. l
A spese del dormentorionuovo a c. 53 sono per 2 opere lavoroin detto.................lb. l

23. 1434,12 May. The brick-makerPiero di Giovanni,whose kiln was at S. Niccolò,
received 14 lire, 10soldi for two moggie of lime and 1,024bricks to be used in the
new dormitory. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438: l, fol. 42. Publishedby Nunes, 246,

n. 25.
MCCCCXXXIIII
Piero di Giovannifornaciaioa sto. Nicholode' dare adì xii di maggio 1434 lb.
quattordicis. dieci portò Andrea...................................................................
lb. xiiii s. x
Ane dato lb. quatordicis. dieci per due moggia di chalcinaavernoda lui et 1024
mattonidi 1/4 a spese del dormentorionuovo in questo a c. 43.....................lb. xiiii s. x

24. 1434,23 May• 14 August. Debits to the accountof Antoniodi Domenico,here
identifiedas "maestrodi murare,"totaling64 lire 16soldi. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,
78,438: l, fol. 42v. Cited by Nunes,261, n. 154.
MCCCCXXXIIII
Antoniodi Domenichomaestrodi murarede' dare adì xxiii di maggio 1434 lb.
venticinqueportò Zanobisuo figliuolo.................................................................
lb. xxv
Et de' dare adì detto lb. quatro s. sedici per st. sei di granoportò Taddeo mugniaioalle
mulinadi san Gregorioa ritrattodi questo a c. 146.....................................
.lb. iiii s. xvi
Et de' dare adì xii di giugnio 1434lb. due portò Zanobisuo figliuolo......................lb. ii
387

Et de' dare adì xxviii di giugno 1434lb. quatro s. sedici per st. sei di grano portò e'
detto Taddeo mugniaiosta alle mulinadi Sto Greghorioa ritratto di renditagrano.....a
c. 146...........................................................................................................
lb. iiii s. xv
Et adì xxxi di luglio 1434 lb. sei portòZanobisuo figliuolo...................................
.lb. vi
Et adì xiiii d'aghosto 1434lb. tre portòZanobisuo figliolo...................................
.lb. iii
Et adì dachostolb. dicianoves. quattroper stiaia ventiquatrodi grano a ritrattodi
grano in questo a c. 146............................................................................
lb. xviiii s. iiii
Anne date lb. tre s. dieci levatida sua ragionein questo a c. 140dove restava
avere...............................................................................................................
lb. iii s. x
Resta a dare lb. sesantaunas. sei messia uscitaal detto a c. 99.....................lb. lxi s.
xvi

25. 1434,Aprii 29 -October8. Debitsto the expenseaccountof the new dormitory,
cross-referencedto other pages in the same volume. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 438:
l, fol. 43. Cited by Nunes, 247, n. 28.

MCCCCXXXIIII
A spese che si fanno nel dorrnentorionuovodevonodare lb. una per 2 opere di
manovale................................................................................................................
lb. l
Et devonodare lb. quatordicis. dieci per due moggiadi chalcinaet 1024mattonidi
l/4, avuti da Piero di Giovannifornaciaioa Sto. Nicholoa suo conto in questoa c.
42.................................................................................................................
lb. xiiii s. x
Et deondarelb. quindicis. dicianoveper iiii uscia di pietra et iii schaglioniet una
opera avute da Bruogiodi Nanni a suo conto in questo a c. 40............................lb. xv s.
xviiii
Et deondarelb. ventisettes. sette per loro a Vespasianodi ser Iachopoper tre migliaia
di quadrucciavernode suo dalle fornacida Rovezanofattolocreditorein questoa c.
141 le quali avernodi maggio 1434..........................................................
.lb. xxvii s. vii
Et devonodare lb. undici per tre usci et uno schaglioneet una soma di priete paghamo
a Francescodel Bonzolinoa suo conto in questoa c. 40.......................................
.lb. xi
388

Et deondarelb. ventitres. cinque paghamoa Nenciodi Iusto per xlvi opere et 1/1
lavoroin detto donnentorioa suo conto in questoa c. 40............................lb. xxiii s. v
Et deondarea di primo di settembre 1434lb. cinquantasei s. dieci per loro a Benedetto
di Marchofornaciaioposto in questo a c. 143debbi avere sono per some 74 di
quadrucciet some 102di mattoniet some 24 di chalcinae ogni altra chosa che
avessimoavuta in sino a sopradettorimasod'achordochol detto Benedetto...lb. lvi s. x
Et deodarelb. nove per loro Antoniodi Cierchonedetto Mocionefornaciaioa Girone
per tre moggiodi chalcinaavernoa suo conto in questo a c. 51...........................lb. viiii
Posta innaziin questo a c. 53 debbi dare lb. clviiii s. 11

26. 1434,June 10 • December8. List of debitsto the accountof Bartolomeodi
Giovanni,masterbuilder,totaling44 lire. Balanceof 26 lire 8 soldi carried aver from
fol. 38 (see above,doc. 19). ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 438: 1, fol. 44. Cited by
Nunes,262, n. 163.
Bartolomeodi Giovannimaestrode' dare lb. ventiseis. otto chome apare in questoa c.
38.............................................................................................................
lb. xxvi s. viii
Et de' dare adì x di giugnio 1434lb. una portòe' detto...........................................
lb. l
Et a di iii di luglio 1434lb. quatro portò e' detto...................................................
lb. iiii
Et a di xxiiii di settembreebbe staia sei di granoa ritratodi grano a c. 146 in questo
per s. 16...........................................................................................................
lb. iiii s xvi
Et a di xiiii d'ottobre 1434lb. due s. quatro portòe' detto..............................lb. ii s. iiii
Et a di viii di dicembre1434stai sette di grano vene peressoBerto di Giovannista
cholluiper s. 16 lo staio lb. cinque s. dodici a ritrattodi grano in questo a c.
146..................................................................................................................
lb v s. xii
messia uscitaq.o ba c. 100al detto lb. xliiii

27. 1434,October. Debits to Antoniodi Ciecchonecalled Moccione,a kilnsman,
includingone for three moggiaof lime (about50 bushels)for the new donnitory,here
identifiedas built aver the refectory. Cross-referencedto the list of donnitory
389

expenseson fol. 43 (see above doc. 25). ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 51v.
Unpublished.
MCCCCXXXIIII

Antoniodi Ciecchonedetto Mocionefornaciaioa Girone de'dare adì viii d'ottobre lb.
quatros. dieci portò e' detto in ff. uno nuovo.................................................
lb. iiii s. x
Et de' dare lb. quattro s dieci messea contodel detto B a c. 99......................lb. iiii s. x
Anne dato per moggiatre di chalcinaavernoper lo dormentorionuovo sopra il
refettoriolb. nove al spese del detto in questoa c. 43..........................................
lb. viiii

28. 1434. Debit to cxpense accountof new dormitory totaling 160lire, 11soldi,
carriedforwardfrom page 43 of the Debitoriand enteredon page 53. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78,438: l, fol. 53. Cited by Nunes,247, n. 28 and 266, n. 183.
Spese fatte nel dormentorionuovodeonodare lb. ciento cinquantanove s. undici
chomeappare in questo a c. 43..................................................................
lb. clviiii s. xi
Et deon dare lb. una per loro a Piero Grassiniper 2 opere a suo conto in questo a c.
41...........................................................................................................................
lb. l
messea uscita s.o b a c. 100 lb. clx s. xi

29. 1432-1434,Aprii30. List of creditsto the accountof Antoniodi Domenico,here
identifiedas "maestro,"from the Quademo CertiDebitorie Creditori,B. The credits
total 440 lire, and a balanceof 43 lire lOsoldi is carried over to fol. 140. ASF,Corp.
Rei. Soppr.,78, 438: 1, fol. 132.
MCCCCXXXII
Antoniodi Domenichomaestrode' avere lb. quattrocientoquaranta per opere 275
lavoroegli a nostri lavoriiet opere 260 lavorioZanobisuo figliuolomontanoin tutto
detta sommaposto a spese di murarein questoa c. 10..................................
lb. ccccxl
Anne avuto lb. trecientotrentasetteper diciottolavoratidi questo
a c. 11..........................................................................................
.lb. cccxxxviis. xviii
Anne avuto adì 29 d'aprile lb. sei portò Zanobisuo figliuolo...............................
.lb. vi
390

Anne avuto adì 20 di maggiolb. nove per stai sei di grano a c. 134....................lb. viiii
Anne avuto adì 4 di giugnoff. due nuoviper Domenichosuo figliuo!o....lb. viii s. xviii
Anne avuto adì 28 di giugno lb. nove per st. sei di grano ebbe Zanobi suo figluoloa
ritrattodi grano a c. 134................................................................................
.lb. xiiii
Anne avuto adì 10 di gienaio 1433ff. tre larghiportò Zanobi suo figliuololb. xiii s.
xiiii
Anne avuto adì 6 di febraiolb. quattro portòZanobi..........................................
lb. iiii
Anne avuto adì x d'aprile 1434lb. due portòZanobisuo figliuolo.........................lb. ii
Ane Avutoadì xvii d'aprile lb due portò Zanobisuo figliuolo................................
lb. ii
Ane avuto adì xxiiii da detto lb. due portòZanobisuo figliuolo.............................
lb. ii
Ane avuto adì xxx d'aprile detto portò Zanobisuo figliuolo..................................
lb. ii
Ponemoin questo a c. 140debbi avere lb. xliii s. x

30. 1432March2 - 1433,March10. Excerptsfrom list of credits to the accountof
Benedettodi Marco, kilnsman,for supplyingmaterialsto the Badia from 2 March
1432to 10 March 1433. Duringthat yearhe sent 41 3/4 moggia of lime and over 8000
bricks to the Badia and the remainderto anotherproject at the "casa Bolciano." ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 438: 1, fol. 132v. Unpublished.
MCCCCXXXIII
Benedettodi Marcho fornaciaiode' avere lb. dugientoquarantaquattro per lavorioet
chalcinaavuto da lui da dì 2 di marzo 1431in sino adì 10 di marzo 1432,cioè moggia
quarantanoveet some una di chalcina,et migliaiaotto et trecientotra mattoniet
mezzaneet quadrucci,della quale ando moggia7 1/4 a chasa Bolcianoet[ ...]
cinaquantamattoni,et resto in badia fattod'achordocon Benedettoadì 2 d'aprile 1433
posto a spese di murarea c. 10......................................................................
.lb. ccxliiii
Et de' avere lb. sette gli promettemoper Giovannid'Antonio scharpellatorea suo
conto a c. 2...........................................................................................................
lb. vii
[....]

391

31. 1433,December-1434,January. List of credits to the account of Bartolomeodi
Giovanni. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438 fol. 137. Cited by Nunes, 262, n. 163.

MCCCCXXXIII
Bartolomeodi Giovanni maestrodi murarede' avere in fino a questo dì 30 di
novembrelb. cientosesantanoves. tre d. sei per mesi dodici et di 5 a lavoratoa piu
nostri lavorii fatto d'achordo questo di detto chollui detto posti a spese di murarein
lb. cIxv1111
.... s.
questo a c. "5
_ .................................................................................................
iii d. vi
Anne avuto lb. cientoquarantaunas. sieci d. sei levati da c. 19............lb. cxli s. x d. vi
Anne avuto lb. adì 12 di dicembrelb. una s. tredici per lui a Antonio di Ciecchone
fornaciaioa Girone portò e' detto.............................................................
.lb. l s. xiii
Anne avuto adì di dicembre lb. tredici s. quattro portò e' detto..................lb. xiii s. iiii
Anne avuto adì ii di genaio 1433 lb. una s. seidici portò e' detto contanti.....lb. i s. xvi
Anne avuto s. dieci per lui alcipino per nostro di lb. sei s. dieci cheramo poste a suo
conto lb. sei anno piu............................................................................................
s. x
Anne avuto adì 16 di giugno lb. tre s. sedici portò e' detto in d'oro a s. dieci per una
fonna de chacio..........................................................................................
.lb. iiii s. xvi
Anne avuto adii 30 di gienaio lb. due portò e' detto contanti...................................
lb. ii
Anne auto lb. quattro s. quatordiciposto a c. 139........................................
lb. iiii s. xiiii

32. 1434,February• May. List of credits to the account of Bartolomeodi Giovanni,
master builder. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438: l, fol. 139. Cited by Nunes,262, n.
163.
MCCCCXXXIII
Bartolomeodi Giovanni maestrode'avere lb. quattro s. quattordici portò abbia auto in
questo a c. 137............................................................................................
lb. iiii s. xiiii
Et de' avere lb. quatro s. cinque portò debba dare in questo a c. 38.................lb. iiii s. v
Anne avuto adì 20 di febraio lb. una s. due portò e' detto.................................
.lb. i s. ii
Anne avuto adì 6 di marzo lb. due portò e' detto....................................................
lb. ii
392

Anne auto adì xvii d'aprile lb. una s. trediciportòe' detto..............................
.lb. i s.
xiii
Ane auto adì xxx di detto lb. due portò e' detto.....................................................
.lb. ii
Ane auto adì v di maggiolb. una s. due portò e' detto contanti..........................lb. i s. ii
Ane auto adì xv di maggiolb. una s. due per lui a GiulianoCeffini portò e
detto.................................................................................................................
lb. i s. ii

33. 1433. Excerptfrom list of credits to the accountof Romolodi Micheledi
Bongianifor variousworks includingstoneworkprovidedfor the abbot's quarters.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,438: 1, fol. 139v. Publishedin part by Nunes,251, n. 71.
MCCCCXXXill
Romolodi Micheledi Bongianide avere[ ....] lb. ventunos. dieci per un'uscia et una
porticciuolaet uno aquaioper la chamerae sala di messer l'abate a spese di murarein
questo a c. 35................................................................................................
lb. xxi s. x

34. 1434,May. Creditsto the accountof Antoniodi Domenico,referredto here as
"maestro." ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 140v. Cited by Nunes,261, n. 154.
MCCCCXXXIIIl
Antoniodi Domenichomaestrode' avere lb. quarantatres. dieci chome apare in
questo a c. 132.....................................................................................................
.lb. xliii
S. X

Anne auto adì viii di maggio 1434lb. due portò Zanobisuo figliuolo....................lb. ii
Anne auto lb. trentaseiper st. quarantottodi granoavuto in piu volte l'anno 1433
chome apparein questoa c. 20 a ritrattodi q.o a c. 137.................................
lb. xxxvi
Anne auto adì 15 di maggiolb. due portò Zanobicontanti....................................
lb. ii
Resta avere lb. tre s. dieci posto in questo a sua ragionea c. 42 ebbe dato.....lb. iii s. x

393

35. 1434,May. Credit to the brick-makerVespasianodi ser Jacopo, who rana kiln
with his brotherVanozzo,10 for 3,000 bricksused in the new dormitory as well as
other unspecifiedpayments. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,438: l, fol. 141.
MCCCCXXXIIII
Vespasianodi ser lachopode' avere lb. ventisettes. sette per tre migliaidi quadrucci
avernodessino dalle fornacida Rovezzanoa contodel dormentorionuovo in questoa
c. 43 insino di maggio 1434...................................................................
.lb. xxvii s. vii
Anne auto adì ii di luglio 1434lb. dodici portò Vespasianosopradetto...............lb. xii
Anne auto adì xxxi di detto duchatidue nuovi romaniportò e' detto......lb. viii s. xviii
Anne auto adì 28 d'agosto ff. uno di chameraportò e' detto valse.............Ib. iiii s. viii
Anne auto adì 2 d'ottobre lb. due s. uno, portò e' detto per resto d'ogni
ragione..........................................................................................................
.lb. ii s. i

36. 1434,September1. Credit to the kilnsmanBenedettodi Marco for 176 loadsof
bricks of varioussizes (quadmcci and mattoni)and 24 loads of lime (measuring6
moggia--alittle more than 100bushels)to be used in the new dormitory. ASF, Corp.
Rei. Soppr.,78, 438: l, fol. 143. Unpublished.
MCCCC)CXXIIIJ
Benedettodi Marchofornaciaiode' avere per some lxxiiii di quadruccicioè 2466, lb.
diciasette,et per some cii di mattonicioè 2650, lb. venti s. dieci, et piu per some xxiiii
di chalcinacioè moggiasei, lb. dicianove,in tutto lb. cinquantaseis. dieci avute dette
chose per lo dormentorionuovo da spese di detto dormentorioin questo a c. 43 avute
dette chose et d'ogni altra fatto saldo collui in sino adì primo di
settembre 1434...........................................................................................
lb. lvi s. xv

37. 1426. Openingprotocolfrom a Libro di entratae uscita, 1426-1434--arecordof
incomingand outgoingexpenses. This expenserecordis bound togetherwith severa!

10 ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 6v. See doc. XXX.

394

other accountbooksfrom AbbotGomezio's reign. The pagesset aside for the entrata
(originallynumbered2-79) were never completelyfilled in. Thus, the originai pages
have been consolidated,leavingout blank pages,andare renumberedas folios 183256. Old folio numbersare given in square bracketsto allow for cross referencewith

the Libro di CerriDebitorie Creditori(see above,doc. 7). ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,
78,310, fol. 183 [l o.s.]. Cited by Nunes, 182, n. 151.

mccccxxvi
Al nome dello honipotentissimoidio padre[ ....] Tenutoper don Pazino
monachodella badiadi Firenze.
Entratada c. 2
Uscitada c. 80

38. 1432. Recordof cumulativeexpensesin the amountof 2,593 lire for the new

cloister and refectorytaken from anotheraccountbook (quademo) labeledwith a cross
(+) and entered in the uscita of the Libro di Entratae Uscita,1426-34as well as
anotherbook, most likelya Libro di Debitorie Creditori,also labeledwith a cross.
The two cross-referencedbooks do not survive. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,310, fol.
247 [95 o.s.]. Publishedin part by Nunes, 243.

mccccxxxii
A spese di chiostriet di rifettorioche se fatto di nuovo, lb. dumilacinqueciento
novantatre levatidal quadernosegnato+ a carta 114, posti al libro segnato+ a carta
134....................................................................................................... .lb. mmdlxxxxiii

39. 1433. Recordof cumulativepaymentof over l,401 lire to the stonecuttingfirm of

Giovannid'Antonio da Maianotaken from fol. 2 of the quademo di CerriDebitorie
Creditori,B (see abovedoc. 8). This amountwas then enteredin the uscita of 142634 as well as the lost book markedwith a cross (+ ). ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 310,

fol. 250 [98 o.s.]. Publishedby Nunes,258, n. 112; and 265, n. 176.
mccccxxxiii
395

A Giovannid'Antonio scharpellatoree frateglilb. mille quatrocientouna s. sette d.
dieci / levatidal quadernosegnatob a carta 2 e posto al libro segnato+ a carta
35..................................................................................................
.lb. mccccis. vii d. x

40. 1434. Summaryof paymentsto Antoniodi Domenico,here referredto as
"maestro,"taken from the QuadernoCerti Debitorie Creditori,B (see above,doc. 24)
and enteredboth in the present Uscitaand the lost Libro+. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,
78, 310, fol. 251v [99 o.s.].
mccccxxxiiii
A Antoniodi Domenichomaestrolb. sesantaunas. sei levatidal quadernosegnatoB a
carta 42 posto al libro segnato+ a carta 98................................................
.lb. Lxi s. xvi

41. 1436,February1. Openingprotocoland descriptionof daily accountbook, or
Giomale, kept by the Badia from 1 February1436to 28 August 1441. Recordsali
payments,deliveries,and other memorandarelatedto the daily financialactivityof the
monastery. The books cross-referencedin the Giornaledo not survive. ASF, Corp.
Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 1. Publishedin part by Nunes, 177.
mccccxxxv
+ mercholedìadì primo di febbraio
Al nome s.sia dello omnipotenteDio e della gloriossissimavirginemadre
madonnassantaMaria et del gloriassimopadre nostro messerssantoBenedettoe di
tutta la gloriosissimacorte cielestialedel paradiso.
Questo libro e del monasteriodi santa Maria di Firenzein sul quale si scriverra
per modo di ricordotutte ciascunecose si ricievierranoo darannoper detto monastero,
cosi danaricome ciaschun'altracosa il quale libro si chiama giornales.o B
cominciandoa scriveredal c. 2 insinoquanto seguiradetto librocominciandodetto dì
di sopra.

396

42. 1436,February1. Excerptsfrom daily transactionsof Wednesday,l February
1436relatedto the stonecutterBernardodi Matteo,called Rossellino. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78, l, fol. 2.

a. Paymentto BernardoRossellino,recordedin the Giomale, for an arched
doorwayfor the donnitorycarved by a second,unnamedmaster. First published,with
a mistranscriptionof "arco de l'uscio" as "arco de'busti" by Fabriczy,"Ein
Jugendwerk,"108. Publishedagain with the same mistakeby Sanpaolesi,
"Costruzioni,"164,app. l, doc. l. Correctedby Nunes, 247.

b. Bernardodeliversa fireplacefor an unspecifiedlocation. Publishedby
Fabriczy,"Ein Jugendwerk,"108;Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"164,app. l, doc. 2; and
Nunes,260, n. 135.
mccccxxxxv
mercholedìadì primo febbraio
A Bernardodi Matteo lastraiuololire quattroportò contantidisse per dare a un
maestroavevafatto l'arco de l'uscio di dorrnitorio..................................................
lb. 4
[....] Da Bernardodi Matteo lastraiuolouna prietadi camino cogli stipiti e 2 beccatelli
per tutto braccia.................................................................................
l prieta di camino

43. 1436,February6. Giovannidi ser Francesco,spenditorefor the monastery,11
takes 2 lire 9 soldi to buy nails for the roof, perhapsof the dormitory. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78, l, fol. 3. Publishedby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"178,app. 6, doc. 2;
Tyszkiewicz,"Il Chiostrodegli Aranci,"208; and Nunes, 247, n. 31. Tyszkiewicz
suggested,incorrectly,that Giovanniwas the son of ser Francescodi ser Ugolino,
mistakingthe name of ser Filippo di ser UgolinoPeruzzi.
11 Paymentsare made throughoutthe Giomale to Giovannidi ser Francesco.

He is identifiedin the Libro di Debitorie Creditori1431-4 as "Giovannidi ser
Francesconostrospenditore." This identifieshim as a type of agent for the monastery,
spendingmoneyon their behalf for ali typesof purchasesfrom food to clothingto
buildingmaterials. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,438: l, fol. 42. See also below,doc.
59g; and Nunes, 172.
397

+lunedìadì vi di febraio 1435
A spese di murare lb. due s. 9 portò Giovannidi ser Francescoper comperareaghuti
per il tetto.......................................................................................................
lb. 2 s. 9

44. 1436, February9. Reimbursementfor materialsbought for the roof of the new
dormitory. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 3. Publishedby Sanpaolesi,
"Costruzioni," 178,app. 6, doc. 3.
+giovedìadì viiii di febraio 1435
A spese di murares. dieci piccioliebbe don Christofanoper comperarecacio da
masticieet filo e................per !'tetto nuovo di dormitorio......................................
s. 10

45. 1436, February11. Excerptsfrom list of Saturdaypayments.12 ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 3v.
a. The kilnsmanMaso d'Antonio is paid for part of a shipmentof roof tiles.
Unpublished.
b. BernardoRossellinois paid for part of a shipmentof workedstone.
Publishedby Fabriczy,"Ein Jugendwerk,"108;Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni," 164, app.
l, doc. 3; and Nunes, 260, n. 130.
c. Zanobid'Antonio, son of Antoniodi Domenicodella Parte, is referredto as
"maestro," indicatinghis independentstatus as a masterbuilder despite his partnership
with his father. Unpublished.
+ mccccxxxv
+ sabato adì xi di febraio
A Maso d'Antonio fornaciaoa MonteBuoni lb. quattro piccioli portò contanti per
parte d'embrici........................................................................................................
lb. 4
A Bernardodi Matteoscarpellatorea portinari lb. quattro piccioli portò contanti per
parte di concio.......................................................................................................
.lb. 4
12 Saturdaywas the typicalpay day for the variouscraftsmenat work in the

monastery.
398

A Zanobid'Antonio maestrolb. due s. iii portò contantiin grossi.....................lb. 2 s. 4

46. 1436,February16. The master builderAntoniodi Domenicowas paid 12 lire,
pickedup by his son Zanobi. He is referredto as "capomaestroalla parte." ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 4v. Publishedwith incorrectfolio number by Sanpaolesi,
"Costruzioni," 172,app. 4, doc. l; and cited by Nunes,248, n. 43 and 262, n. 155.
giovedì13 adì xvi di febbraio 1435[1436 n.s.]
A Antoniodi Domenicocapomaestroalla parte lb. dodici piccioli porta Zanobisuo
figliuoloin quattrini..............................................................................................
lb. 12

47. 1436, February18. The master builderAntoniodi Domenicowas paid 12lire,
pickedup by his son Zanobi. He is referredto as "capomaestroalla parte." ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 5. Cited by Nunes,248, n. 43; 262, nn. 155 and 157.
sabato adì xviii di febraio 1435
A Antoniodi Domenicocapomaestroalla parte lb. dodici piccioliportò Zanobisuo
figuoloin quattrini................................................................................................
lb. 12

48. 1436,February20 and 24. Antoniodi Domenicoreferredto as "maestro"in
debits handledon his behalfby his son Zanobi. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fols. 5
and 6. Publishedby Sanpaolesi,172,app. 4, doc. 2; cited by Nunes, 262, n. 157.
+lunedì adì xx di febbraio1435
A Antoniodi Domenicomaestrost. 6 di grano al quale demo al mungnaiosuo come ci
disse Zanobisuo figlio...................................................................................
st. 6 grano
+venerdìadì xxiiii di febraio
A Antoniodi Domenichomaestrolb. sei portò Zanobisuo figluolo.........................lb. 6

13 Cancelled:mercoledì.

399

49. 1436,February29. Excerptsfrom paymentsmade by the Badia on February29,
1436. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 6v.
a. The masterbuilderBartolomeodi Giovannireceived6 lire to pay the
kilnsmenVannozoand Vespasianodi ser Jacopo for 100 bricks. Unpublished.
b. A reminderthat the kilnsmanBenedettodi Marco had suppliedand was to
continuesupplyingbricksto vault the cloisterat a rate of 8 lire ten soldi per 1000.
Benedettodi Marcoda Terra Rossa was one of the Badia's main brick suppliers.14
Publishedby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"178,app. 6, doc. 4; Tyszkiewicz,"Il Chiostro
degli Aranci,"208; and Nunes,248, n. 44.
+mercholedìadì 29 di febraio
A Bartolomeodi Giovannimaestrolb. sei per lui a Vannozodi ser Jacho fornaciaio
portò Vespasianosuo fratellodisse erano per 100 mezaneebbenoda lui.................lb. 6
Vuolsi fare richordoche ogi questodi rimasid'achordo chon Beneto fornaciaioche le
mezaneci [h]a mandatee quelle manderaper metterenelle volte de'chiostri, e
contentoe sian d' acordo per lb. 8 s. 10 il migliaio

50. 1436,March2. Paymentfor whitewashingsponges. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,
1, fol. 7. Cited by Nunes,249, n. 45.
venerdìadì ii marzo
A spese di murare lb. una per una meza soma15 di spugnaper inbianchare...............lb.

51. 1436,March3. Excerptsfrom Saturdaypayments. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1,
fol. 7v.

a. Antoniodi Domenicoreferredto as "maestro."Publishedby Sanpaolesi,
172,app. 4, doc. 3.
14 For more on this kilnsman,see Goldthwaite,193-4,279.

15 Cancelled:soma.

400

b. Paymentfora whitewashingbrush. Cited by Nunes,249, n. 45,
+sabatoadì iii di marzo
A Antoniodi Domenicomaestrolb. sei piccioliportò Zanobid'Antonio suo figluolo
in ff. uno nuovoet
bolongnini......................................................................................
lb.6
A spese di murares. vi piccioliper uno pennellod'inbianchare.................................
s. 6

52. 1436, March5. The masterbuilderBartolomeodi Giovannireceived 11soldi 4
denari for the lead used for gutters thus indicatingthe completionthe roof, most likely
of the new dormitory. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 7v. Publishedwith incorrect
folio numberby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"178,app. 6, doc. l.
+lunedìadì v marzo
A spese di murares. xi d. iiii picciolisono per uno channonedi piombo si misseal
truoghodel docionedella parte de tetti portò Bartolomeomaestro..................s. 11 d. 4

53. 1436, March6. Antoniodi Domenico,referredto simplyas "maestro,"is
reimbursedfora mortartrowel. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 8. Publishedwith
incorrectfolio numberby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"173,app. 4, doc. 3bis.
+martedìadì vi di marzo
A Antoniodi Domenichomaestrolb. una s. ii piccioliportò Zanobi suo figluolodisse
per paghareuna mestoladi chalcino.................................................................
.lb. 1 s. 2

54. 1436, March8. Deliveryof 50 libbre of lead by the organ-makerMatteodi Paolo
for the tie-rodsof the cloistervaults. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 8. Published
by Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"178,app. 6, doc. 6; and in part by Nunes, 249, n. 47.
+giovedìadì viii di marzo
Da Matteodi Pagolodegli orghatilibre cinquantadi piomboaverno per impiombiare
le canne del chiostro................................................................................
lib. 50 di
piombo
401

55. 1436,March9. The kilnsmanMaso d'Antonio a Monte Buonisettles his account
with the Badia. This paymentsuggeststhat his rote as a supplierof materialsoccurred
earlier, most likelyin 1435. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 8.
venerdìadì viiii di marzo 1435
A Masod'Antonio fornaciaioa monte buoni f. lb. cinques. v portò contantiin
bologniniper resto di ragioneper insino a oggi.................................................
lb. 5 s. 5

56. 1436,March10. Debit of 24 lire to Antoniodi Domenico,referredto simplyas
"maestro."ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 8v. Publishedby Sanpaolesi,
"Costruzioni,"173,app. 4, doc. 3 tris.
+sabatoadì x di marzo
A Antoniodi Domenicomaestrolb. ventiquatropiccioliportò Zanobisuo figluoloin
ff. nuovo larghiet bolognini......................................................................................
lb.
24

57. 1436,March14 and 16. Deliveriesof variousbuildingmaterials. ASF, Corp.
Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 9.

a. BernardoRossellinois given 3 lire lO soldi to pay Giovannidi Ghoro for
cartinga windowsili to the monastery. Publishedby Fabriczy,"Ein Jugendwerk,"
108;Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"165,app. l, doc. 6; and Nunes, 260, n. 132.

b. The woodworkerLorenzodi Bartoloda Puntormodelivers60 bracciaof
woodenplanks,most likelyfor roof beams. Cited by Nunes,247, n. 32.

c. The organ-makerMatteodi Paolosupplies50 poundsof lead, deliveredby
the laborerFrancescodi Folcio, perhapsfor the tie rods of the uppercloister(cf. app.
l, doc. 54). Publishedby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"178,app. 6, doc. 7; in part by
Nunes,249, n. 47.
mccccxxxv[o.s.]
+mercholedìadi xiiii di marzo
402

A Bernardodi Matteoscharpellatorelb. tre s. x piccioliper lui a Giovannidi Ghoro
charradoreportò e' detto per rechaturad'una sogliad'una finestra.................lb. 3 s. lO
+venerdìadì xvi di marzo 1435[o.s.]
Da Lorenzodi Bartoloda PuntorrnomaestroIignauolobracciasessantad'asse di mezo
rechò Lorenzodi Bartoloda Puntorrnomaestro.........................................
br. 60 d'asse
Da Matteodi Pagolodegli Organi libre 50 di piomborecchoFrancescodi
Folcio.....................................................................................................
.lib. 50 piombo

58. 1436, March17. Paymentsfor and deliveriesof buildingmaterialsrelatedto
work in the cloistercomplex. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. lOr.
a and b. The woodworkerLorenzodi Bartoloda Puntorrnodelivers 33 braccia
of woodenboardsof variouslengths,most likelyfor roof beams. He is then paid 8 lire
for part of his woodwork. Cited by Nunes,247, n. 32.
c. The masterstoneworkerGiovannid'Antonio da Maianois paid 4 lire for
part of the stone suppliedby him for the cloister. This is the last entry that mentions
stoneworkspecificallydesignatedas for the cloister. Sanpaolesi("Costruzioni,"150)
interpretedthis paymentto be the last in a series to Giovanni,who had providedthe
majorityof the workedstone used in the cloister at an earlierdate, most likelyin 1435.
Publishedby Sanpaolesi,170,app. 3, doc. l; and Nunes,258.
d. Antoniodi Domenicopaid 2 lire that he himselftook away in cash. Here

he is referredto simplyas "capomaestroalla parte." Publishedin prut by Nunes,266,

n. 155.
e. Master builderBartolomeodi Giovannireceived2 lire. Unpublished.
f. Giovannidi Francescoaccepted10 lire on behalfof the kilnsmanBenedetto

di Marco. Unpublished.
g. The monastery'sspenditoreGiovannidi ser Francescois reimbursedl lira
for buildingexpenses. Unpublished.
+sabatoadì xvii di marzo 1435[o.s.]

403

Da Lorenzodi Bartolo da Puntormolegnaiuolobracciaxxxiii d'asse cioè xxviii di 1/3
et v di mezo reco Lorenzodi bartolodapuntormo...................................
brac. 33 d'asse
A Lorenzodi Bartoloda Puntormolb. otto piccioliportò contanti per partedi
legname..................................................................................................................
lb. 8
A Giovannid'Antonio scharpellatoreff. lb. quattropiccioli portò contantiper parte di
priete per lui mandatepel chiostro..........................................................................
.lb. 4
A Anto.capomaestroalla parte lb. due piccioliportò contanti.................................
lb. 2
A Bartolomeodi Giovannimaestrolb. due portò contanti.......................................
lb. 2
A Benedettodi Marco fornaciaiolb. dieci portò Giovannidi Francescoin
quattrini................................................................................................................
lb. IO
A Giovannidi ser Francescospenditorelb. una piccioliportò contanti per spese spese
[sic] di murareper lui a..........................................................................................
.lb. 1

59. 1436,March 19. The woodworkerLorenzodi Bartoloda Puntormodelivers32
bracciaof woodenboardsof variouslengths,most likely for roof beams. Cierbinodi
Bartolomeois paid for woodwork,perhapsfor the same purpose. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 10. Cited by Nunes,247, n. 32.
+lunedìadì xviiii di marzo 1435
Da Lorenzodi Bartoloda Puntormobraccia32 d'asse cioè xxiii di 1/3e 9 di
mezo...................................................................................................
braccia32 dasse
A Cierbinodi Bartolomeolegnaiuololb. otto piccioliportò contanti per partedi
legname.................................................................................................................
.lb. 8

60. 1436,March21. The woodworkerLorenzodi Bartoloda Puntormois paid two
florins for supplyingwoodenbeamsto the monastery. He delivers 124bracciaof
woodenboardsof variouslengths,most likelyfor roof beams. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78, 1, fol. lOv. Cited byNunes, 247, n. 32.
+mercholedìadì xxi di marzo

404

A Lorenzodi Bartoloda Puntorrnoff. due de chameraebbe cata. per parte
d'asse......................................................................................................
lb. 8 s. 18 d. 8
Da Lorenzodetto braccia66 d'asse di terzia braccia58 d'asse di mezo rechò in due
vetture.......................................................................................
br. 66 di 1/3, br. 58 1/1

61. 1436,March23. Paymentsfor wood and lead suppliedfor use in the cloister
complex. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. lOv.
a. The woodworkerLorenzodi Bartoloda Puntorrnodelivered57 braccia of

woodenboardsof various lengths,most likelyfor roof beams. Cited by Nunes, 247, n.
32.
b. Deliveryof 50 poundsof lead by the manuallaborerDomenicoon behalf of
the organ-makerMatteodi Paolo, perhapsfor the tie-rodsof the cloister vaults (cf.
app. l, doc. 54). Publishedin part by Nunes,249, n. 47.
+venerdìadì xxiii di marzo
Da Lorenzodi Bartoloda Puntorrnobracciaxxxi di mezo,e braccia26 di 1/3, rechò
chomedi sopra pe'bisogni del monastero.....................braccia31 d. 1/1, bra. 26 di 1/3
Da Matteodegli Organi libre 50 di piomborechò Domenicomanovale....lib. 50
piombo

62. 1436,March31. Antoniodi Domenico,referredto as "capomaestro,"received6
lire, taken away in cash by his son Zanobi. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 12v.
Cited by Nunes,262, n. 156.
+sabatoadì xxxi di marzo
A Antoniodi Domenicochapomaestrolb. sei piccioliportò Zanobisuo figliolo.......lb.

63. 1436,Aprii 7. Excerptsfrom paymentsmade to variouscraftsmeninvolvedin
the cloisterproject. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fols. l3-13v.

405

a. The manual laborerDomenicodi Francescodelivered62 poundsof lead to

the monasteryfrom Matteodi Paolothe organmaker, possiblyfor the cloistertie-rods.
ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 13. Cited by Nunes, 249, n. 47.

b. The woodworkerreceived8 lire for woodenbeams, perhaps for roofing.
ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 13v. Unpublished.
c. BernardoRossellinoreceived6 lire as partial paymentfor cut stone.

Publishedby Fabriczy,"Ein Jugendwerk,"108;Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni," 165,app.
l, doc. 8; and Nunes, 260, n. 130and 262, n. 156.

d. Bartolomeodi Giovannireceivedl l lire that was given to the kilnsman
Benedettodi Marco,carried away by Giovannidi Francesco. Unpublished.
e. Giovannid'Antonio da Maianoreceived8 lire for cut stone. Cited by

Nunes,258, n. 115.

f. Antoniodi Domenico,here referredto as "capomaestro,"received 10lire,
pickedup by his son Zanobi. Cited by Nunes,262, n. 156.
+sabatoadì vii daprile 1436
Da Matteodegli Organi lib. 62 di piombiorecolloDomenicodi Francesco
manovale...............................................................................................
libr. 62 piombo
mccccxxxvi
+sabatoadì vii d'aprile 1436
A Lorenzodi Bartoloda Puntormolb. otto piccioliper portò contanti dise per parte
dasse.....................................................................................................................
.lb. 8
A Bernardodi Matteo scharpellatorelb. sei piccioliportò contanti per parte di
concio.....................................................................................................................
lb. 6
A Bartolomeodi Giovannimaestrolb. undicipiccioliper lui a Benedettodi Marco
fornaciaioportò Giovannidi Francescoin quattrini...............................................
lb. 11
A Giovannid'Antonio lastraiuololb. otto piccioliportò contanti per parte di
concio....................................................................................................................
.lb. 8
A Antoniodi Domenicochapomaestrolb. dieci piccioliportò Zanobi suo figliuoloin
quattrini...............................................................................................................
.lb. 10
406

64. 1436,Aprii20. Antoniodi Domenico,here referredto as "capomaestro,"received
20 lire taken away by his son Zanobi. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 15v.
Publishedby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"172,app. 4, doc. 4; and Nunes, 262, n. 156.
+venerdìadì xx daprile 1436
A Antoniodi Domenicocapomaestrolb. venti piccioliportò Zanobi suo figliuoloin
quattrini...............................................................................................................
lb. 20

65. 1436,Aprii21 and 26. Antoniodi Domenico,here referredto as "capomaestro,"
received9 lire taken away by his son Zanobi. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fols. 16
and 16v. Publishedby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"172,app. 4, docs. 5 and 6.
+sabatoadì xxi daprile 1436
A Antoniodi Domenicochapomaestrolb. due piccioliportò Zanobi suo figluoloin
quatttrini................................................................................................................
.lb. 2
+giovedìadì xxvi daprile 1436
A Anto.di Domenicochapomaestrolb, sette piccioliportò e' detto Zanobi suo
figliuoloin quattrinidisse per comperareuna foderaper una cioppa........................lb. 7

66. 1436,May2. Bernardodeliversvariousarchitecturaldetails for the new
dormitory: four arched windowsfor the cells, an archeddoorway,and another large
window. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 18. Publishedby Fabriczy,"Ein
Jugendwerk,"108-9;Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"165,app. 1, doc. 12; and Nunes,248
and 260, nn. 131-3.
+mercholedìadì ii di magio
Da Bernardodi Matteo lastraiuolofinestrequatromuratein dormentoronuovo nelle
cielle...........................................................................................
finestre4 con archetto
Da lui detto uno uscio di falda grossa muratoin dormentoronuovo con uno archo in di
sopra..............................................................................................................
uscio uno

407

Da lui detto una finestragrandela quale si debbe murarenel dormentorioin testa di
detto per s....il bracio...................................................................................
finestrauna

67. 1436,May S. Excerptsfrom list of Saturdaypayments.ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,
78, 1, fol. 18 V.

a. Giovannid'Antonio deliversfor two loads of cut stone. Publishedby

Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"171,app. 3, doc. 10;cited by Nunes,258, n. 118.

b. Antoniodi Domenico,here referredto simplyas "maestro,"is paid 6 lire
taken away by his son Zanobi. Publishedby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"172,app. 4,
doc. 7.
Sabatoadì 5 di magio
Da Giovannid'Antonio lastraiuolodua charettatedi pietre chonciela quale gli
mandamoper la charetta nostra.....................................................................
caretate 2
A Antoniodi Domenicomaestrolb. sei portò contantiZanobisuo figliuolo.............lb.

68. 1436,May 12. Antoniodi Domenico,here referredto as "capomaestro,"received
4 lire 11 soldi, taken away by his son Zanobi. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 19v.
Publishedby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"173,app. 4, doc. 8; and Nunes,262, n. 156.
+sabatoadì xii di maggio 1436
A Antoniodi Domenicocapomaestrolb. quattro s. xi piccioliportò Zanobisuo
figliuoloin ff. uno largo.................................................................................
.lb. 4 s. 11

69. 1436, May 16. Three deliveriesby the kilnsmanBartolodi Marco,brotherof
Benedetto,of bricks and roofingtiles. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 20.
Publishedin part by Nunes,247, n. 34.
+mccccxxxvi
+ mercolediadì xvi di magio

408

Da Bartolodi Marco fomaciaoa Champopianelle950 in due charrate..............pian.
950
Da Bartolodetto mezane 1200in charrataiii................................................
meza. 1200
Da Bartolosopradettauna charratadi pianelledi numero di 450 pel tetto........pian. 450

70. 1436,May 18. Excerptsfromdaily recordentry for 18 May 1436.ASF, Corp.
Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 20v.
a. Giovannithe Portuguesepainterreceived 16 soldi, 6 denari to purchase

colors for paintingin the cloister,therebyindicatingits completionby this date.
Publishedwith incorrectdate by Colnaghi,130;cited by Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"
154;and publishedcorrectlyby Nunes,274. Repeatedin app. 2, doc. 5.
band c. The kilnsmanBartolodi Marcodelivered 1600bricks and 450
roofingtiles for an unspecifiedlocation. Cited by Nunes, 247, n. 34.
d. The master builderAntoniodi Domenico,here referredto as "maestro,"was

reimbursedfor buyingpaintbrushesto whitewashan unspecifiedlocation.
Unpublished.
e. This same Antonio,referredto for the last time in the Libro Gionzaleas

"capomaestro,"is paid 24 lire, carriedaway by his son Zanobi. Publishedwith
incorrectdate by Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"173,app. 4, doc. 9. Cited by Nunes 249,
n. 47 and 262, n. 156.
+ mccccxxxvi
+ venerdìadì xviii di magio

A spese straordinariegrossi tre d'ariento portò Giovannidipintoredi portogalloper
comperarecollori per dipignerei chiostri........................................................
s. 16 d. 6
Da Bartolodi Marco fornaciaioa Campicarratequattro di mezane di numerodi
1600..........................................................................................................
mezane 1600
Da Bartolodetto una charratadi pianelledi numerodi 450..............................
pian. 450

409

A spese di murares. xi picciolipaghatia Antoniomaestroper due pennellicompero
per imbianchare............................................................................................................
s.
11
A Antoniodi Domenichochapomaestrolb. ventiquattropiccioli portò Zanobisuo
figliuoloin quattrini..............................................................................................
lb. 24

71. 1436,May26. Antoniodi Domenico,here referredto simply as "maestro,"
receives6 lire taken awayby his son Zanobi. For the remainderof his paymentsin
the Libro Gionzale,Antoniois calledeither "maestro"or "maestro di murare,"but not
"capomaestro." ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 22v. Publishedby Sanpaolesi,
"Costruzioni,"173,app. 4, doc. 10.
+ mccccxxxvi
+ sabatoadì 26 di magio
A Antoniodi Domenicomaestrolb. sei portò Zanobisuo figliuoloin quattrini........lb.
72. 1436,June 1. BernardoRossellinodeliversa windowfor the celi of the cellarer.
ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 23. Publishedby Fabriczy,"Ein Jugendwerk,"109;
Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"166,app. 1, doc. 15; and Nunes, 260, n. 135.
+ mccccxxvi
+ venerdìadì primo di giungno
Da Bernardodi............lastraiuolofinestraintachatauna, minesi [misesi?]16 in ciella
del cielleraio.........................................................................................................
finestra

73. 1436,June2. Excerptsfrom Saturdaypayments. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1,
fol. 23v.

Fabriczyand Sanpaolesitranscribedthis word as misesi, though neitherthis
nor minesi seemscorrect.
16

410

a. Final paymentto the woodworkerLorenzodi Bartolo da Puntormofor

deliveringwoodenplanks of variouslengthsat an unspecifiedtime. Accordingto the
prices listed, the tota! amountpaid to Lorenzowould have been 51 lire, 5 soldi. Why
the small amountof 2 soldi 4 denari was left unpaidis unclear. Unpublished.
b. BernardoRossellinogiven 3 lire to give to the stonecutterGiovannidi

Domenicoda Settignanofor his workon dressedmarble. Cited by Nunes,250, n. 57.
+sabatoadì ii di giugno
A Lorenzodi Bartoloda Pontormos. ii d. 4 portòe' detto per resto di canne 10d'asse
di mezo avernoda lui per lb. 3 canna,et per resto di canne 8 1/1 d'asse di 1/3per s. 50
canna, portò e' detto canne ff. et cosi fumod'achordo.......................................
s. 2 d. 4
A Bernardodi Matteo lastraiuoloper lui a Giovannidi Domenichoda setingnanolb.
tre portòcontanti per parte d'opere a lavoratea conciaremarmo................................
lb.

74. 1436, June 6. 14 soldi spent on 60 poundsof plaster for the cloister vaults. ASF,

Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 24. Publishedwith errors by Tyszkiewicz,"Il Chiostro
degli Aranci,"208; and cited by Nunes,249, n. 48.
+mccccxxxviadì 6 di giungno
A spese di murares. xiiii spendemoin libbre60 di giesso per le volte dei chiostri....s.
14

75. 1436, June 21. Seven soldi retrievedby a manuallaborer for 25 poundsof plaster
for unspecifiedvaults. Antoniodi Domenico,here referredto as "maestro,"received4
lire for his laborerBiagiodi Carlo who had been workingwith him at least since early
1433. See above,doc. 9. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fai. 26. Cited by Nunes,249,

nn. 47, 48.
+giovedìadì xxi di giugno
A spesedi murares. sette piccioliportò Domenicomanovaleper libre 25 di giessoper
le volti......................................................................................................................
s. 7
411

A Antoniodi Domenichomaestrolb. quattroper lui a Biagio di Charllomanovale
come disse Zanobiportò contanti in quattrini.........................................................
.lb. 4

76. 1436,June 26. Jacopo di Domenichoda Settignanodelivers 7 marblestairs for
the new staircaseand is paid 1 lira 16soldi to pay Simone di Piero for cartingthe
stone. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 26v. Publishedby Sanpaolesi,
"Costruzioni,"169,app. 2, doc. 4; and Nunes,261, n. 149.
martedìadì 26 di giungo
Da Jacopodi Domenichoda setingnanoschaglioni7 di concio di br. 2 l/8 o circha,per
s. 11 il braccio.............................................................................................
7 schaglioni
A lui detto, lb. uno s. 16 per lui Simonedi Piero vetturaledisse erano per vetturadi sei
schaglionici rechòche gli avevamoaloghatia sopradettiper s. 11 il braccioposti
qui..................................................................................................................
lb. 1 s. 16

77. 1436,June 29. BernardoRossellinoreceived5 lire for work on marblewindows.
The paymentwas made to his assistantChimentodi Giovannida Rovezzano. Mack
("Studies,"56, n. 8) suggestedthat these windowswere for the chapterhouse,related
to a paymentof 6 July 1436(see doc. 79). ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 27v.
Publishedby Fabriczy,"Ein Jugendwerk,"109;and Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"166,
app. 1, doc. 17.
mccccxxxvi
+ sabatoadì 29 di giugno 1436
A Bernardodi Matteo lastraiuololb. cinqueper lui a Chimientodi Giovannia lavorato
in su le finestrede marrni........................................................................................
lb. 5

78. 1436,June 29 and July 5. Paymentsto Jacopo di Domenicodel Borrada
Settignanofor supplying7 stairs (cf. doc. 76). ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 28.
Publishedby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"169,app. 2, docs. 5 and 6; and Nunes,261, n.
149.
412

mccccxxxvi
+ sabato adì 29 di giugno 1436

A Jachopodi Domenichodel Borra scharpellatoreda setingnanolb. quatro s. xi portò
contantiper parte di schaglioni.......................................................................
lb. 4 s. 11
[....]

mccccxxxvi
+ giovedìadì 5 di luglio
A Jachopodi Domenichodel Borrada settingnanolb. una s. xviii portò contanti per
resto di 7 schaglioniavernoda lui................................................................
lb. l s. 18

79. 1436,July 6. Paymentof 6 soldi for smoothingtwo marble windowsmade for
the chapterroom with pumice. These have been tentativelyidentifiedas the two
cable-ringedround windowscurrentlyinstalledin the archwaysof the chapter room
facade. As Mack ("Studies,"56, n. 8) wamed,these oculi appear to have been inserted
at a later date, most likelyduring the seventeenth-centuryreconstructionof the church
and chapterroom. A satisfactoryexplanationof the followingpaymentis therefore
difficultto attain.ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 28v. Publishedby Sanpaolesi,
"Costruzioni,"178,app. 4, doc. 8; and Nunes,250, n. 59.
+ mccccxxxvi
+ venerdìadì 6 di luglio

A spese straordinaris. vi picciolidi paghamoper pomicieper inpomiciaredue finestre
di marmosi fannoal chapitolo..................................................................................
s. 6

80. 1436,July 11-14. Deliveryof materialsfor the roof of the new dormitory:wood,
gutters, and possiblymortarand bricks. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 30-30v.
Nunes (247, n. 35) identifiedthe paymentfor the gutters.
+ mercoledìadì xi di luglio 1436

Da Tofano di Giovannida Ribuoia fornaciaio[...].................................mogia 2 calcina
Da Cierbinodi Bartolomeo2 lengnidi traino 1 1/1 l'uno, i quali si missano
413

nel tetto nuovo in donnitorio, et piu asse 2 d'abete rechò Francesco
di Folcio...................................................................................
2 lengni et 2 pezi d'asse
[....]

+giovedìadì 12di luglio
Da Tofana di Giovannida Ribuoiafornaciaiomogia uno di chalcina...moggia uno
calcina
[....]

+venerdìadì 13 di luglio
Da Bartolodi Marchofornaciaioa champicharratedua di mezanechanpigianefurono
in tutto mezane800.......................................................................
charrate 2 di mezane
[....]

+Sabatoadì 14 di luglio
Dall'erededi Bartolomeodel Malnomegronde9 recò Francodi Falcio insieme con
dua altri manovali,lui a li togliemopel tetto nuovo sopra la finestra di dormitorio
nuovo..............................................................................................................
gronde 9

81. 1436,July 16 and 17. Credit to the kilnsmanBenedettodi Marco, the major
brick and mortarsupplier to the GrangeCloisterproject,for 388 lire for mortar and
bricks deliveredbetween9 December1435and 16 July 1436. Followedby two
deliveriesof 1600bricks by his brotherBartoloand a debit to Ridolfo di Tommasode'
Bardi for 454 roof tiles used by Antoniodi Domenico--herereferred to as "Antonio
della Partte." ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 31. Unpublished.
+ mccccxxxvi
+ lunedìadì 16 di luglio
Vuolsi pore creditoreBenedettodi Marchofornaciaiodi lb. 388 per le infrascritte
chose avuteda lui, cioè per mogia 70 di calcinaavuto da lui da dì 9 dicembre 1435per
insino adì primo di magio 1436a ragionedi lb. 3 s. 12 il mogio,et mogia 12 di calcina
avuta da lui da dì primo di magio 1436in sino a dì 16 di luglio 1436 a ragione di lb. 3
s. 8 il mogio,per mezane et matoni 10,300a ragionedi lb. 8 s. 10 il migliaio,et per
414

966 quadruccia ragionedi lb. 8 il migliaio,montain tutto detta sommae cosi siano
d'achordocon Benedettodetto et più siano d'achordoresa avere insino a questodì di
tutto lavorio avuto da llui lb. 89 piccioli
Da Bartolodi Marco fornaciaioa campi caratedue di mezanedi numerodi 800 pel
monasterio..................................................................................................
mezane800
A Ridolfodi Tomasode'Bardi pianelle454 le quali gli vendemoper mezanita
d'Antonio della Partte per quel pregiocielemeteraa noi il fornaciaioda chi le
chonperamo...............................................................................................
pianelle 454

+martedìadì 17di luglio
Da Bartolodi Marcocarratedue di mezanedi numerodi 800 per
amattonare..................................................................................................
mezane800

82. 1436,July 18 and 19. Moredeliveriesof wood and bricks, possiblyfor the
dormitoryroof. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 31v. Unpublished.
+mercholedìadì 18 di luglio
Da Bartolodi Marchofornacioa champicharatauna di mezane furono
mezane400.................................................................................................
mezane400
+Giovedìadì 19di luglio
Da Micheledi Bartololengnaiuolocanne tre et lib. 7 d'asse di mezo per lb. 3 s. ix d. 8
canna,et canne 8 et lib. 4 d'asse d'albero di l/3 per lb. 2 s. 18 d. 8 canna, montanoin
tutto d'achordo con lui............................................................................
.lb. 37 piccioli
A lui detto lb. venti piccioliportò e' detto per partedi lb. 37 montanosopradetta
asse......................................................................................................................
lb. 20

83. 1436,July 20. Paymentof two newjlorins to Jacopodi Domenicodel Borrada
Settignano,patema!uncle of BernardoRossellino,for makingcorbels for the
monasteryrenovationat Campora. The credit went to his partner Giovannid'Antonio

415

di Cambio. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 32. Partiallypublishedwith incorrect
folio numberby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"169,app. 2, doc. 1.
+venerdìadì 20 di luglio
A Jachopodi Domenichoscharpellatoreda settingnanolb. undici s. viii piccioli,per
lui a Giovannid'Antonio di Chambiosue,conpangno,portò contanti in ff. 2 nuovi,et
sta in quattriniet grossi, [...] lib. 34 1/1di becchategli[...] ci feciono per mandarealle
champora[....]

84. 1436,July 28. BernardoRossellinodeliversthe stone door jambs and crowning
arch for the doorwayleadingfrom the southeastcornerbay of the upper cloisterto the
third-floorterrace. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 33. PublishedFabriczy,"Ein
Jugendwerk,"109;Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"166,app. 1, doc. 21; and Nunes,260, n.
135.
+sabatoadì xxviii di luglio
Da Bernardodi Mateo lastraiuolouno stipito di macingniostropiciatoe murataa pie
della schalava in su il terazo,e piu uno archodi di (sic) dua pezi di macingnio
stropiciatomuratosopra a detto stipito.

85. 1436,July 28 and 31. Two deliveriesof bricksfrom Benedettodi Marco,
includingsome for the vaultsof the new dorrnitorystairs. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,
1, fols. 33 and 33v. Publishedwith errors by Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni," 178-9,app. 6,
doc. 9; and Nunes, 248, n. 38.
+sabatoadì xxviiidi luglio
Da Benedettodi Marchofornaciaiomattoni245 et quadrucci292 i quali ci mandoin
piu some...........................................................................
mattoni 245/et quadrucci292
martedìadì 31 di luglio
Da Benedettodi Marcchofornaciaiosome xiiii di quadrucciper fare le volticuole
sopra la schaladi dormitorionuovo............................................................
some 14
quadrucci
416

86. 1436,August 20. Paymentfor 14 woodendoor-bellsfor the new donnitory cells,
thus suggestingtheir near completionby this date. Indeed,the cells could have been in
use for some time prior to the deliveryand reimbursementof these bells. ASF, Corp.
Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 38. Cited by Nunes,248, n. 40.
+lunedìadì 20 d'aghosto
A spese di murares. viii d. 8 piccioli pagamoa frate Apollonioper 14 campenelledi
lengnoconperamoper gli usci delle cielle nuove................................................
s. 8 d. 8

87. 1436,August21. BernardoRossellinodelivereda cardinalettofor an window
installedunderneaththe infinnary. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 38. Published
by Fabriczy,"Ein Jugendwerk,"109;Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni," 166,app. l, doc. 22;
Nunes,260, n. 135.
+ martedìadì 21 d' aghosto
Da Bernardodi Matteo lastraiuolouno chardinalettoper una finestra ferrata sotto
I' anfermaria.........................................................................................................
card. l

88. 1436,August25. Deliveryof woodenplanksfor the new beds made for the
dormitorycells. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 39. Cited by Nunes, 248 n. 39.
+ sabato adì 25 d'aghosto
Da Nardodi Spinellolengnaiuololib. 9 d'asse di 1/4 togliemoper le lette nuove si
fanno per le cielle, rechò Pipo suo gharzonein pezi 4 .......................libra 9 d'asse di
1/4

89. 1436,September12. Deliveryof astone cornicecarved by Chimenti di Nanni
for the door of the cloister. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 41v. Cited by Nunes,
249, n. 51.
+ mercolediadì xiii di settembre

417

Da Chimentidi Nanni scarpellatoreuna camicie di braccia4 3/4 per sopra la porta del
chiostroper s. 20 il braccio.............................................................................
camicie l

90. 1436,October6 and 9. Paymentfor work done on the woodendoors in the
dormitory. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fols. 46v and 48. Cited by Nunes,248, n.
41.
+ sabato adì 6 d'ottobre
A spese di murarelb. una s. iiii picciolipaghamoper seghaturadi noci per l'usci del
dormitorio........................................................................................................
lb. l s. 4
martedìadì 9 d'ottobre
A spese di murarelb. due s. xii paghamoper lib. 3 l/1 di vemicieet per colla pegli
usci del dormitorio,et s. 12 per una barella............................................................
lb. 2
s. 12

91. 1436,October17. 9 braccia of guttersfor the cloister's third-floorterraceare
deliveredby the manuallaborerLorenzo. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 49v.
Unpublished.
mercoledìadì xvii d'ottobre 1436
A spese di murarelb. una s. uno portò Nenciomanovaleper bracia 9 di doccie per
terrazi...............................................................................................................
lb. l s. l

92. 1436,November12. Credit to the kilnsmanBenedettodi Marco for supplying
mortarand bricks from 27 July 1436to 2 November1436to the Badia itself and other
projectsundertakenby the monastery. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 55.
Unpublished.
+ martedìadì 12 di novembre
VuolsiporrecreditoreBenedettodi Marchofomaciaodi lb. 139 s. 19 sono per lui
infrascrittacosse avute da lui per mogia 22 l/1 di calcina avuta da lui per la badia da
dì 18 di luglio 1436per infino adì 2 di setembre1436per lb. 3 s. 8 il mogio monta lb.
418

76 s. 10,et per 525 tra mezaneet matoni venutinel monasteroda dì 27 di luglio in
sino adì 15 d'ottobre per lb. 3 s.10 il migliaiomonta lb. 4 s. 9, et per 766 quadrucci
avuti da lui da dì 27 di luglioin sino adì 15 d'ottobre per !b. 3 il migliaiomonta lb. 6 s.
2, et per 675 mattonimandatia chasa di la !antenostro lavoratorea san Ghallo da dì
17 d'ottobre in fino adì 27 di detto per lb. 11 il migliaiomonta lb. 7 s. 8, et per mezane
1000et per 950 matoniet per 500 quadruccimandatida dì 10 di sentenbrein fino adì
2 di novembrealle champoraper lb. 10 il migliaiosotto sopra monta lb. 20 s. 10,et
per moggia6 di calcina mandata'llecamporain detto tempoper lb. 21, tutta monta
ongni chossa lb. 139s. 19sbati lb. 49 a sopra avute alla ragionedel libro nero resta
avere lb. 90 s. 19 per resto d'ongni lavoroavesse mandatoin alchuno luoghoper la
badia e così siamod'achordo ogi questo dì con sopradettoBenedetto.

93. 1436,November29. Paymentto Giovannid'Antonio fora windowopened in the
new dormitory. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 58v. Publishedby Sanpaolesi,
"Costruzioni,"171,app. 3, doc. 9; and Nunes,p. 259, n. 119.
+ giovedìadì 29 di novembre
A spese di murares. xii paghamoa Giovannid'Antonio scharpellatoreet frategliper
una finestrasi misse in dormitorionuovo per tenere la luciernnaportò contanti......s. 12

94. 1436,November30. Reminderthat the heirs of TommasoSacchettihave to pay
an annua!rent of 3 poundsof wax for the perpetuaileaseof the chiassi, or alleyways,
betweenthe Sacchettipropertyand the Badiaon Via del Garbo (della Condotta).
Recordindicatesthat TommasoSalvetti,who authoreda biographyof Abbot
Gomezio,was the monastery'slawyerby this time. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol.
59. Unpublished.
+ mccccxxxvi
+ venerdìadì 30 di novembre

Vuolsi fare richordocome d'aprile 1436messerTomasoSalvettialbitro tra noi e
TomasoSachettilodo che Tomasofu se tenuto darcci ongnianno di livellode chiassi
419

libre 3 di ciera e renderein drietto lb. 9 per libre 18 di ciere et racondatoper uno lodo
pasato fu ne roghattoser Antoniodi Lodovichoda Pistoia

95. 1436,December3. The woodworkerNardodi Spinellodeliversforniture. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 60. Unpublished.
+domenicaadì 2 di dicembre
Da nardo di spinello lengnaiuolouna lettinafornitacon cassapanchee con uno
letuccioper pregio di ff. 16

96. 1436, December8. Workdone on the new door of the cloister. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78, l, fol. 61v. Cited by Nunes,249, n. 52.
sabatoadì 8 di dicembre
A spese di murare lb. tredicis. xii demo a Simonedi Micheleper lib. 34 di ferro
vecchidi bandellesi misse alla portta nuovadel chiostro portò Domenichodi
Bartollomeoin
quattrini.......................................................................................................
.lb. 13 s. 12
A Foresedi Mateo chiavaiuololb. una porto contt. per parte di uno serrameci a fatto
alla portta del chiostro............................................................................................
lb. l

97. 1437,January 11 and 12. Paymentsfor the purchaseof oranges,thus
demonstratingthat the monkswere not growingtheir own, either in the "Orange
Cloister"or elsewhereat this time. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fols. 66v, 67.
Unpublished.
+mccccxxxvi
+ venerdìadì xi di gennaio

A spese straordinarielb. quatros. iii d. x piccioliper loro a Nicholod'Antonio [...]
vetturale,sono per lib. 500 di melarancieet chacio et altre chose rechò da Pisa a s. 16
il e.o per passaggioa santa Ghondeal quaderno.........................................
lb. 4 s. 3 d.
10
420

[....]

+sabatoadì 12di gienaio
A spese straordinarilb. venticinques. 16 per i quali spese don Tubbia in Pisa per più
cose pel monasteriocome diro per[ ...] 4 some l'arancie et per 3 chorbegliper rechare
melaranciee chacio bufalino,et ghabelledi piu cose rechata monto detta ghabellas.
33, et per molte altre cose minute in tutto si spese detta soma di lb. 25 s. 16.......lb. 25
s. 16

98. 1437,January 24 and 26. The unnamedbrotherof BernardoRossellinodrills
holes in new cells to install benches,perhapsbuilt with the wood suppliedby Lorenzo
di Bartolomeoda Puntonno. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 70. Referenceto
BernardoRossellinopublishedby Fabriczy,"Ein Jugendwerk," 109; Sanpaolesi,
"Costruzioni."167,app. l, doc. 31; and Nunes,248, n. 42.
Giovediadì 24 di gienaio
Vuolsiporre creditoreBernardoschharpellatoredi una l/1 opera lavoro il fratelloa
fare i buchi nelle cielle di donnitorio nuovodove stanno le panche
+ sabatoadì 26 di gienaio
A Lorenzodi Bartolodapontonno lb. quatro s. 7 portò contanti per resto di lib. 66 l/1
d'asse di l/3 a Nencio da llui............................................................................
lb. 4 s. 7

99. 1437,June 4 and July 1. Reminderof annua!paymentowed to monasteryby
Sacchettifamily for lease of chiassi (see above,doc. 94). ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,
1, fols. 93v and 100v. Unpublished.
+martedìadì 4 di giugno
Vuolsipore debittoreTomaso Sachettia libro nero in una partita di spersseche debba
dare libre 3 di ciera ogni anno per ciensode chiassi tiene del monasterod'uno anno
cominciatiad 15 d'aghosto 1435e finiti adì 15 d'aghosto 1436come lodo messer
TomasoSalvetticanta per mano di ser Antoniodi ----da Pistoia
+lunedìadì primo di luglio
421

Da Tomasodi messerTomasoSachettilibre tre di ciera rendite e detto la qualeci da
pel ciensodell'ano adì primo o 15 d'aghosto 1435per insino adì 15 d'aghosto 1436e
del ciensodel chassi tiene ne aso uso i quali sono del monasterioe chasi fu lo dato per
messerTomasoSaiveti, libre 3 ciera

100. 1437,August3-9. Paymentsto variousmanuallaborersfor work on the new
staircase(destroyedin the seventeenth-centuryrenovations)that connectedthe church
with the conventualbuildingsto the south. Additionalpaymentsfor the staircaseto
the cloisterand to the old dormitory,possiblyin the southeastcorner of the cloister.
ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fols. 108and 108v. Cited by Nunes, 249, n. 53.
+sabatoadì 3 d' aghosto
A spesedi murarelb. tre s. vi picciolidemo a Francescodi Pippo manovaleper 6
opere lavoroa fare la schala portò chontanti..............................................................
lb.
3 s. vi
+mercholedìadì 7 d'aghosto
A spesedi murarelb una paghamoper 2 hopereper 2 manovaliquando fise uno pezo
di fondamentoalla schala........................................................................................
lb. l
+venerdìadì 9 d'aghosto
A spesedi murares. x demo a Meo del Buonomanovaleper una hopera a lavoronella
schala....................................................................................................................
s. 10

101. 1437,August9. Paymentto the stonecutterBiago di Mone del Ricche,
includingone to Checcodi Romeowhocarted the stone steps for the new staircase.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 109. Publishedby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"177.
app. 5, doc. 6; and Nunes, 249, n. 53.
+ venerdìadì 9 d'aghosto

A Biagiodi Mone del Ricchoscharpellatorelb. dua s. xiiii per lui a Checche di Romeo
vetturalep011òchontantiper vetturadi ii schaglionirecchò in Badia...............lb. 2 s. 14

422

102. 1437,August 10, 13, 15. Paymentsfor work on the new staircase. ASF, Corp.
Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fols. 109v, 110, 11l. Cited by Nunes,249, n. 53.
+sabatoadì 10 d'aghosto
A Marchod'Antonio dala badia a isola vene a lavorarechon noi per manovaleinsino
adì 30 di luglio 1437pe' lavoriodella schala
+martedìadì 13d'aghosto
A Biagiodi Monedel Ricchoscarpellatorelb. s. xviii piccioliper lui a Checchodi
Romeovetturaleper vetturadi 3 some di schaglioni..............................................
s. 18
+Giovedìadì 15d'aghosto
A spese di murares. x rendemoAntoniodi Domenicomaestroper una hoperapaghò
per noi a uno manovalelavilia della donnache aiuto lavorarea la schalaportò Zanobi
suo figliuolo..........................................................................................................
s. 10

103. 1437,August 17. Paymentsfor work on the stone doorwayby Ricchodi
Giovanniand Giulianodi Domenicothat led to the new staircasefrom the church.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 111v. Publishedby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"177,
app.5,doc. l0;andNunes,249, n. 55.
+sabatoadì 17 d' aghosto
A spese di murarelb. ventitrepiccioliper loro a Ricchodi Nanni e Giulianodi
Domenichoscharpellatorida fiesoleportoronochontantii quali si dano per loro per
una porta di choncioavernoda loro a nostra vetturala quale e muratain chiesa in
chapo della schala nuova......................................................................................
lb. 23
A Ricchodi Nanniet Giulianodi Domenichoscharpellatoris. xii per loro a Simone
Piero vetturaleporto chontantiper 2 some rechò di uno uscio di choncio...............s. 12

104. 1437,August21-23. Paymentsto the stonecuttersBiagiodi Simonedel Riccho,
Ricchodi Giovanni,and Giulianodi Domenicofor work on the new stairs and its
doorways. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fols. 112v, 113. Cited by Nunes, 249, nn.
53 and 55; 260, nn. 141 and 144.
423

+ mercholedìadì 21 d' aghosto
A Biagiodi Monedel Ricchoe comagnischarpellatorilb. una s. iiii per loro a Simone
di Piero vetturaleper vetturadi 4 schaglioni....................................................
.lb. l s. 4
+ Giovediadì 22 d'aghosto

A Biagiodi Monedel Ricchoet la chompagnischarpellatores. xii per lui a Simonedi
Piero vetturaleponò chontantiper vetturadi 2 schaglioni......................................
s. 12
+ venerdìadì 23 d'aghosto

A Biagiodi Monedel Ricchoet la chompagnialb. una s. vi d. 8 per lui Andreadi
Nenciocharradoreponò chontantisono per una terza charatarechò uno schaglionedi
br. 5 l/3 ...................................................................................................
.lb. l s. 6 d. 8
A spese di murarelb. otto demo Andreadi Nenciocharadoreper 2 charaterechò cioè
quandorechò la ponta e murata in chapo della schalacioè in chiesa........................lb. 8
A spese straordinaris. 5 spese si a dare bene a uno charadorea Fiesole et piu a lui
quandosi rechò la ponta e in chiesa.........................................................................
s. 5

105. 1437,August28, 31 and September6. More paymentsfor the doors and stairs
of the new stairway. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fols. 114, 115,and 115v.
Unpublished.
+ mercholedìadì 28 d'aghosto 1437

A Ricchodi Nanniet Giulianodi Domenichochavaiuolilb. s. xiiii per loro a Simone
di Piero vetturaleper vetturad'un uscio a archo tondo...............................................
s.
14
A Biagiodi Simonedel Riccho chavaiuolos. diciottopiccioliper lui a Simonedi
Piero vetturaleper vetturadi schaglioni
iii.......................................................................
s. 18
+ sabatoadì 31 d'aghosto

A Bono di Nannidel Trabaleselb. dua s. x ponò Nanni suo padre per 5 hopereci
avuto al muramentodella schala...............................................................................
lb. 2
s. 10
424

+ venerdìadì 6 di settembre
A Biagio di Mone del Ricchoet la chonpagnias. xviii per lui Andreadi Meo vetturale
porto chonttantiper vetturadi 3 schaglioni.............................................................
s. 18

106. 1437,September7. Creditto Ricchodi Giovanniand Giulianodi Domenico
providedtwo doorways. Gne for the Covonichapel dedicated to S. Mary Magdalene,
locatedalong the south wall of the centrainave; and a second under the new staircase
where a chapel was built. This could referto the chapel of Ss. Giacomoe Filippothat
was once in the spot where there is now the staircaseconnectingthe upper and lower
stories of the GrangeCloister. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 116. Publishedby
Sanpaolesi, 177,app. 5, doc. 11;and Nunes,249, n. 56.
+sabatoadì 7 di settembre
Vuolsi porre credittoreRicchodi Nanni et Giulianodi Domenichoscharpellatoridi lb.
xiii sono lb. x per lib. 19 du dua uscia a bastoniavernoda lui i quali muramouno alla
chapelladi santa maria maddalena,et uno sotto la schala nuova dove s'a a fare una
chapella,et lb. 3 per uno occhio sopraa detta chapella fecie d'achorddo don Biagio
chon Giuliano

107. 1437,September7. Creditto Biagiodi Simonedel Riccho and Domenico
d'Andrea for providingstairs for the new staircaseas well as the stairs that led to the
second story of the GrangeCloisterand the old dormitory, perhapsthose originallyin
the cloister's southeastcorner. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 116v. Publishedby
Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni," 177,app. 5, doc. 8.
+ sabatoadì 7 di setenbre
Vuolsiporre credittoreBiagiodi Monedel Ricchoet Domenichodi Drea
scharpellatoria fiesoledi pezzi x di schaglionidi br. 5 l/3 murati nella schala nuovaet
di pezzi 16 di br. 3 1/8 muratanela schala va in su il primo chiostroet di pezzi xi
murati nella schala va in dormitoriovecchiodi br. 2 3/4 anno madatoper questo nuovo
lavorio
425

108. 1437,September13 and 20. More paymentsto Biagiodi Mone del Riccho for
work on doors. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fols. l l 7v, 118v. Publishedby
Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"177,app. 5, doc. 7; and Nunes, 260, n. 141.
+ venerdìadì 13 di settenbre
A Biagiodi Monedel Ricchos. xii demo a Francescodi Romeo vetturaleper vettura
di 2 some di stipiti rechòet portò contanti..................................................................
s.
12
+ venerdìadì 20 di settembre 1437

A Biagiodi Monedel Ricchoet la chompagniascharpellatorilb. uno s. viii pii per lui
a Meo de lonbardazovetturaleportò chontanti.per vetturadi 4 some di priete cioè di 2
uscia.................................................................................................................
lb. 1 s. 8
Da lui detto 2 uscia di conciocon archettodi sopra rendito Meo de lonbardazo
sopradetto..........................................................................................................
uscia 2
A Biagiodi Monedel Ricchoet la chompagnialb. quatro portò chonttanti..............lb.

109. 1438,January12. Paymentfor more work done on the Abbot's bedroom. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 146v. Cited by Nunes,251, n. 53.
+ domenichaadì xii di gienaio
A spese di murarelb. quatroet s. demo a uno maestrosono per di 5 lavoroqui nel
monasteroachonciarela chamera di messerl'abate................................................
lb. 4

110. 1438,January18, 31, and February1. Paymentsto Antoniodi Giovannida
Fiesole for work on stone seats (perhapsbenches)for an unspecifiedlocationin the
monastery. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fols. 147, 149. Cited by Nunes, 261, n.
148.
+ sabato adì 18 di gienaio

426

A Antoniodi Vanni scharpellatoreda fiesolelb. dua demo Andreadi Meo et
Amadiodi Piero vetturaliper veturadi some 7 di sedili cioè di 27 priete....lb. 2 sedili
27
Dal sopradettosedili 27 di prieta per g.o uno posto qui.....................................
sedili 27
+ venerdìadì 31 di gienaio

A Antoniodi Vanni da fiesolescharpellatorelb. tre porto chontantiper parte di sedili
fatti pe'I monastero................................................................................................
.lb. 3
+ sabatoadì primodi febraio
A Antoniodi Vanni da fiesoles. xii demo Andreadi Meo vetturaleper vetturadi 2
some di sedili portò chontanti................................................................................
s. xii

111. 1438, February7. Credit to Antoniodi Domenico,here referredto as "maestro"
for 68 worksdone in the monasteryfrom 23 July 1437to 7 February 1438(n.s.) at a
rate of 20 soldi (or l lira) per day. He was paid in cash as well as in grain. His son
Zanobi agreed to the terms of paymenton his behalf.ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l,
fol. 150v. Unpublished.
Cf. a similar credit recordedon 23 March 1437for 249 works betweenthe
Badiaand Campora,also at 20 soldi per day. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 79v.
Publishedby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"174,app. 4, doc. 19.
mcccxxxvii(o.s.)
+ venerdìadì 7 di febraio

Vuolsiporre credittoreAntoniodi Domenichomaestrodi lb. 68 sono per opere 68 a
lavorateda dì nel monasterioda dì 23 di luglio 1437per insino adì 7 di febraio 1437a
ragionedi s. 20 il dì d'achordo chon Zanobisuo figliuoloapare al giornalelungob. a
carta 82 di poi si vole pore debittoredi lb. 52 et s. 20 sono per st. 75 di grano avutodal
monasteroin più volte cioè da dì 8 di giungo 1437per insino a questo di sopradetto
come apare al quadernolungo giornaleb. a carta 80 di poi si vuole saldarea loro
ragioneresta avere d'achordo chon Zanobi suo figliuololb. ogi questo dì sopradettolb.
35 et s. 15.........................................................................................................
.lb.68

427

112. 1438,February11. Credit to the kilnsmanBenedettodi Marco for 297 lire and
14soldi for bricks and mortardeliveredto the Badiaitself and other monasterysponsoredprojectssince 19July 1437. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 151.
Unpublished.
+ martedìadì 11di febraio
VuolsiporrecredittoreBenedettodi Marchofornaciaioa san piero chantolinodi lb.
dugientonovantasette et s. xiiii sono per le infrascrittechose da lui avute da dì 19di
luglio 1437per insino a questodì sopradetto,cioè per 14,000di mezaneet matoni
mandatein badia in questo tempo per lb. 8 s. 10 il migliaio,et per mogia43 1/1di
chalcinamandatein badia per in detto tempoper lb. 3 s. 8 il mogio,et per mogia7 di
chalcina5 mandatea san Ghalloe luoghodi Balanteet 2 a la porta pinti a luoghodi
Bartolettoper lb. 3 s. 12,et per 543 tra matoniet mezaneet quadrucimandatia detti
Balantea san Ghalloet a Bartolettoalla porta a pinti per lb. 5 s. 12 a si albaterelb. 4 di
tutta la soma i quali sibatonoper vetturalidi 3000 mezanerechò Giovanninostro
vetturalecon nostre bestieche sono della soma di 14,000miglia di sopra nominate
restanolb. 293 s. 14 d'achordo chon benedettoquestodi sopradetto..........lb. 293 s. 14

113. 1438,March7. Paymentsto Antoniodi Giovannida Fiesole includinga credit
for the 35 stone seats carvedby him for the monastery. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1,
fol. 155v. Cited by Nunes,261, n. 148.
+venerdìadì 7 di marzo
A Antoniodi Nanni da fiesolescharpellatorelb. quatro es. 14portò
chontanti........................................................................................................
lb. 4 s. 14
Vuolsiporrecreditoreil detto dì lb. 9 et s. 12 sono per priette 35 dacie per sedili 35
avuti da lui per g.o uno preste qui...................................................................
priette35

428

114. 1438,May31. Paymentto Venturadi Piero for more iron gutters installedin the
cloister. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 167v. Publishedby Sanpaolesi,
"Costruzioni,"179,app. 6, doc. 11.
+ sabato adì 31 di magio
A spese di murare lb. sei et s. x per loro a Venturadi Piero chiavuoloportò
Domenichodi Zanobichiavaiuoloin ff. uno larghiet in quattriniet in grossi sono per
più doccionidi ferro togliemoda lui per metere in su il chiostrodove chade
l'aqua.............lb. 6 s. 10

115. 1438,December6. Paymentto the stonecuttingfirm of Giovannid'Antonio da
Maianofor sixty works carried out prior to 15July 1430. This termùmsame quem is
establishedby the death date of Don Pazino,who is referredto as a tempora!indicator
of the workcarried out.17 These works includedsome by Giovanni's brother,the

scarpe/latoreAttavianod'Antonio da Maiano, who workedon the refectorywindows
and variousdoors includingthose of the refectoryand cellarer's celi. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78, l, fol. 209. Publishedby Sanpaolesi,"Costruzioni,"171-2,app. 3, doc. 16;
and Nunes,244 and 258, n. 113.
+mccccxxxviii
+ sabato adì 6 di dicembre
VuolsiporrecreditoreGiovannid'Antonio scharpellatoree frateglidi 60 hopere le
quali lavoroal tempo di don Pazino et di don Biagio,Atavianosuo fratelloa fare le
finestredel refettoriodi sopra, et l'uscio di rifettorio,et quello della ciella et del
cielleraio,et piu altri usci, le quali opere per insino a ora non sono mese perche non
sen'era fatto richordoma ora detto Atavianoa fatto d'achordo chon don Biagioche di
tutto gli a sia dato lb. 42 et chose sono d'achordo..............................................
lb. 42

17 Nunes (244, n. 10) determinedthat these works must date before 15 July

1430,the date of Don Pazino's death, and that the monks had an outstandingaccount
with Attavianod'Antonio that they paid on 6 December1438. For Don Pazino's death
date see BNF,Conv. Soppr.,da ord., 4, fol. 81.
429

116. 1440,March 23. Paymentsto the kilnsmanBenedettodi Marcoand the
woodworkerAntoniodi Francescofor materialsused in the new guest house. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 287v. Unpublished.
+mercholedìadì 23 di marzo 1439 (1440 n.s.]
A Benedettodi Marchoe compagnifornaciailb. trenta s. vi piccioli avuti contantiin ii
parte per la nuova foresteriaal quadernodi dette spese a c. 7.........................lb. 30 s. 6
A Antoniodi Francescomaestrodi legnamelb. sessantaquattro s. vagli auti in vi
partite per lo nuovo lavoriodella foresteriaet la quadernoa c. 8 di spese........lb. 64 s. 5

117. 1440,March 28. Paymentsto the woodworkersGuasparredi Giovanniand
Pacinodi Bambellinofor work doneon the new guest house. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,
78, l, fol. 288. Unpublished.
+martedìadì 28 di marzo
A Guasparredi Giovannilegnaiuololb. ventunas. xiiii per auti cinta. in iii partiteper
la nuova foresteria,a quadernodette spese a c. 8..............................................
lb. 21 s.
14
A Pacinodi Bambellinolenaiuololb. otto lb. ii piccioli portò contanti in iii partitie,a
la qudernodi spese della foresteriaa c. 9.............................................................
.lb. 8 s.

118. 1440,March 30. Variouspaymentsfor work on the new guest house. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 288v.
a. Reimbursementto Marcofor 200 nails used on the guest house.
Unpublished.
b. The master builderZanobidi Antonioreceived20 lire and 11 soldi for
work on the new guest house. It seemsthat he has assumedthe role of chief builder
from his father Antoniodi Domenico,who led the constructionof the refectory,
dormitory,and cloister. Cited by Nunes,262, n. 161.
430

c. The stonecutterAttavianod'Antonio da Maianoreceived 16 lire and 11
soldi for ashlar stone cut for the new guest house. It seems that he assumedthe raie of

chief stone cutter from his brotherGiovannid'Antonio, who was the main stone
supplierfor the refectory,dormitory,and cloister. Cited by Nunes,259, n. 129.
d. The woodworkerAntoniodi Guido received7 lire 14soldi for wooden
boardsused in the new guest house. Unpublished.
+mercholedìadì 30 di marzo 1440
A spesedella nuova forestrialb. s. x d. 8 per 200 agutuziportò Marco............s. lOd. 8
A Zanobid'Antonio maestrodi murarelb. venti s. 11 piccioliebbe cat. in v partite per
parted'opera, a quadernodi spese della foresteriaa c. 9..............................lb. 20 s. 11
A Attavianod'Antonio lastraiuololb. sedicis. 11 piccioliebbe in iii partite,a la
quadernodi nuova forestriaper parte di concio.............................................
lb. 16 s. 11
A Antoniodi Guido legnaiuololb. sette s. xiiii piccioli,ebbe al quadernodi spese
della foresteriaa c. 10 per asse................................................................................
lb. 7
s. 14

119. 1440,Aprii 4. Variouspaymentsfor workon the new guest house. ASF, Corp.
Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 289.
a. The woodworkerAntoniodi Francescoreceived 12 lire. Unpublished.
b. The masterbuilderZanobid'Antonio received6 lire. Sanpaolesi,
"Costruzioni,"176,app. 4, doc. 43.
c. The stonecutterAttavianod'Antonio da Maianodelivereda closet
doorway. Cited by Nunes, 259, n. 129.
+Domenichaadì 4 aprile
A Antoniodi Francescoe conpagnilegnaiuolilb. dodici piccioliportò e' detto contanti
sono per parte di lavorio fatto nella foristierianuova............................................
.lb. 12
A Zanobid'Antonio maestrodi murarelb. sei piccioliportò e' detto contantisono per
parti d'opere fatti alla forestieranuova....................................................................
lb. 6

431

Da Attavianod'Antonio lastraiuoloin uscio da guardarobaintachatopillagaminto
della foresterianuova............................................................................................
huscio
uno

120. 1440,Aprii 5. Variouspaymentsfor woodworkand stoneworkin the new guest
house. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 289. Unpublished.
+lunedìadì 5 d'aprile 1440
A spese straordinares. sette d. quatro picioli portò Marchosono per 100 agutuziet per
richartiun uscio di chonciopilla foresterianuova...............................................
s. 7 d. 4
A spese straordinaries. dodici piccioliper una chanciaiosi chonperoper Ila foresteria
nuova portò Andreadi Bartoloa chonca limato cassa............................................
s. 13
A spese di foresteriaper loro a a Duco di Francescolegniauololire due s. dodici
piccioliportò e' detto chotantisono per 57 bracia di chorn.ntiper Ila foresteria
nuova.............................................................................................................
lb. 2 s. 12

121. 1440,Aprii 6. Paymentfor work on a fireplaceinstalledin the new guest house.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 289v. Unpublished.
+mercholedìadì 6 d'aprile
A spese straordinaries. quindicipiccioliportò Andreadi Bartolofalimarerafiper un
chammionoper Ila forestieranuova ciaricha...........................................................
s. 15

122. 1440,October21. Paymentto the woodworkerAntoniodi Guido for work done
in the new guest house. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 309v. Unpublished.
+mccccxl
+venerdìadì xxi d'ottobre 1440
A spese di nuova foresterias. sedici piccioliper loro a Antoniodi Ghuido legnaiuoloa
Sta. Croce, portò Micheledi Piero mugnarosta collui,sono per una opera lavoroper
lui dato da copo sta collui quandosi fe la foresteriaet alpare al quadernomemoriale

432

s.o B a c. 248..............................................................................................................
s.
16

123. 1442. List of workshops,houses,and other propertyowned by the Badia and
leased to varioustenants or retained for the use of the monastery. Taken from a
volume of documentscollected under the tille EmptionumEt Venditionwnincluding
various inventoriesof rental property. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 243, fol. 380 (31
o.s.). Unpublished.
This list of propertiesseems to be another versionof an inventorythat begins
with a list of possessionskept in the monastery,and is followedby a list of real estate
holdings. The inventoryis found in ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 386, fols. 2-47.
Folios 2-11v of this inventorywere publishedby Guidoni, "Vicendestorico-artistiche
della Badia Fiorentina," 165-85. Guidoni (ibid., 94, n. 192)dated the inventoryca.
1441based on the rental periods specifiedin the inventory,assumingthat the
inventorymust have been wrinen after the start of the variousrental agreements,yet
before their conclusions. As Guidoni noted, this evidenceis conflictingas some rental
agreementsbegin in 1442while one appearsto have ended in December 1441.18
Given that the majorityof the agreementssuggestthat the inventorywas compiled
betweenJanuaryand October 1442,and that the Emptionumet Ve11ditiomm1
inventory
was dated 1442(wrinen in pencil by a later hand), the transcriptionspresentedbelow
from both inventoriesare dated 1442,though the inventorypartiallypublished by
Guidotti is referredto as the 1441/2inventoryto preventconfusionwith the other
version.

18 A workshopwas rented to the woolworkersTommasod'Antonio di Ghuccio

and companyfrom l January 1435(n.s.) throughthe end of December 1441 for 7
florins a year. Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedella Badia Fiorentina," 180.
433

Inventariodi possesionee chasee bottegeet avillaridel monasterodi Sta. Maria di
Firenze, 1442.19

124. 1442.Descriptionof a cooper's shop (see also doc. 4) locatednext to the
"principal"door of the monasteryalong Via del Proconsolo. The shop was bordered
by the door, church,cemetery. The shop is currentlya jewelry store, Orificeria"Il
Bargello,"Via del Proconsolo,l 7r. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 243, fol. 380.
Unpublished.
Cf. 1441/2inventory,ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 386, fol. 8v, publishedby
Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedella Badia Fiorentina,"177-8.
Mino bottaio,Una botteghaa uso atta di barlectaio/o/ vero bottaio posto sotto
la chiesa di Sto. Stefanoa Badiadi Firenze luogodetto la via del palagio,alla quale da
questo la detta via del palagio,da secondola porta principaledel monastero,da l/3 et
il cimiteriodi detta badia,da l/4 la chiesa di detto monasteroil quale bottegatiene a
pigionedal monasteroMinodi Giovannibottaioet alla per anni v cominciatiadì primo
di novembre 1441et che finivannoper tutto ottobre 1446a ragionedi ff. xii d'oro
l'anno funne rogato ser Matteodi Ser Batista Bocciantiet pellodetto Mino stette
mallovadoreDomenicod'Antonio orafo popolo di Sto. Giorgiodi Firenzedel 8 di
gennaio 1441.

125. 1442. Recordthat there was an alleywaybetweenthe propertyof Tommaso
Sacchettiand the monasteryrunningfrom Via del Garbo (dellaCondotta)to Via S.
Martino(Dante Alighieri),confirmingthat the alley was stili open at the beginningof
the 1440s. Moreover,it indicatesthat the Sacchettiwere stili in possessionof their
housesalong Via del Garbo,which were later incorporatedand used for the infirmary.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,243, fol. 381 (33 o.s.). Unpublished.Cf. ASF, Corp. Rei.

19 The date 1442was added at an unknownlater date in pencil. The inventory

is written in anotherhand with pen and brown ink.
434

Soppr., 78, 386, fol. 9v, publishedby Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedella Badia
Fiorentina,"179-80.
TomasoSacchetti,Chiassitra TommasoSacchettiet il monastero,i quali sono
del monasteropropioposti nella via del Garbo et finischononella via di Sto. Martino
va al Proconsolo,a quali da primo la via del Garbo,da secondoTomaso Sachetti,da
l/3 monasterodella Badia,da 1/4 via di Sto. Martinova al Proconsolo/ la quale tiene
a avillaroTomasodi MesserTomasoSachettiet danne l'anno d'avillaro lib. 3 di cera
per lodo dato per messerTomasoSachettiluottiet funne rogato ser Antoniodi
Lodovichoda pistoiaadi.....d'aprile 1436

126. 1442. Descriptionof a workshoprented from the Badiaby the Communeof
Florencefor use of the TowerOfficials. This shop was undemeaththe northem high
altar chapel,patronizedby the Covoni family. The shop is currentlyunoccupied,Via
del Proconsolo,9r. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 243, fol. 380. Unpublished.
Cf. 1441/2inventory,ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 386, fol. 9. Publishedby
Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedella BadiaFiorentina,"178.
Uficialidi Torre, Una bottegadove tengonogli uficialidella torre il sugellodel
comune posta sotto la chiesa del monasteroet sotto la chappelladi Covoni luogodetto
la via del palagioet dirimpettoalla chameradel comunealla quale da questo via del
palagiodetta via, da secondo l/3 et 1/4 i beni di detta badia la quale tengonoa pigione
dal monasterogli uficialidella torre / la quale continuamentetengonoa pigionedal
monastero

127. 1442. Descriptionof a stationer's shop locatednext undemeaththe sacristy
along Via del Proconsoloand currentlya clothingstore, Kermess,Via del Proconsolo,
5r. This shop was next to that of the Tower Officialsfound undemeaththe Covoni
chapel (see above,doc. 126). ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 243, fol. 380. Unpublished.
Cf. 1441/2inventory,ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 386, fol. 9. Publishedby
Guidoni, "Vicendestorico-artistichedella BadiaFiorentina,"178.
435

Pero di Dino cartolaio,Una bottegaa uso cartolaioposto sotto la sagrestiadel
monasteroet dirimpettoalla cameradel comune,al quale da questo la via del palagio,
da secondoet 1/3et 1/4 e beni della detta badia/ la quale tiene a pigionedal monstero
Pero di Dino cartolaioet alla per anni....cominciatiadì....et che finirannoper tutto
di...., rogatoper ser........mallevadore,per ff. x d'oro l'anno et una ocha

128. 1441/2. Descriptionof a stationer'sshop locatednext undemeaththe dormitory
along Via del Proconsolo. This shop was next to anotherstationer's shop located
undemeaththe sacristy(see above,doc. 127),and is currentlya souvenirshop, Via del
Proconsolo,3r. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 243, fol. 380. Unpublished.
Cf. 1441/2inventory,ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 386, fol. 9. Publishedby
Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedella BadiaFiorentina,"178.
Meo Tucci Cartolaio,Una bottegaatta uso a cartolaioposto sotto il
dormentoriodel monasterodirimpettoalla cameradel comune alla quale da questovia
del palagio,da secondoet 1/3et 1/4e beni della detta badia la quale tiene a pigionedal
monsteroMeo d'Antonio Tucci cartolaioet alla per anni....cominciatiadì....et che
finirannoper tutto di....contaper manodi ser........, per ff. 6 d'oro l'anno et una ocha/
mallevadore.

129. 1442. Recordof farm rentedto the masterbuilderAntonio di Domenico,here
referredto as "Antoniodella Parte" in the left margin,and "maestro di murare"in the
entry proper. Taken from inventoryof propertyleasedby the Badia. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78, 243, fol. 388v. Unpublished.
Antoniodella Parte, Uno poderecon chasa [....] posto presso a Santo Ciemagio
et nello popolodi Santo Ciemagiosopradettoluogodetto a santo Ciemagioal qualeda
questola via va a Maiano,da Secondol'ospedaledi MesserBonifazio,et 1/3
AngnioloGaddi, da 1/4 la chiesadi SantoMicheleBisdomini,da l/5 il fossatelloet de
per misuradi staiora 56 acorda/o/ circha lo detto poderetiene afitto dal monastero
Antoniodi Domenichomaestrodi muraree lavoraleChimentidi Lucha da Sto.
436

Cernagioallo per charta detto Antonioper anni /5/ incominciatiadì.....di.....che
finirannoper tutto........per lb. 100picciolil'anno carta per manodi
ser.............mallevadore
Sono di nostro indetto poderele infrascritamasseriziaet chasa cioe
Uno tino vecchiodi tenutadi barili 30 /0/circha
Uno tino vecchiodi tenutadi barili 20/0/circha
Una tinella da suinare vechiadi tenuta di barili 7/0/circha

130. 1441/2. Excerpts from the inventoryof the Badia Fiorentinaincludedhere for
easy reference. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 386, fols. 2-47. Far transcriptionof the
contents of the followingrooms,see Guidotti,"Vicendestorico-artistichedella Badia
Fiorentina,"171-7.
[fol. 4v]
Chamerade'famigli: [....]
Luoghodella celleria dove sta il celleraioapresso la porta: [....]
Cella del celleraioallato al Capitolo:[....]
Chameradi nostro Padre: [....]
In sala di nostro Padre: [....]
[fols. 5-5v]
Nello scriptoiodi nostro Padre: [....]
Foresteria;chameraa meza schala allatoallo refectorio[....]
In sala della foresterianuova: [....]
Cameraprima della foresterianuova: [....]
Chamerasecondadella foresteria:[....]
Cameratertia: [....]
Et tutte le soprascriptecose sono a custodia del forestaio.
In chucina: [....]
[fai. 6v]
[....]

437

Inventariodella infermeria;cameraprima: [....]
Cameraseconda:[....]
Cameratertia: [....]
In chucinadella infermeria:[....]
[fol. 7)
Inventariodelle masseritiedel forno: [....]
[fol. 7v]
Inventariodella spezieria:[....]
Inventariodella vesteria:[....]
Inventariodella barberia:[....]
Inventariodi tutti i ferramentidel monasterio:[....]

131. 1441,30 August. Openingprotocolfor the libro Debitori e Creditori, Biancho
segnato C, 1441-1450. In this double-entryaccount ledger,debits are enteredon the

left side of the page with creditson the right, facingpage. Consequently,page
numbersare referredto as fol. 2 left and 2 right continuingthroughthe last page, fol.
430 right. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 77, fol. l. Unpublished.
mccccxli+ mercholedìadì xxx di agosto
Al nome sia detto honipotentedio et detta sua gloriosamadre madonnasancta
mariaet del beatissimoet gloriosissimopadre nostro messer santo benedettoet di tutta
la gloriosissimacelestialecorte del paradiso.
Questo libro e del monasterodi santa maria di firenzein sul quale si scriverra
libro bianchosegnatoC in sul quale sa scriptociaschunapersonadara o ricevera
alcunodanaro da detto monasteroIncominciandoda carta 2 e seguendocome finiva
detto libro.

132. 1441,September• 1444,November.List of debits to the stonecuttingfirm of
Giovannid'Antonio da Maianofrom the libro Creditori e Debitori, Bianco C. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 77, fol. 166 left. Unpublished.
438

Giovannidi Antonioscarpellatoreet fratellida maianodevono dare adì lb. ciento
ventiuna s. tre d. xi piccioliposto debbiaavere a libro nero s.o B a carta 425 dove gli
restavaa dare nella renditadelle lb......................................................
lb. cxxi s. iii d. xi
Et devonodare adì xx di settembre 1441lb. xxvii s..... sono per barili xii di vino ebbe
per noi Attavianod'Antonio suo fratelloda Sandrodi Bartolomeodel Bene nostro
fittaiuoloa San Cervagioper s. 45 barili al quadernos.o Ca c. 4 posto detto Sandro
debbe avere in questo a carta 7820.....................................................................
lb. xxvii
Et devonodare adì xxi d'ottobre 1441per st. x di grano avuto di quello dal monastero
portalloAttavianosuo fratelloper s. 30 lo st. monte lb. quindici picciolial quadernos.
Ca c. 7................................................................................................................
.lb. xv
Et deon dare adì viiii d'ottobre 1443lb. tredicis. 17d. 6 sono per barili quindicidi
venniglioebbene per noi da Bartolettodi Michelenostro lavoratia pinti il quale vino
mandosi per esso a sua ghabellaet vetturaleAttavianod'Antonio suo fratelloal
monasteroper s. 18 d. 6 il barile d'accordocon detto Attavianoposto spesedi poderi
debbinoavere in questo a c. 183et al Gior. s.o Ca c. 48....................lb. xiii s. xvii d. vi
Et deon dare adì xxviiii di novembre1443lb. dodici piccioli portò Attavianosuo
fratellocont. in quatt. a uscita s.o Ca c. 163......................................................
lb. xii
Et adì xxviii di dicembre 1443lb. s. 12 d. 6 sono per uno mezo barile di venniglio
ebbe dal monasterodi quello allato alortoportò e' detto cioè Attavianoper s. 25
piccioliil bar. d'arredo al Gio. s.o Ca c. 52 posto spese di poderi debbinoaiu. in
questo a c.
183.................................................................................................................
s. xii d. vi
Sommadeono dare come di sopra apparelb. 189.13.11.i quali sabbattonodi f. 45
d'oro lb. 25 s. 8 picciolidebbanoavere nella famadirimpettofarto di f. lb. a lb. 4 s. 4
piccioliper f. restanoavere come si vede lb. 24 s. 14 d. l piccioli per saldo facto
d'arredo questo di xvii di luglio 1444co. Attavianod'Antonio lo fratello

20 Cancelled:166.

439

Et adì xxviii d'agosto 1444lb. dieci piccioliportò Attavianod'Antonio in ff. larghiet
quattrinia uscita s.o Ca c. 186..............................................................................
.lb. x
Et adì x d'ottobre 1444 lb. cinques. xiiii d. uno piccioliportò Attavianodetto in
quatt. a uscitas.o Ca c. 188............................................................................
.lb. v s.
xiiii d. i
Et deondareadì vii di novembre 1444lb. quatropiccioliper loro a Nardo d'Antonio
loro fratelloposto debbe avere in questo a c. 78....................................................
lb. iiii
Et adì vii detto lb.cinquepiccioliportò Attavianosopradettoff. uno largoet quatt. per
resto di ragionea uscita s.o Ca c. 189...................................................................
.lb. v

133. 1441,November1- 1442,October31. Debit of rental paymentby Antoniodi
Domenico,here referredto as "maestrodi murareper adiretoCapomaestroalla parte
guelffa,"from the libro Creditori e Debitori, Bianco C. "Per adireto" is a misspelling
of per l'addietro, which means:in the past. Antoniorented a farm from the Badiafor
an annua!rent of 100lire. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 77, fol. 79 left. Unpublished.
mccccxli
Antoniodi Domenichomaestrodi murareper adiretoCapomaestroalla parte guellfa,
fittaiuolodel monasterod'uno poderepostonel popolodi San Cervagiopresso alla
chaxaresa il quale nel presenteanno et ritornatoa lui per la morte di mona Mariaper
adiretodonna di Patriciadi Giovannisetauioloil quale era avuta di detto Patriceet di
detta mona Maria,de' darelb.ciento picciolipostodebbiaavere a libro nero segnatoB
a c. 30l dove gli dovevadare..........................................................................
lb. ciento
fatto debitoreper Inxinoadì primodi novembre1441a ragionedi lb. ciento
picciolil'anno
Et de' dare adì lb. ciento picciolisono per fittodello sopradettopodere la quale tieni
dalui et per uno anno cominciatodal primodi novembre1441 et che finira per tutto
ottobre 1442..................................................................................................
.lb. ciento

440

Lascioil detto podere il detto Antonioadì primo di novembre1442et da rimaso a lui
il quale esso a dato a mezo a Chimentodi Feo popolo di santoGervasioposto qui di
sotto che debba dare

134. 1443,January10. Creditto the woodworkerDomenicod'Andrea alla Porta alle
Croce for cutting chestnuttrees on the farm rented by Antoniodi Domenico,here
referredto as "Antoniodalla Parte." From the Libro Creditorie Debitori,Bianco C.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 77, fol. 186 right Unpublished.
Domenichod'Andrea lengnaiuoloalla porta alle Croce de avereadì x di gennaio 1442,
lb. quarantadues. dodici d. sei piccioli,sono per piu lavorodi chastagnoda lui avuto
per raconciarelo so fatto da Sto. Cervagionel luogo tiene Antoniodalla Parte cioè per
castangnioli 129 per lb. 32 piccioliil cordo, et per pali 27 di castangnoda sichomeper
lb. 5 il cordo, che per tutto fannola somma di lb. xlii s. xii d. vi come di tutto
partichularrnenteapare al quadernomemoriales.o B a c. 79.................lb. xlii s. xii d.
vi

135. 1445, March• 1448,October. List of debits and creditsto Antoniodi
Domenico,here referredto as "Antoniodi Domenicodalla Parte, maestrodi murare,"
from the libro Creditorie Debitori,Bianco C. Indicatesthat he was still receiving
paymentsfrom the Badia in the mid-to late 1440s,if not also still activelyworking.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 77, fols. 321 left and 321 right. Unpublished.
[Debits:]
Antoniodi Domenicodalla parte maestrodi murarede' dare adì vii di marzo 1445lb.
cinque piccioli portò e' detto in ff. contantiet quattriniper parted'opere a uscita s.o C
a c. 214..............................................................................................................
lb. v
Et adì xviiii di marzo 1445lb. due piccioli portò e' detto in quattrinia uscita s.o Ca c.
214....................................................................................................................
lb. ii
Et adì xvi d'aprile 1446lb. due piccioliportò e' detto in quattrinia uscitas.o Ca c.
216...................................................................................................................
.lb. ii
441

Et adì viiii di luglio 1446 lb. dieci piccioliportò Domenicosuo figliuoloa f. larghiet
quattrinia uscita s.o Ca c. 219.........................................................................
.lb. x
Et adì xi d'agosto 1446 lb. dieci piccioliportòDomenicosuo figliuoloa ff. larghiet
quattrinia uscita s.o C a c. 219.........................................................................
lb. x
Et de' dare adì xx d'agosto 1446lb. quatropicciolisono per staia sei di granoebbe dal
monasteropiu tempo fa per s. 13d. 4 lo st. come appareal memoriales.o 8 a c. 116
posto spese di poderedebbinoavere a questoa c. 337.....................................
lb. iiii
Et adì xxvii d'agosto 1446lb. cinques. x piccioliportò Domenicosuo figliuoloin ff.
• • per resto d'I rend'1taa uscita
• s.o e a c. no
__ .....................lb. v s. x
d1• contanti• et quattnm
Et adì xviii di febraio 1446 lb. cinque piccioliportò Zanobisuo figliuoloin ff. contanti
et quattrini a uscita s.o C a c. 225.....................................................................
lb. v
Et adì xxiiii di marzo 1446lb. cinque piccioliorto GiovanniManaidi in ff. ini. et
quattriniper pagare suo grano a uscitas.o Ca c. 225........................................
.lb. v
Et adì viii d'aprile 1447lb. dieci piccioliportòe' detto in ff. contanti et quattrinia
uscitas.o C a c. 226...........................................................................................
lb. x
Et adì xv detto lb. dieci piccioliportò Zanobisuo figliuoloin ff. contantiet quattrinia
uscitas.o Ca c. 226...........................................................................................
lb. x
Et adì xxviiii detto lb. una piccioliportò e' detto in quattrinia uscita s.o Ca c.
226.....................................................................................................................
lb. i
Et adì xiii di maggio 1447 lb. dieci piccioliportò e' detto in f. contantiet quattrinia
uscitas.o Ca c. 226...........................................................................................
lb. x
Et adì xxvi di settembre 1447lb. quatro s. viii picciolisono per staia sei di granoebbe
dal monasteroper s. 14 d. 8 lo stai portò MicheleMo. mugnaioa Giornales.o Ca c.
109posto spese di podere debino avere in questoa c. 350.......................lb. iiii s. viii
Et adì xii d'ottobre 1447 lb. quatro s. viii picciolisono per stai sei di grano ebbe dal
monasteroper s. 14 d. 8 daccordolo staio portò micheleM.o mugniaioal Gior. s.o Ca
c. 112........posto spese di poderedebbino averein questoa c. 367...........lb. iiii s. viii
Et adì xxx di dicembre 1447lb. venticinquepiccioliportò e' detto contantia piu volte
come appareal quadernocassa s.o C a c. 85 et a uscitas.o C a c 234..............lb. xxv
442

Et adì primo d'ottobre 1448lb. tre s. iiii piccioliportò e' detto o questo per resto di
cas. a uscita s.o C a c. 242........................................................................
.lb. iii s. iiii
[Credits:]
Antoniodi Domenicodalla parte maestrodi murarede' avere adì xv di giugno 1446
lb. trenta sei s. x picciolisono per opere xxxvi 1/1 lavoro tra qui et la camporacioè per
tr. qui alla sagrestiaet alla camporaalla ci[s]temaper s. xx l'opera come appareal
quadernomemoriales.o Ba c. 127ppostoche spese di poderi debbinodare in questo a
c. 337...............................................................................................................
.lb. ii
Et de' avere adì primo di luglio 1446lb. due picciolisono per due circhi grandifece
metterenelletinadel podere tenne piu tempo fa affito dal monasteroposto che spesedi
poderedebbinodare a questo a c. 337................................................................
lb. ii
Et de' avere adì xi di maggio 1447lb. settantasette piccioli sono per opere lxxviiia
lavoratoqui nel monasteroalle veste1iaet nello spedalecome appare al quaderno
memoriales.o B a c. 138 da di 23 di giennaio1446per insino adì detto exclusive a s.
xx l'opera posto che spese di muraredebbidare a questo a c. 378...............lb. lxxvii

136. 1446, July 1, August20. Debit and credit to Antoniodi Domenico"dalla
Parte"excerptedfrom list of "spesedi podere,"or farm expenses, from the libro
Creditorie Debitori,Bianco C. These balancewith entries in Antonio's accounton
fol. 321. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 77, fols. 337 left and 337 right Unpublished.
Et adì detto [primodi luglio 1446]lb. due pi per loro ad Antoniodi Domenicomaestro
posto debbi avere in questo a c. 321 sono per due circhia fece metterenella tina del
poderetenne affitto dal monasteropiu tempo fa d'accordo a lui..............................
lb. ii
Et adì xx d'agosto 1446 lb. quatropiccioliper lapo da Antoniodi Domenicodalla
Parte posto debbi dare in questoa c. 321 sono per staia sei di grano ebbe dal
monasteroper s. 13 d. 4 piccioli lo staio................................................................
lb. iiii

137. 1591. Excerptsfrom a historyof the Badia written from 1586to 1591by Abbot
Girolamoda Perugiain which he describes,amongother things, the constructionof
443

the OrangeCloistercomplex. He gives an accountof Gomezio's reign, statingthat the
dormitory over the refectoryalonecost 2,598 lire. In a chronologicallist of works
canied out at the monastery,he recordedthat the entire projectcost 4,000jlorins.
Ricordidella Badia di Firenze. BNF,Cappugi,256, fols. 10, 14. Publishedin part by
Nunes,242.
[fol. 10) Il primo Abbatedella Congr; fu il ReverendoB. Gometio,intitolato
nei libri per reverenzaMessere,quale s'era usato, essendovenutoda Portogalloà
studio in Padova,pochi anni avanti,in Sta. Giustina[....] Vennecon 16 Professi,et ne
fece in Badia 76 et 8 commessi,che si trovanoscritti, paghòcirca fiorinisei milia di
debbitiquali si bene non eranodi libre 7, valevano,(atteso la penuriadi denari di quei
tempi, la rovina, in che si trovavala Badia,et destrutionedi fabriche,et d'ogni bene)
più de non varebborohora moltiplicati,prese il possessodelle Camporaà di 20
d' Augosto 1421con diversespese,et interesse,spese solo nella fabriccadel
dormitorionovo sopra il Refettorioin cinque anni in denari lire 2598 oltre tante
riparationi,et altre fabriche,paramenti,argentari,giocalidiversi,et acquisitò,
recuperò,et comperòdiversistabili,in tanto che pare cosa incredibile,lasciassepiù
beni ricuperati,et acquisitatidi nuovo,che non erano quei debonòin podere della
Badiaal pigliaredella Possessione.
[.... fol. 14] 1438:Fabricaspesi dalla Riformafin'al presentenel Rifettorio,
Chiostro,et dormitoriosopra il rifettoriocirca fiorini4000.

138. 1591. A list of accountbooks kept during the fifteenthcenturyincludedin the
chronicleof the Badia writtenby AbbotGirolamoda Peruga(see doc. 137). Ricordi
della Badia di Firenze. BNF,Cappugi,256, fols. 44v-45. Unpublished.
1420,Libro maestroBiancosegnatoA sotto l' AbbateGometio,dove mancanogran
parte di quelle puocheentratech'erano in quei principiiduro sin'al
1431,Libro Nero 8 sotto il medesmoGometiotenutocon magiordiligenzasino al'
1441,Libro bianco C segue la modesmaaccuratezzasin'al
1450,Libro Nero D si seguecosi altri anni x sino al
444

1460,Libro Verde E ancora altri x anni tenneroi conti per circa anni 40 con tanta
diligenzain tanti libri et cosi eseguicitamentedelle Robbe, denari, aprezzando
le robbe a i prezzi communi,et conligandoi conti doppi con suoi bilanci,che
pare à penavi si possi aggiongereda quelli chi non havesseroaltro, che fare,
vedendosicon la moltitudinedelle scrittureil buon'ordineche à pena è
possibilepoterse aggiongnere,cosi fin'al l'anno,
1470,Libro F qui si cominciaà rafredaretanta diligenzasin'al
1480,Libro G qui in q.o si trascorzoi conti assai piu nel fare i bilanci, pervertiro
nel'ordine mettendoil dare nel l'havere,et l'havere nel dare sin'
1490,LibroGiallo H ...

445

APPENDIXTWO:
DOCUMENTSRELATEO TO THE MURALCOMMISSION

This appendixof documentsrelatedto Giovannidi Consalvoda Portogalloor
to the decoration of the OrangeCloisteris providedto furnish the readerwith ali
knowndocumentsconcerningthe problemof how and when the OrangeCloister
muralswere painted. Most of these referenceswere publishedby EduardoNunesand
are so duly noted. Nunes's transcriptionswerecheckedagainst the originai
documents,an excrcise which confirmedthe accuracyof his researchbut did yield
some new finds. In addition,Nunes's trainingas a historian and lack of expertise
aboutFiorentineart and archtiecture-- a lack that he himself acknowledged--1 have
left much to be gleaned from this archivalmateriai. Despite his publication,most
studentsof the Orange Cloisterhave not consultedhis book, and what mayseem
repetitiveis presentedhere to allow far greateraccess to and interpretationof these
sources.
Unlessotherwisenoted, the transcriptionshave been newly taken from the
originaidocuments. The transcriptionspreserveoriginai spelling,thoughproper
nameshave been capitalizedfor easieridentification. Punctuationand accentshave
been added only when necessaryfar clarity. Abbreviationshave generallybeen

1 Nunes, _
"4"-·

446

expanded. A simpleellipsis(...) indicatesblank areas left in the document,usually
where full names wereto be filled in at a later point but never were. An ellipsis in
squarebrackets([...]) indicatesthat the documenthas not been fully transcribed.2
Dates are given accordingto modem usageeven thoughthe new year began in
Florenceon March25.

l. 1429,August5. Entryfrom the uscita of a Libro di emrata e uscita, 1426-1434.

This expenserecord,is boundtogetherwith severa!other accountbooks from Abbot
Gomezio's reign and its pages,originally 1-100,are renumberedas as folios 183-256.
See also app. 1, doc. 37. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 310, fol. 241 (89 o.s.).
Unpublished.
mccccxxviiii/ adì v d'aghosto
A GiovanniSpangiuolostava in chasa lb. due s. quindcipiccioli levati dal quaderno
chassa + a carta 31 et posti a libro segnato+ a carta 116................................
lb. ii s. xv

2. 1435,January28. Giovannidi Consalvoappearsas a witnessto a chapter meeting
at S. Domenicoin Fiesole. Also present are ZanobiStrozziand Fra Angelico.
Recordedin the notarialacts of Paolo di Pagno Bertini,previouslyindexedas B. 1545.
ASF, Notarileantecosimiano,2559, fol. 70r. First published,with error of date, by
Orlandi,"Beato Angelico"Rivistad'Arte, 183,doc. C; idem, S. Amonino, 2: 137,doc.
XXXVII;and Cardile,391, doc. 11. Orlandi and Cardiletranscribedthe date as 20
January. Diane Cole correctlyrecognizedthe date as 28 January,which has been
confirrnedagainstthe originaidocument. The transcriptionbelow is based on hers.
Cole, 601, doc. XVIII.

mccc~·xxxiiii,
lndictionexi die vero xxviii mensisJanuarii.

447

Actumin populo abbatiesanctiBartolomeide Fesulis in capituloecclesie
sanctiDominiciordinis predicatorum,presentibustestibusZenobioolim Benedicti
Charocide Strozzisde Florentiaet JohanneGhonzalide Portughalia.
Convocatisvidelicetde mandatovenerabilisviri fratris cipriani ser Antoniide
regiuolopriorisordinis observantiesupradictiet de consensuet autoritateReverendi
patris Antoniivicariigeneralisdicti ordinis ibidempresentemvolentem[...] ad
pennutandum[...] ad transferendumdictis modisad rationemet comperamJacobi
benedicticoltriciariipop. sancti Michaelisvicedominorumde Florentiaet generaliter
[...]

Nominafratrumsunt hec infrascripta,videlicet: fr. Batista Benedictade
Florentia,fr. BenedictusPieri de Muscello,fr. JohannesPieri de Muscello,fr. Marchus
BartolomeiBartolinide Florentia,fr. TomasusSilvestride Florentia,fr. Yulianus
Filippide Florentia,fr. Ghabrielde Perusio,fr. Ghostantinusde Noceria,fr. Tomasde
Prato.

3. 1435,May 13. Giovannidi Consalvoappearsas a witnessto a chapter meetingat
S. Domenicoin Fiesole. He is identifedas a residentof the parish of S. Stefanoof the
BadiaFiorentina. Fra Angelicois also present. Recordedin the notarialacts of Paolo
di PagnoBertini,previouslyindexedas B. 1545. ASF, Notarileantecosimiano,2559,
fols. 75 r, 76 r. First publishedby Orlandi,"BeatoAngelico"Rivista d'Ane, 183-4,
doc. D; idem, S. Antonino, 1: 37-39;Cardile,392-3,doc. 12; and Cole, 602, doc. XIX.
The transcriptionbelow followsCole's.
In nominedomini nostri yhesuChristi. Annoab eiusdem Incarnatione
millesimoquadringentesimotrigesimoquinto.lndictionexiii die vero xiii mensis
madii. Actumin comitatufiorentinoin populosanctiBartolomeiabbatie fesulane,
presentibustestibusfrate Torna de Regnio,frate Petro de Roma, frate Niccholaode
Aimo de ser Lisio, frate Marianode Matelicha,JohanneConsalviide portughalii
habitatorein populosancti Stefaniabbatiefiorentine,AgnoloJohannis de Castellina
2 These criteriaare furtherexplainedby Waldman,303-5.

448

comitatusfiorentiniet frate Bernardode Bartolomeidesigna omnibusfratibusordinis
predicatorum[....]
[Fol. 76r: ] Item posteaeiusdemanno indictionedie loco et coram Johanne
Consalvide Portughaliahabitatoreflorentiein populoAbbatieFlorentinae,et Agnolo
Johannisde CastellinacomitatusFlorentie.Pateatetc. quod convocatis....fre. Johanne
Pieri de Muscello,Fre. BenedictoPiero de Muscello....

4. 1436,February1. Openingprotocoland descriptionof daily accountbook, or
Gionzale,kept by the Badiafrom l February1436to 28 August 1441. Recordsall
payments,deliveries,and other memorandarelatedto the daily financialactivityof the
monastery. The books cross-referencedin the Giomale do not survive. Also
transcribedin app. 1, doc. 41. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. l. Publishedin part
by Nunes, 177.
mccccxxxv
+ mercholedìadì primodi febbraio
Al nome s.sia dello omnipotenteDio e della gloriossissimavirgine madre
madonnassanta Mariaet del gloriassimopadrenostro messerssanto Benedettoe di
tutta la gloriosissimacorte cielestialedel paradiso.
Questo libro e del monasteriodi santa Mariadi Firenzein sul quale si scriverra
per mododi ricordotutte ciascunecose si ricievierranoo darannoper detto monastero
cosi danaricome ciaschun'altra cosa. Il quale libro si chiamagiornalesegnatoB
cominciandoa scriveredal carta 2 insinoquantoseguiradetto librocominciandodetto
dì di sopra.

5. 1436,May 18. Giovanni,painter from Portugal,is given fundsto buy colors for
the cloister. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 20v. Publishedby Colnaghi, 130(in
part, with incorrectdate); and Nunes,270.
+ mccccxxxvi
+ venerdìadì xviii di magio
449

A spese straordinariegrossi tre d'ariento portò Giovannidipintoredi porto gallo per
comperarecollori per dipignerei chiostri........................................................
s. 16 d. 6

6. 1436, May 22. Giovanni,painter,is given funds to buy two poundsof greenearth
for paintingthe cloister.3 ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 21v. Publishedby
Nunes,270.
+ mccccxxxvi

+ martedìadì 22 di magio
A spese straordinarie,s. 8 portò Giovannidipintoreper libre 2 di verdeterra per
dipingniereil chiostro............................................................................................
s. 8

7. 1436,June 1. Paymentto Giovannipainter fora yellowochre mixtureknownin
Florenceas verdacciofor paintingin the cloister.4 ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol.
23r. Publishedin part by Colnaghi,130;and with incorrectdate by Nunes,270.

3 Translationsof pigmentnamesare based on consultationof the treatise

writtenca. 1400by CenninoCenniniin both the originai Italian and English
translationby ChristianaHerringham,as well as the translationsused by Borsook
(MuralPainters of Tuscany, 133-5).CenninoCennini, Il libro dell'arte, o trattato
dellapittura, ed. FernandoTempesti(Milan:Longanesi& Co., 1984);and Cennino
Cennini,The Book of the Art of Cem1inoCem1i11i.
A ComemporaryPracticalTreatise
on QuattrocentoPaiming, trans.ChristianaJ. Herringham(London:GeorgeAllen,
1899).
Technicalanalysisof the pigmenttypes relies on the work of David Bomfordet
al., Art in the Making. ltalian Paimingbe/ore 1400 (London:The NationalGallery,
1989),30-43.
Green earth, a naturalgreenpigment,was used for underpaintingflesh tones as
well as draperiesand landscapeelements. See Cennini,eh. 51; and Bomfordet al., 4041.
4 Verdacciois a translucentgreenish-brownmixtureof yellowochre with white

and black. This pigmentmixturewas often used for modelingflesh tones as well as
foliage.Bomfordet al., 39.
Cennini (chs. 67-69, 85-87)describedhow to combineochre,black, white,and
a small amountof cinabrese(sinopiamixed with white) to make verdaccio,but does
not discuss purchasingit ready-made.He also explainedhow to use verdacciofor the
450

+ mccccxxvi
+ venerdìadì primodi giungno
A spese straordinaries. 11 portò Giovannidipintoreper compera verdacioper
chiostri.................................................................................................................
s. 11

8. 1436,June 9. Paymentfor receiptof shoes from Tommasothe shoemakerfor
Giovannithe Spaniard. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 24v. Unpublished.
+mccccxxxvi
+sabatoadì viiii di giungo
Da Masochalzolaiouna solaturafe a Giovannispangnuolo

9. 1436,June 13. Paymentfor white lead for the cloisterand to request moneyfrom
a debtor.5 ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 25. Publishedin part by Nunes,270.
+ mccccxxxvi
+ mercholedìadì 13di giungno
A spese straordinaris. v d. 8 paghamoper biacchaper dipingnerei chiostri et per frare
una richiestaa uno debitore..............................................................................
s. 5 d. 8

10. 1436,June 18. Paymentto Giovanni,Spanishpainter,for purchasingindigoand
orpimentfor paintingin the cloister.6 ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 25v.
Publishedby Nunes, 270.

outlinesand modelingof faces and flesh-tones,hair and beards, and landscape
elements(thoughwithout addingcinabrese).
5 Biacca, or white lead, does not work well in true fresco techniqueas it tends

to turn black. For the high altar chapelof Prato Cathedral,Fra Filippo Lippi used
biancodi Sangiovamzi,or lime white, for white paintedin true fresco; and he used
biacca,or lead white, for passagespaintedwith white a secco. LeonelloTintori,
"Conservazione,tecnicae restaurodegli affreschi,"Mitteilwzgendes
Kzmstlzistorisclzen
lnstitutes ùz Florenz 19 (1975): 156-7. Cennini, eh. 59.
451

+mccccxxvi
+ lunedìadì 18di giungno
A spese straordinaris. v d. 6 demo a Giovannispangnuolodipintoreper comperare
indachoe orpimentoper dipingnerei chiostri....................................................
s. 5 d. 6

11. 1436,June 20. Paymentto Giovannithe Spaniardfor purchasingvermillion(or
cinnabar)for paintingthe cloisters.7 ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 26. Published
by Nunes,270.
mccccxxxvi
+ mercholedìadì 20 di giungno
A spese straordinaris. 6 portò Giovannispangnoloper comperarecinabroper
dipingnerei chiostri.................................................................................................
s. 6

12. 1436,July S. Paymentof 8 soldi to G[iovanni]the painter for purchasingmore
verdaccio. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 28. Publishedby Nunes,270.
mccccxxxvi
+ giovedìadì 5 di luglio
A loro dette [spesestraordinari],s. 8 portòG. dipintoreper comperareverdaccio,e più
soldi 3 per 2 poponi.............................................................................................
s. 11.8
6 Orpimemo,or orpiment,was mentionedby Cennini (eh. 47), and is identified

by Bomfordet al. (40) as the trisulphideof arsenic(As2S3).This pigmentoccursin
mineraiform but was also artificiallymade,though,accordingto Bomfordet al., was
never populardue to its poor stabilityand poisonousnature.
Indaco,or indigo,was a blue pigmentused alone to tint paper,or mixed with
orpimentto make green, amatiloto makepurple,or white to imitate azurite. Its
purchasetogetherwith orpimentsuggestsits possibledesignationin a mixedgreen
pigment. Cennini,chs. 19,47, 53, 61, 74, and 75.
7 The red pigmentknown as vermillion(a manufacturedred mercuricsulphide)

was a well-knownand frequentlyused artificialpigment. Naturalcinnabar,if very
finelyground,is almost indistinguishablefrom vermillion. Bomfordet al., 31.
Cennini(eh. 40) recommendedthat cinabrobe purchasedrather than manufacturedby

452

13. 1436,July 6. Two ducats paid to Giovannidi Consalvo,identifiedhere as a
Spanishpainter,who had retumedto the monasteryat an unspecifiedtime. This
paymentwas a partialreimbursementfor 5 ducats taken on the painter's behalf in
Portugal(thoughcalled Spain by the accountant,cf. doc. 14)by Abbot Gomezio. No
conversionequivalentinto Fiorentinecurrencyis given. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,
1, fol. 28v. Cited by Colnaghi, 130. Publishedby Nunes,270-1.
+ mccccxxxvi
+ venerdìadì 6 di luglio

A Giovannidi................spangnoloe dipintore,il quale tomna nel monastero,ducati
due di camera i quali si gli danno per parttedi ducati 5 a presso in ispangnamesser
l'Abate del suo e cosi mandòadire per sua letterasi gli desse........................ducati dua

14. 1436,July 16. Giovannidi Consalvo,Spanishpainter,is given the remaining3
ducats carried by AbbotGomeziofrom Portugalfor him. Strangely,the accountant
wrote 16 soldi 6 denari at the end of this entry, leavinga blank space after his column
for lire. The entries in this accountbook typicallyincludecolumns for florinsand lire,
even when neitherof these coins were includedin the payment. Venetianducats were
approximatelyequivalentto Fiorentinetlorins, but a prior paymentof two ducats to
Giovannidi Consalvospecifythat they were ducati di camera--acurrency
denominationfor which I have found no translation. If the 16 soldi and 6 denari listed
by the accountantare the cash equivalentof 3 ducati di camera,then one such ducat
was equa! to 5 soldi and 6 denari, or 1 grosso. If, as seemsmore likely,these ducats
are roughlyequivalentto florins, then the cash equivalentpaid to Giovanniwas
incompletelyrecordedby the accountant. Unfortunatelyfor an analysisof these

the artist himself,and the pigmentpurchasedfor the OrangeCloister was most likely
this ready-madeartificialred pigment.
8 Cancelled:8.

453

payments,there is quite a differencebetweenthesetwo methodsof understandingthe
value of Giovanni's 5 ducats (either a little under l½ or a Iittle over 16½lire).9 ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 31. Publishedby Nunes,271.
+ mccccxxxvi
+ lunedìadì 16di luglio
A Giovannidi Chonsalvospangnoloet dipintoreducati tre portò contanti pe'resto di
ducati 5 ci scriveMesserl'Abate si gli dia i quali a presi de sua in Portoghallo,
ducati 3..................................................................................................
lb......s. 16d. 6

15. 1436, August7. List of specialexpenses, l l soldi of which given to Giovannithe
painter far purchasingpaintbrushesand lead white. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fai.
36. Publishedin part by Nunes,271.
+ mccccxxxvi
+martedìadì vii d'agosto
A spese straordinarelb. una s. 4 pagati s. xiii a Giovannifattore per[ ...], et s. xi pagati
a Giovanidipintoreper penellie biaccha...........................................................
lb. l s. 4

16. 1436, August 16. Referenceto a GiovanniF. spagnuolo. This abbreviationcould
signifyFrate, thoughit more likely stand forfamiglio,orservant, perhapsthe Giovanni
del Ria mentionedfrequentlyin Badia records. See, for example, app. 2, docs. 28 and
33. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 37. Unpublished.
+ giovedìadì 16 d'aghosto

9 My understandingof the varyingvalueof the florin, its equivalenciesin soldi

and denari, and its conversionsinto other Italiancurrencies,is based on the work of
Peter Spuffard,who does not includecameralducatsin his discussionof European
currencies. Typically,the ducat was a coin of Venicewhile the qualifier "cameral"
indicatespapal origin.Spufford, 1, 19-20,25-26,34, 80, 123. Cf. Richard
Goldthwaite'schart of the valuationof the florinbased on work by Mario Bemocchi.
Mario Bemocchi,Le monetedella repubblicajiore11tina,
m (Florence, 1976),78-88;
and Goldthwaite,430.
454

A spese straordinarilb. una s. x paghamoper più ghabelled'orzo ed paglia,e per uno
ferro messo al chavallo,e per due pamericonperratiperlla chucina,et per più altre
spese asengnaaver fatte GiovanniF[rate]pel monasterio,e più s. 6 portò frate
Bemabbaper fare aconciareuna scharpellaa Giovannif[rate] spangnuolo
in tutto........................................................................................................
lb. 1 s. 16

17. 1436,August 21. Filippodi MatteoTorelli is paid for manuscriptillumination.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 38. Publishedby Levi d'Ancona, Miniaturae
miniatori, 102.
+ martedìadì 21 d' aghosto

A mona Isabettadi Don Pizino lb. una s. x piccioliper lui a Pippo di Matteominiatore
per miniarefactti di san Grigorio...................................................................
lb. 1 s. 10

18. 1436,September3. Paymentto Giovannithe painter for more verdaccio. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 40v. Cited with wrongpaymentamount by Colnaghi,
130;and publishedwith wrongdate by Nunes,271.
+ lunedìadì 3 di settembre
A spese straordinaris. 5 d. 4 picciolidemo a Giovannidipintore per comperare
verdaccio..........................................................................................................
s. 5 d. 4

19. 1436,September6. Paymentto Giovannithe painter for 7 pounds of greenearth.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 41. Publishedby Nunes, 271.
+ giovedìadì 6 di settenbre

A spese straordinarilb. uno s. viii portòGiovannidipintoreper libre 7 di verdde
terra................................................................................................................
lb. 1 s. 8

455

20. 1436,September12. Giovannidi Ser Francesco,the monastery's 'buyer', or
spenditore,10 buys 1/2 ounce of blue for manuscriptillumination. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78, l, fol. 41v. Publishedby Levi d'Ancona,Miniaturae miniatori, 102.
+ martedìadì xii di settembre1436
A spesestraordinaries. xiii d. viii portò Giovannidi Ser Francescoper comperareuna
meza oncia d'azuro per miniare.....................................................................
s. 13 d. 8

21. 1436,September20. Paymentto Giovannithe painter for buyingcolors. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 42. Publishedby Nunes,271.
+ giovedìadì 20 di sttembre
A spesedette [spesestraordinarie]s. cinquepiccioliportò contantiGiovannidipintore
per comperarecolori...............................................................................................
s. 5

22. 1436,October10. Paymentfor paintingcolors,possiblyfor the cloister since
listed as debitedto the buildingexpenseaccount. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol.
48v. Publishedby Nunes,271.
+ mercholedìadì 10 d'ottobre
A spese di murarelb. s. 9 d. 8 paghamoper più colori per dipingere,et per altre
chose...............................................................................................................
s. 9 d. 8

23. 1436,October13. Pa)'mentto G. the painter(Giovanni)for more colors for
painting,possiblyfor the cloister. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 49. Publishedby
Nunes,271.
sabato adì 13d'ottobre
A spese dette [spesedi murare] s. xiii d. 4 portòG. dipintoreper più colori per

dipingnere.......................................................................................................
s. 13 d. 4

10 See app. 1, doc. 43, and Nunes, 172.

456

24. 1436,October17. Paymentsto by Filippo di MatteoTorelli for illuminatinga
diumal for the Benedictinenuns at the conventof SantissimaAnnunziatadelle
Murate,commonlyknownas Le Murate. AbbotGomeziowas responsiblefor the
establishmentof this Benedictineconventin their permanenthome on Via Ghibellina
and was appointedas the community'sprotector. Badiaaccountbooks often referto
this congregationas "le donne di Suor Agata,"a referenceto the convent's first
Abbess.11 ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 49v. Publishedby Levi d'Ancona,

Miniaturae miniatori,102;and cited by Nunes, 128,n. 99.
+mercoledìadì xvii d'ottobre 1436
A spese straordinarielb. sei piccioliper loro a Pippodi Matteominiatoreportò
chontantiper minaturedi un diumo........................................................................
lb. 6
A spese dette s. xiii d. viii picciolipaghatiper una mezaoncia d'azurro per miniarei
libro delle donne di suor Agata.......................................................................
s. 13 d. 8

25. 1436,October27. Purchaseof 178 poundsof gesso,or plaster,perhapsfor the
cloister murals,as well as two staves to repair a barrel. The gesso may, however,have
also been for the repairof the barrel. Compareto doc. XXX. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,
78, 1, fol. 51v. Unpublished.
Sabato adì 27 d'ottobre 1436
A spese straordinarielb. uno s. 17 paghamoper i libre 178di giessoet per 2 doghe si
comperoper uno botte si raconcia.................................................................
.lb. 1 s. 17

11 Agatadi Domenicodel Lucentewas the first Abbessof the convent. For

more on the conventand Abbot Gomezio's role in its establishment,see Nunes,30414; and SaundraLynn Weddle,"EnclosingLe Murate:The ldeologyof Enclosureand
the Architectureof a Aorentine Convent, 1390-1597"(Ph.D.Dissertation,Comell
University,1997), 15-26, 106-108,110-22,270-5.
457

26. 1436,October29. 6 poundsof graycloth12 receivedfrom Niccolod'Andrea
Charducciand company,cloth merchants,13 as agreedto by Tubbia Ciefini (most
likelydon Tubbia,a Badianmonk),for the priceof 5 2'3florins for Giovannithe
Spanishpainter. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 52. Publishedwith errors and
ommissionsby Nunes,271.
lunedìadì 29 d'ottobre
Da Nicholod'Andrea Charducciet chompagniritagliatorilib. 6 di bigio marrnorino
per tutto fe d'achordoTubbia Ciefini per ff. v 2/3 i quali paganno levamoper
Giovannispangniuolodipintore..............................................................................
lib. vi
di bigio

27. 1436,Novemher3. Giovannithe Spaniardis given l lire 16 soldi to pay for the
sewingof a cloak, perhapsmade with the gray cloth deliveredon October 29, 1436.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 53. Publishedwith incorrectdate by Nunes,271.
+sabatoadì 3 di novembre
A spese straordinarielb. una s. xvi demo a Giovannispagnuoloper chucituradi uno
mantellosi gli fa fare.....................................................................................
lb. l s. 16

28. 1436,November10. Giovannidella Ria, a servantof the monastery(famiglia),is
named as a debtorto the monasteryfor 5 2/ 3 florinsfor the cost of a new cloak bought
for Giovannithe Spanishpainter. Comparewith the deliveryof 6 braccia of gray

12 Bigio mamwri,zocan be definedas a "marbled"or "mixed" gray cloth.

Bigio was a graytype of cloth especiallyfavoredby youngnuns, and monnori,zoor
mamwri,zoqualifiesbigio in this case as a marbledor mixed shade of gray. Carole
Collier Frick, "Dressinga Renaissancecity: Society,economics,and gender in the
clothingof Fifteenth-centuryFlorence(ltaly)"(Ph.D.Dissertation, Universityof
Californiaat Los Angeles, 1995),480. I wouldlike to thank VirginiaBudnyfor this
reference.
13 Ritagliatoreis defined by the Cambridgeltalia,zDictio,zaryas a "seller of

remnants(cloth)."
458

cloth on October29, 1436(doc. 26). ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 54v.
Publishedby Nunes, 27l.
+ sabatoadì x di novembre
Vuolsiporre debittoreGiovannidella Ria famigliadi ff. 5 2/3 sono per uno mantello
se ne portò di Giovannidipintoreet noi glieneabbiamoavuto a conperareuno nuovo
che chostocossi

29. 1436,November10. More colors are purchasedfor paintingthe cloister. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 54v. Publishedby Nunes,27l.
+ sabatoadì x di novembre
A loro dette [spesestraordinari]s. 19 d. 4 paghamoper più cholori per dipingnerei
chiostri...........................................................................................................
s. 19 d. 4

30. 1436,November30. More colors boughtby Giovannithe Spaniard. ASF, Corp.
Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 59. Publishedin part by Nunes,271.
+ mccccxxxvi
+ venerdìadì 30 di novembre
A spese straordinaries. 7 d. 8 sono per più colori a Giovannispangniuoloet per uno
fastellodi rodicie...............................................................................................
s. 7 d. 8

3 l. 1436,December15. Paymentto Giovannithe Spaniardto purchasemore gold
and colors for painting,perhapsin the cloister,but more likely for the crucifixand
bambolinamentionedbelow (doc. 32). ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 63. Cited
by Colnaghi,130. Publishedby Nunes,271.
Sabatoadì 15di dicembre
A spesestraordinariIb. uno s. iiii portò GiovanniSpangnuoloper più oro et colori si
comperoper dipingnere...................................................................................
.lb. l s. 4

459

32. 1436, December17. Paymentfor 25 piecesof gold bought by Giovannithe
painter fora crucifixand a "bambolino" (a small child, perhaps a pullo or Christ
child), presumablyrelatedto the materialspurchasedon December 15 (doc. 36). ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 63v. Publishedby Nunes,271.
+ mccccxxxvi
+ lunedìadì 17di dicembre
A spese straordinarie,s. xviii d. 9, paghatiper pezi xxv d'oro pel crucifixoe pel
bambolino,portò Giovannidipintore..................................................
s. 18 d. 9 piccioli

33. 1436,December17. Colorspurchasedtogetherwith other miscellaneousitems,
perhapsfor cloister, thoughmore likelyfor the crucifixand "bambolino." (cf. docs. 31
and 32). ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 63v. Publishedin part by Nunes,272.
+ mccccxxxvi
+ lunedìadì 17 di dicembre
A spese straordinarie,lb. tre s. vii d. iiii pi. pagati per libre 3 di cera nuovo,e per nastri
e per bulette per finestreinpannate,e per comperaretennina,e per chacio da masticie,
e per cholori,portò frate Bernabaet Giovannifamiglioa dì 18 di dicembre...lb. 3 s. 7
d.4

34. 1437,January2. Paymentfor colors for painting,works unspecified. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 65v. Publishedby Nunes,272.
mercholedìadì ii di gennaio 1436
A spese straordinarielb. s. 7 pagatiper colori per dipingere......................................
s. 7

35. 1437,January 14. Paymentsfor repairof an iron ruler and for white pigmentfor
painting. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 67v. Publishedin part by Nunes,272.
lunedìadì 14 di gienaio
A spese straordinaris. 7 d. 4 paghamoper achonciaturadi uno regholodi ferroper don
Bonachorso,et per biacchaper dipingnere........................................................
s. 7 d. 4
460

36. 1437,March6. Paymentsto a doctorfor Giovannithe Spanish painter and to a
barberfor bleeding,perhapsrelatedto Giovanni'sillness. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,
l, fai. 76v. Cited by Colnaghi, 130. Publishedin part by Nunes, 272.
+ mercholedìadì 6 di marzo

A spese straordinarilb. tre demo Giovannispangnioloe dipintoreper dare a uno
medichoper quando lo medichò............................................................................
lb. 3
A spese straordinariegrossi due per dare a un barbiereche chavo sanghe..............s. 11

37. 1437,March11 and March12. Paymentsto Giovannithe painter for colors.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 77v. Publishedby Nunes,272.
+ lunedìadì 11di marzo

A spese straordinaris. iiii portò Giovannidipintoreper colori...................................
s. 4
+ martedìadì 12di marzo

A loro dette [spesestraordinari]s. iiii portò Giovannidipintoreper cholori..............s.

38. 1437,Aprii8. Paymentsfor colors for painting,classifiedas buildingexpenses
and thus most likelyfor the cloister. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 82v.
Publishedby Nunes,272.
+ mccccxxxvii
+ lunedìadì 8 d'aprile

A spesedi murares. xii d. 4 paghamoper più choloriper dipingnere...............s. 12 d. 4

39. 1437,Aprii 17. Purchaseof colors. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 85v.

Publishedin part with incorrectdate by Nunes,272.
+ mccccxxxvii

[mercholedìadì 17d'aprile]

461

A spese straordinarilb. una s. viiii de quali demo a Giovannidella Ria s. 22 quando
andò a Pisa con frati di Nicosia,et resto in coloriet altre cose.........................lb. l s. 9

40. 1437,Aprii 18. Paymentsfor colors. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 85v.
Unpublished.
+ giovedìadì 18d'aprile
A spese straordinaris. x paghamoper più choloridi si chomperorono...................s. lO

41. 1437,Aprii 24. Five grossi debitedfromthe extraordinaryexpense accountfor
alteringcowls. One grosso (equivalentto 5 soldi, 6 denari) paid to Giovannithe
painter,perhapsfor one of these vestments? ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 86.
Publishedin part by Nunes, 272.
+ mccccxxxvii

+ mercholedìadì 24 d'aprile
A spesi straordinarigrossi cinque spendemoper achonciaturadi cocholle,et de quali
grossouno ebbe Giovannidipintore.........................................................
lb. I s. 7 d. 16

42. 1437, May 2. Giovannithe Spaniardbuysgesso and colors. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 87v. Publishedby Nunes,272.
+ mccccxxxvii
+ Giovedìadì 2 di magio

A spese straordinaris. 8 portò GiovanniSpangnoloper giesso, et più s. 9 d. 2 per più
cholorida dipingnere......................................................................................
s. 17 d. 2

43. 1437, May 6. Paymentto Piero the barberfor bleedingGiovannithe painter,
most likelyrelated to illness of March 1437(see above,doc. 34). ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78, l, fol. 88. Publishedby Nunes,272.
+ lunedìadì 6 di magio

462

A spese straordiinaris. xi demo a Piero barbierequandochavò sangue a Giovanni
dipintore..............................................................................................................
s. 11

44. 1437,May 10. Paymentto Giovannithe painterfor colors. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78, l, fol. 89. Publishedby Nunes,272.
+ venerdìadì 10di magio

A spese straordinaris. 2 d. 8 paghatoportò Giovannidipintoreper cholori........s. 2 d. 8

45. 1437, May 22. Paymentsfor more colors. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fols.
91-91v. Publishedby Nunes,272.
+ mercholedìadì 22 di magio
A spese straordinaris. 5 d. 6 spesonsiin cholori...............................................
s. 5 d. 6

46. 1437,June 4. Paymentto G[iovanni]the painterfor colors for painting. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fols. 93v-94. Publishedby Nunes,272.
+ martedìadì 4 di giugno
A spese straordinari[....] A loro dette s. xv paghamoper più cholori si comperòdi
dipingniereportò G. dipintore.................................................................
s. 15

47. 1437,June 21. Paymentsto Filippodi MatteoTorelli, a manuscriptilluminator
who decoratedsevera!books for the Badia,14 for one ounce of azurite and ¼ ounceof
ultramarineblue.15 Listed as buildingexpensesand thereforeperhaps for the cloister.

14 Filippodi MatteoTorelli was employedby the Badia to illuminatesevera!

manuscriptsin 1436and 1437. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fols. 38, 49v, 88v,
110v, 114, 115v, 116v. See Levi d'Ancona, Miniaturae miniatori, 102-3,397; and
Nunes, 128,n. 99; 360, n.133
15 Filippodi MatteoTorelli also sold pigmentsto the Badia on 11 October

1438to give to the Pisan monasteryof Nicosia(seeabove, doc. 39), ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 193. Fora transcriptionof this transactionsee Levi d'Ancona,
Miniaturae miniatori, 103.
463

ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 97v. Publishedby Levi d'Ancona, 102;16 and
Nunes, 272.
venerdìadì 21 di giugno
q.a B a c. 117 [in left margin],A spesedi murare lb. tre s. xi demo a Pippo miniatore
per oncia uno d'azuro della mangniaet per l/4 oncia d'azurro oltramarinoportò
contanti........................................................................................................
.lb. 3 s. 11
q.a B a c. 117 [in left margin],A spesedi murare lb. dua s. xii d. 3 paghamoa
Francescodegli Strozi portòBernardodi Giovanniper libre 9, oncie 6 di stangnio
rotto chomperamoda lui, tolse Antoniodi Ser Bartolotolsesi per fare finestredi
vtieto.....................................................................................................
lb. 2 s. 12 d. 3

48. 1437,July 19. Paymentof 2 soldi 8 denari for colors. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,
78, 1, fol. 104v. Publishedin part by Nunes, 272.
venerdìadì 19 di luglio
A spese straordinarilb ...... s. xiiii d. 8 portò frate Churrinoper 6 tenperatoi(?) e ci s. 2
d. 8 per cholori................................................................................................
s. 14 d. 8

49. 1437,July 23. Paymentof 11 soldi to Giovannithe painterfor colors ASF, Corp.
Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 105v. Publishedin part by Nunes, 272.
martedìadì 23 di luglio
A spese di murares. xi portòGiovannidipintoreper cholori,et più s. 6 per una
ghuardiaper olio andò alle Champora.....................................................................
s. 17

50. 1437,July 29. Paymentfor white pigmentfor paintingamongmiscellaneous
purchases.ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 106v. Publishedin part by Nunes, 273.

16 Levi d'Ancona believedthe classificationof this paymentto the building

expenseaccountto be a mistake. However,the marginainotationsof this entry and
anotheron the same day, show that they were both debited from the buildingexpense
account(spesedi murare)in the Libro Debitorie Creditori,B on page 117.
464

lunedìadì 29 di luglio
A spese straordinaris. xvii paghamoper biachhaper dipingnere,et per amido,et per
gireglli,et per naldoni,et per più altre chosse.........................................................
s. 17

51. 1437,September3. Paymentfor colors for painting. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,
l, fol. 115v. Publishedby Nunes,273.
+mccccxxxvii
+ martedìadì 3 di settembre1437

A spese straordinaries. sette pagatiper choloriper dipignere...................................
s. 7

52. 1437,August28, September4 and 7. Paymentsto Filippo di MatteoTorrellifor
workon manuscriptilluminationfor VascoRodriguez,Cantor of Braga.17
a. Paymentof one largeflorinas partialpaymentfor work on a breviary. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 114. Takenfrom the transcriptionby Levi d'Ancona,
Miniaturae Miniatori, 102.
b. Paymentof three large florinsfor Torrelli's work on the breviary. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 115v. Publishedby Levi d'Ancona, Miniaturae
Miniatori,102.
c. Paymentof 2 lire 7 soldi for the "rest of a missai" illuminatedby Torrelli.
Levi d'Ancona (with incorrectdate in Miniaturae Miniatori, 102,397) interpretedthis
paymentas for a second book, but it maybe that the Badia record-keepersweresloppy
in their descriptionand that this paymentis the final of three for Rodriguez'sbreviary,
ratherthan a separatemissai for whichthereare no previouspayments. ASF,Corp.
Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 116v.
+ mccccxxxvii
+ mercholedìadì 28 d'aghosto 1437

17 Nunes, 128, n. 99; 360.

465

A MesserValaschoRoderigicantor Bragarinsidi Portogallo,ff. uno largo per lui a
Pippo di Matteominiatoreportò contantiper partedi miniaturad'un breviariofa a
detto.........................................................................................................
ff. 1 s. 7 d. 6
+ mercholedìadì 4 di settembre

A MesserValuschoRoderigichantoreBraghurinsi,ff. tre d'oro larghi
per lui a Pippo di Matteominiatoreportòcontantiper parte di miniaturad'un
breviario..........................................................................................
.ff. 3 lb. l s. l d. 10
+ sabatoadì 7 di setenbre

A MesserValaschoRoderigilb. dua s. 7 per lui a Pippio di Matteo miniatoreportò
Mateoper resto di uno mesalegli miniò...........................................................
lb. 2 s. 7

53. 1437,September16. Paymentto Giovannithe painter for colors. ASF, Corp.
Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 118. Publishedby Nunes.
+ mccccxxxvii
+ lunedìadì 16 di settembre
A spese di murares. 8 portò Giovannidipintoreper cholori.....................................
s. 8

54. 1437,October1. Paymentto Giovannithe painterto buy paintbrushes. Listedas
a buildingexpenseand thereforeperhapsfor the cloister. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78,
l, fol. 122. Publishedby Nunes, 273.
+ martedìadì primo d'ottobre

A spesedi murares. vi demo a Giovannidipintoreper chonperarepennegliportò
chontanti..............................................................................................................
s. 6.18

55. 1437,November27. Paymentto Ser FrancescoFogliano(or di Sogliano,as
Nunestranscribed)for ¼ ounce of ultramarineblue and one ounce of azurite. Listed
as an extraordinaryexpenseand thereforeunclearwhetherfor manuscriptillumination,

18 Cancelled:per 6 penegl.

466

pane)painting,or the cloister murals. Nunes's (273) inclusionof the paymentin his
transcriptionsindicateshis beliefthat this paymentrelates to the cloisterdecoration.
ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 138v.
+ mercholedìadì 27 di novembre
A spese straordinarilb. tre et s. 6 demo a ser FrancescoFoglianoper uno quarto
d'azuro oltramarinoet una oncia di verddeazuro portò chontanti...................lb. 3 s. 6

56. 1438,February7. Giovannithe painterpaid to purchasea woodenruler. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 150. Publishedby Nunes, 273.
mccccxxxvii
+ venerdìadì 7 di febraio
A spese straordinaris. xi per uno regholodi nocie per Giovannidipintore..............s. xi

57. 1438,March11. Miscellaneouspurchasesincludingwhite pigmentfor painting.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 155v. Publishedwith incorrectdate by Nunes, 273.
+ martedìadì 11di marzo
A spese straordinarilb. una s. 4 sono per ghabellad'orzo, et biacchaper dipingnere,et
per una tincha,et per più cosse.......................................................................
.lb. l s. 4

58. 1438,Aprii2. Miscellaneouspurchasesincluding8 soldi spent on colors. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 158v. Publishedin part by Nunes, 273.
+ mercholedìadì 2 d'aprile 1438
A spese straordinarielb. una sonnes. 8 per cholori,et resto per spesequandoandamo
in Valdelsa,et per più altre cose.............................................................................
.lb. 1

59. 1438,Aprii 17. 21/2grossi (13 soldi, 9 denari)paid to Giovannithe painter fora
new cloak. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 161. Publishedby Nunes,273.
+mccccxxxviii
+ giovedìadì 17 d'aprile
467

A spese straordinarigrossi cinque datti a Giovannipintoreet a Giovanni Roderigiper
fornituradi 2 cioppe fanno fare................................................................
.lb. 1 s. 7 d. 6

60. 1438,May 28. Deliveryby Antoniodi ser Bartoloof one pair of shoes valuedat
15 grossi (4 lire, 2 soldi, 6 denari) from Banchoand Stagiodi Bernardo,shoemakers,
for Giovannithe painter.ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 167. Publishedby Nunes,
273.
+ mercholedìadì 28 di magio
Da Banchoe Stagiodi Bernardochalzaiuoli,paio uno di chalze perpingnianenere
levò Antoniodi ser Bartoloper Giovannidipintoreper grossi 15 fe dacordo
Antonio................................................................................................
paio uno chalze

61. 1438,June 20. Miscellaneouspaymentsfor taxes on grain delivery,eggs, bread,
and colors for painting. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 170v. Publishedin part by
Nunes,273.
+ venerdìadì 20 di giugno

A spese straordinaris. 19 pii paghatiper ghabellad'orzo, et di paglia, et per huova
fresche,et pane frescho,et per cholori per dipingnere............................................
s. 19

62. 1438,July 5. Paymentto Bindo di Nigi for two shirts and two pairs of pants for
Giovannithe painter,valuedat 2 lire, 13 soldi, 2½ denari. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,
78, l, fol. 174. Publishedwith wrongdate by Nunes,273.
+ sabatoadì 5 di luglio

A spese straordinarilb. cinque s. 17 per loro a Bindodi Nigi portò Giovannidi
Bardinoin grossi, sono per 2 chamicieet 2 mutandetogliemoda lui per Alverino,et 2
chamicieet 2 mutandetogliemoda lui per Giovanni
dipintore.....................................
.lb. 5 s. 17

468

63. 1438,July 8. Receiptof 6 dobre (valuedat 6 florins,2 lire, 4 soldi, see below
doc. 64) from Nuno Femandez,courierof the Infantedon Pedro of Portugal.19 This
moneyhad been given to Nuno by Giovannidi Consalvoto be hcld as a deposit. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, l, fol. 174v. Publishedby Nunes,273.
+ martedìadì 8 di luglio

Da NunoFemaldi,choriered'Infante don Petro,dobrei sei, le quali avernoper lui
da GiovanniCholsalvodipintore,le quali disse gli avevadato a serbo rechòe'
detto..................................................................................................................
dobre6

64. 1439,February5. Paymentto Nuno di Femaldoof Portugalof 6 dobre (valued
at 6 florins,2 lire, 4 soldi) for Giovannidi Consalvothe painter from Portugal. These
monieswere transferredby the FiorentinebankersEduardoGiachinottiand company
to the Portuguesecompanyof FrancescoGiuntini. Don Biagio,a Badian monk,took
this moneyin cash to EduardoGiachinotti in Florence. This is the retum of the
deposit made on Giovanni's behalfby Nunoon July 8, 1438(doc. 63). ASF, Corp.
Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 220v. Publsihedby Nunes,273.
+ giovedìadì 5 di febraio

A Nunodi Femaldodi Portoghallodobre sei per lui a Giovannidi Chonsalvo
dipintoredi Portoghalloi quali ci rimetemoper le mani d' AdauardoGiachinottie
compagnibanchieri,in FrancescoGiuntinie compagnidi Portoghallo,e a detti
Adauardoet compagnigli demo chontantiin Firenzeportò don Biagio nostro
monacho..................................................................................................
ff. 6 lb. 2 s. 4

19 The InfantePeter, the secondson of King John I of Portugal,was Duke of

Coimbraas well as the father of CardinalJames who was later buried in S. Miniatoal
Monte. For more on the Infanteand the Portugueseroyal family, see Hartt et al., 2830; and Dias, "Escultorese pintores,"491-2.
For more on the Spanishdobla,or dobra,as well as the currencysystemof
fifteenth-centuryPortugal,see Spufford,159, 162.
469

65. 1439,September23. Paymentsfor variouscolors and other necessitiesfor the
painterwho paints the cloister. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 264. Publishedby
Nunes,274.
+ mccccxxxviiii
+ mercholedìadì xxiii di settembre
A spesedi murares. x d. x picciolisono per diversicolori si conperaronoper lo

dipintoreche dipigneil chiostro,et più s. iiii d. iiii dati al detto dipintoreper
comperarealchunaaltra cosa gli bisognavain tutto s. xv d.
ii............................................
s. xv d. ii

66. 1439,October7. 1½ ducats paid to the Benedictinesat S. GiorgioMaggiorein
Venicefor colors that they sent to paint the cloister. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1,
fol. 266. Publishedby Nunes, 274.
+ mercholedìadì 7 d'ottobre

A spesedi murareducati uno e mezo di cameradati a monacidi Vinegiaper più
cholorici mandaronoper dipingnerii
chiostri................................................................
ff. 1 1/1

67. 1439,October14. Colors purchasedfor paintingin the cloister. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 267v. Publishedwith errorof transcriptionby Nunes,274.
+ mercholedì14d'ottobre
A spesedi murares. 7 d. 3 sono per più colorisi comperoper dipignereil
chiostro............................................................................................................
s. 7 d. 3

68. 1439,October24. Paymentfor colors for the cloister. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,
78, 1, fol. 269. Publishedby Nunes,274.
+sabatoadì 24 d'ottobre
A spesestraordinaris. 3 dati per choloriper chiostri.............................................
s. 3

470

69. 1439,October26. Purchaseof two barrelsof wine given to the conventof S.
Domenicoin Fiesole for teachingFra Macario,a conversoof the Badia,to paint. ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 269. Paraphrasedby Salmi, 139. Publishedby Nunes,
274.
+ Iunedìadì 26 d'ottobre
A spese straordinarilb. quatro dati frate Macharionostro chonversoper dua barili di
vino chomperoper dare a frati di SantoDomenichoquando aparavaa dipingnere...lb.

70. 1439,November14. 6 soldi, 6 denarigiven to the painter at work in the cloister
to buy colors. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fol. 272v. Publishedby Nunes,274.
+sabatoadì xiiii di novembre
A spese straordinaries. xi piccioli,portò frate Barnabaper comperareuno pezo
di noce,et più s. v d. vi dati al dipintoreper comperarecolori per dipignerei
chiostri.........................................................................................................
s. xvi d. vi

71. 1439,December6. Purchaseof one pair of "little" shoes valuedat l lire for "the
painter,"presumablyof the cloister. ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 275.
Publishedby Nunes,274.
+ domenichaadì 6 di dicembre
A spese straordinarilb. una dati al dipintoreper uno paio di scharpette...................lb. 1

72. 1439,December16. Miscellaneouspurchasesincludingcolors for painting.
ASF,Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 275v. Publishedin part by Nunes,274.
+mercholedìadì 16 di dicembre
A spese straordinaris. 6 piccioliportò Marchoper g.o di paglia,et per gieso per le
botti, et per colori per dipignere..............................................................................
s. 6

471

73. 1440,January 14. Recordof creditsto the painter Niccolò di Ser Lapo, a tenant
of the Badia who also receivedpaintingcommissionsfrom the monastery.20 ASF,
Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 279. Publishedin part by Nunes, 251.
mccccxxxviiii,giovedìadì 14 di gienaio [o.s.]
Vuolsiporre credittoreNicholodi Ser Lapodipintore,nostro pigionale,di lb. 36 s. 2
picciolisono per uno cholmo di nostra Donnaebe messer l'Abate per mandarein
Portoghallo,et per più cholori avernoda lui per cierti libri si miniare il monasteroin
tutto lb. 3 s. 2 d'achordo con lui.......................................................................
lb. 3 s. 2
Et più si vuole porre credittoredetto Nicholodi ff. 4 1/4 de quali ne sono ff. 3 per uno
paio d'angniolettici dipisso et d'oro et mise loro di suo, et ff. 1 1/4 per dipingnitura
del tabemacholodove sta il Sagramentoet doraturadi furi et per chonpituradi 4
angnolifarciemofare ma perchenon eronochompinilui gli chompre in tuto abiamo
fatto d'achordo ff. 4 l/4 ............................................................................................
ff. 4
1/4
Et poi si vuole saldare la sua ragioneresta a dare per in sino adì ultimo dì d'otobre
1439,lb. 3 s. 8 si batuto gli ongni lavoroavesedato et fato per in sino adì 14di
gienaio 1439d'achordo con lui

20 Niccolòdi Ser Lapo also workedon the altarpiecefor the high altar at S.

Maria alle Campora,receiving21 lire in two paymentson 9 Septemberand 30
November1438. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr.,78, 1, fols. 184v, 206v; and ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr.,78, 333, fols. 32v, 57v, 65. See Nunes,257.
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Re11aissa11ce.
Leipzig:E.A. Seemann,1938.
---. The Worldof tlzeFiorentineRe11aissa11ce
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506

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Plate 1. Aerial view of the BadiaFiorentina,north at top of page.

jPARTE CENTRALE·:
I OI F"I RE N Z E
>.

Scala di 1•8000

' ,

Plate 2. Pian of centrai Florence,north at top of page.

Plate 3. Pian of centraiFlorence,detail showingBadiaFiorentina.

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1 4

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Plate 5. Ground pian of the Badia Fiorentinaas it is today: ( 1) Abbey church; (2)
Chapel of St. Maurus (fonner nave); (3) capitolonuovo (fonner narthex); (4) new
sacristy (fonner chapter room); (5) new choir; (6) old sacristy and ex-donnitory; (7)
church entrance;(8) Pandolfinientrance, Via del Proconsolo;(9) north monastery
entrance, Via Dante Alighieri; (10) PandolfiniChapel (fonner Santo Stefano); (11)
large cloister (Pretura);(12) Grange Cloister;(13) refectoryvestibule; (14) refectory;
(15) chapel.

------ii

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Plate 6. Reconstructionof the Badia Fiorentinaand its neighborhoodca. 1440.

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Plate 7. Partial reconstructionof the Badia Fiorentinaca. 1440. 1) Torre della
Castagna;2) monastic buildings (as shown in RusticiCodex); 3) north monastery
entrance;4) west cemetery;5) east monasteryentranceand east cemetery; 6) north
church entranceplatform;7) Santo Stefano; 8) abbeychurch; 9) narthex; 11)
refectory; 12) Orange Cloister; 13) monastic buildings(area of chapter room, sacristy,
dormitory); 14) cloister chapel; 15) Sacchetti familytowers and houses (convertedto
guest house and infirmary).

II
II
II

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Plate 8. Reconstructionof the Badia Fiorentinaca. 1440 (after Middeldorfand Paatz):
l) Santo Stefano; 2) Giochi-BastariChapel; 3) Cappella Maggiore;4) Covoni Chapel;
5) sacristy; 6) entranceplatforrn;7) north church entrance; 8) abbey church nave; 9)
chapter room; 10)campanile; 11) Chapel of Ss. Giacomo and Filippo; stair; 12) west
church entrance; 13) narthex; 14) Orange Cloister; 15) refectory vestibule; 16)
refectory.

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VIA COHDOTT

Plate9. Southwestcornerof BadiaFiorentina,first floor: area of Sacchetti
familytowersand houses,convertedafter 1440to guest house and infirmary
(afterMacciand Orgera).

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-.·

Plate 10. Late fifteenth-century Fiorentine painter, The Buming <~{Sawmarola in the Piazza della Signoria,
tempera on pancl, Florence, Museo di San Marco. View looking cast, campanile of Badia visible at the left between
the dome of thc cathedral and thc towcr of thc Palazzo del Podestà.

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Plate 12. Marcodi BartolomeoRustici, Dimostrazione dell'andata al Samo Sepolcro,
1447-53,BSAF,fol. 25: Detail ShowingChurch of Santo Stefano from the north.

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Plate 13. StefanoBuonsignoriand BonaventuraBillocardi,Birds' eye pian of
Florence(1584),detail of area aroundBadiaFiorentina-al top left (identifiedas 26).

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Plate 15. Michelozzodi Bartolomeo,Courtyard,MediciPalace,Florence.

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Plate 16. Courtyard,Ospedale degli Innocenti,Florence.

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PIate 17. Michelozzodi Bartolommeo,Cloister,San Marco,Florence.

Plate 18. Michelozzo di Bartolommeo,Library, San Marco, Florence.

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A2 L.:ppcrchurd1
A.l Lowcr churd1
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l~dcct11ry

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Plate 19. Groundpian, San Marco,Florence(AfterHood).

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,.

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)·. Church(40),(4)
Sacristy
lia (ad
fter
W Paatz
"O• Pian of Santa
Maria
NoveGran
(3").
and Chiostro
Verde .
Plate
("
Chiostro
(41), Chapter Room - 6 '

Cl111rcl1
Castella11i Chapel
3 Baro,icelli Cl1apel
4 Corrido, of Medici
5 Medici Cl,apel
6 Sacristy
7 Calderit1i Cl,apel
8 Niccolit1i Chapel
9 Seco11dBardi Chapel
1 o Sa/,,iati Cl,apel
1 1 Norther11 loggia
1 2 S0111l,em lo.f!..c:ia
13 Gaie
14 First cloister
15 Rejector)'
16 Side-room
1 7 Cercl1i-Cat1igiar1iChape/
18 Pazzi Cl,apel
1 9 Secor,d cloister
20 Campat1ile

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Plate 21. Ground pian, Santa Croce, Florcncc.

60 metres
leot

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Plate 22. Ground pian, Sant'Apollonia,Florence.

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Plate 23. Groundpian,San Lorenzo,Florence.

Plate24. Façade,RucellaiPalace,Florence.

Plate 25. Façade,PiccolominiPalace,Pienza.

Plate 26. Façade,PalazzodellaMisericordia,Arezzo.

1-·,...111mlle
della pi&nta della l'hleq e Mona,;tero della Badia nel ser. Xli.
I. La prima Chiesa della Badia
Stefano.

!J Via Ilei ~ragazzini

;;, Yia ,!cl narbo, oi:gi della Condotta.
6. Via che amla\·a al Garbo.
i. Case ,li Dante.

lU Porta ,lei Garbo Q elci :--ala111oni.
11, Postierla 1lell11Badia.
I:!. Ca!!e 1lella Badia
1:1. Fnssu dello Schcmgi;io.
H. Via Hicciar,la ogi,:i D .. \li;:hir1i.

:!. La parrocchiale di S
:i . .!.rea del lfoaastero.
,. Mura del l O cerchio.

8 Torre della Castu;.:na.

Plate 28. Reconstructionof the Badia complex in the 1th century by A. Cirri showing
lost chiasso (6).

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Plate 29. Reconstruction of thc strcets in arca around Badia, including lost chiasso, north at top of pagc. (Aftcr Macci
and Orgcra)

Plate 30. Torre della Castagna,northwestcornerof Badiacompoundat cornerof Via
dei Magazziniand Via Dante Alighieri.

Plate 31. Eastern façadeof BadiaFiorentinafrom Via del Proconsolo. (Photo:M.
Trachtenberg)

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Plate32. Benedettoda Rovezzano,easterndoor to BadiaFiorentina,
Via del Proconsolo.

Plate33. View of the westernfaçadeof the abbeychurch includinga partialview of
the GrangeCloister. Badia Fiorentina,Florence.

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Plate 34. Reconstructionof the second abbeychurch, built after 1285, Badia
Fiorentina,Florence. From Middeldorfand Paatz.

Plate 35. TaddeoGaddi, The Tra,zsfiguratio,z,
fresco,beforeremovalfromthe
CapitoloNuovo of the BadiaFiorentina.

PIate 36. PIaster patchindicatingoriginailocation of TaddeoGaddi's
Transfigurationin the narthex(capitolonuovo),BadiaFiorentina.

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:_!>~?i·.:
:~~~;J~

PI ate 37. Domenico Paris di Palmcrino San tinelli (?), reworkcd ca. 1722, Christ on the Cross Flanked by the
Virgin Mary, a,u/ Ss. Jolm the Eva11gclist, Mmy Magdalene, Benedici, ami Sc/wlastica, fresco, capitolo nuovo.

Plate 38. North entrance to the abbcy church (wallcd up), after 1285, Badia Fiorentina.
CmTCntchurch entrance visiblc at far lcft, campanile visible at right.

Plate 39. Giuseppe Zocchi, View of the Badia (left) and the Palazzo del Podestà (right) looking north down Via del
Proconsolo from Piazza San Firenze, Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence.

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Plate 40. Easternwing along PiazzaSan FirenzetowardVia del Proconsolo,Badia
Fiorentina,Florence.

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Plate41. Exteriorview from Via del Proconsoloof the old sacristyand eastern
façadewith shops undemeath,BadiaFiorentina,Florence.

t1"\~·~

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Plate42. View of old sacristywindow(at right)and old dormitory window(at
left). Covoni familyarms visibleover sacristywindow.

Plate43. Montedi Giovanni,Annunciationin an lnitial V, Florence,Archivio
dell'Operadel di S. Maria del Fiore, Cod. S, n. 14, fol. 54.

Piace44. DoorwayfromOrangeCloisterto abbeychurchnave, groundfloor,
north loggia,northeastcornerbay.

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--

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Plate46. Viewdowneast loggiatochapterroom façadeand chapeldoor,
groundfloor,OrangeCloister,BadiaFiorentina.

Plate47. Doorwayto cellarer's celi(?), east loggia,ground floor, Orange
Cloister,BadiaFiorentina.

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Plate 48. Double doorwayto donnitorystairs,east loggia,groundfloor,
OrangeCloister,Badia Fiorentina.

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~~·

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Plate49. Doorwayto chapel (walledup), GrangeCloister,ground floor, south
loggia,southeastcorner bay. BadiaFiorentina,Florence.

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Plate 50. Groundpian and cross-sectionof the OrangeCloister chapel, Badia
Fiorentina,Florence. Surveyedby Piero Sanpaolesi("Costruzioni").

....,~-Plate 51. Axonometricdrawingof the OrangeCloisterchapel,Badia
Fiorentina. By Piero Sanpaolesi("Costruzioni").

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Plate 52. View of chapeldome,OrangeCloister,ground floor, south
loggia,southeastcorner bay. BadiaFiorentina,Florence.

Plate 53a. Filippo Brunelleschi, Barbadori Chapel, Santa Felicità, Florence.

I,._

··_: ·....
• ••• ·__ . -\~

Plate 53b. Filippo Brunelleschi, Old Sacristy, San Lorenzo, Florence.

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Plate 55. Refectorywindows,west loggia,groundfloor,OrangeCloister,
BadiaFiorentina.

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••

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Plate 56. Refectoryvestibuledoor, west loggia,northwestcorner bay, ground
floor, BadiaFiorentina.

Plate 57. Refectorydoor leadingfrom vestibuie to refectory,Badia Fiorentina.

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._ ..

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Plate 58. Doorway(walledup), secondstory,east loggia,southeastcorner
bay,GrangeCloister,BadiaFiorentina,Florence.

Plate 59. Door to currentdonnitory,secondstory,south loggia,centrai
bay, OrangeCloister,BadiaFiorentina,Florence.

Plate60. Door to currentstair,secondstory,east loggia,secondbay
from north, OrangeCloister,BadiaFiorentina,Florence.

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~.:it~
-----·.

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Plate 61. AnonymousFiorentine,The Miracle oftlze PoisonedWine,mural,
OrangeCloister,upper story, north loggia,bay 5, view with cloisterdoor.

- __...

Dormitorywindow,southernwing, view from Via della Condotta,
BadiaFiorentina,Florence.

Plate62b. View southerndormitoryfrom Via della Condotta,Badia
Fiorentina,Aorence.

Plate 63. Workshop of Fra Angelico(?),
Florence.

SI. Benedici

Req11es1i11gSile11ce, fresco, Soprintendenza per i beni artistici e storici

Plate 64. Attributed to Fra Angelico, St. Benedici Req11esti11gSile11ce, sinopia, Soprintendenza per i beni artistici e
storici, Florence.

Plate 66. Fra Angelico, St. Peter Martyr Req11esti11gSile11ce. Fresco. Florence, Museo di San Marco.

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: '(_1.··~~~·) ~.·:~'-\~~-i-;,
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Plate 67. Fra Angelico, St. Peter Martyr Req11esti11gSi/e11ce. Sinopia, l08xl45cm.

Florence, Museo di San Marco.

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Plate 68. Fourteenth-century
Fiorentinepainter. Virginand Cliild.Fresco.
Florence,SantaMariaNovella,ChiostroVerde.

Plate70. Fra Angelico,Christ 011 the Cross,fresco. Fiesole,San Domenico.

Plate 71. Fra Angelico,Crucifixion,detail of decorativeborder. Florence,San
Marco,chapterroom.

Plate 72. Fra Angelicoand BenozzoGozzoli,Last Judgment,detail of
prophetsand decorativeborder, 1447-9. Orvieto,cathedral,cappellanuova,
vault.

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Plate 73. Fra Angelico, St. Dominic, fresco. Florence, San Marco.

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Plate 76. Baccio Baldini,Mercury,detail showing a mural painter and his
assistant,ca. 1460. (Hind A.ill.6a, Bartsch 2403.006)

PIate 77. GrangeCloister,BadiaFiorentina.View across second-storycloisterfrom
north loggiato west loggia.

Plate78a. OrangeCloister,BadiaFiorentina. View from ground-floorcloister,
towardthe north.

I i

Plate78b. OrangeCloister,BadiaFiorentina. Viewfrom ground-floorcloister,
towardthe west.

Plate 79. OrangeCloister,Badia Fiorentina.
loggiafromeastem loggia.

Plate 80. Attributedto AgnoloBronzino,San Bemardo, fresco. Orange
Cloister,BadiaFiorentina,upper loggia.

Plate 81. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, St. Be,,edict Departs Rome, fresco, Orangc Cloister, upper story, north loggia, bay I.

f•
a,·, -!~.•~
' . _..
Plate 83. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, The Hermitage of St. Be11edict i11Subiaco, fresco, Orange Cloistcr, upper story,

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north loggia, bay 3.

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Plate 84. Agnolo Bronzino, The Temptatimz of St. Benedici, fresco, Orange Cloister, upper story, north loggia, bay 4.

Plate 85. Anonymous Fiorentine Paintcr, The Miracle ofthe Poisoned Wine, fresco, Orange Cloister, upper story, north
loggia, bay 5.

Plate 86. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, The Emrcism ofthe Wayward Monk, fresco, Orange Cloister, uppcr story, west
loggia, bay 6.

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t/1'.-'·i'
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r~(.1fi';.

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Plate 88. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, Maurw, Saves Placidus, fresco, Orange Cloister, upper story, west loggia, bay 8.

Plate 89. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, Miracle ofthe Poisoned Bread, fresco, Orangc Cloister, upper story, west loggia, bay 9.

:'T"!!:·.,- ..,•• ; ...~ (.-{,·; __

Platc 90. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, The Miracle ofthe Heavy Sto11e,fresco, Orange Cloister, upper story, west loggia,
bay IO.

Plate 91. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, St. Benedici Resurrects a You11gMonk, fresco, Orange Cloister, upper story,
west loggia, bay 11.

Platc 92. Anonymous fifteenth-ccntury painter, The Deceptio11 o/Totila, fresco, Orange Cloister, upper story, south loggia,
bay 12.

Plate 93. Anonymous fifteenth-century painter, Totila before Sr. Be11edicr,fresco, Orange Cloister, upper story, west loggia,
bay 13.

""'.

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Platc 94. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, St. Be11edict Departs Rome, sinopia, Orange Cloister, scene 1.

Plate 96. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, The Hermitage of St. Be11edict i11Subiaco, sinopia, Orange Cloister, scene 3.

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Plate 97. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, The Miracle ofthe Poiso11ed Wi11e,sinopia, Orange Cloister, scene 5.

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Plate 98. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, The Exorcism ofthe Wayward Mo11k,sinopia, Orange Cloister, scene 6.

Plate 99. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, The Miracle<~{ the Lost Billlwok, sinopia, Orange Cloister, scene 7.

Plate 100. Anonymous Fiorentine Paintcr, Maums Saves Placidus, sinopia, Orange Cloister, scene 8.

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Plate 101. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, The Miracle o.fthe Poisoned Bread, sinopia, Orange Cloister, Badia Fiorentina, scene 9.

Plate 102. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, The Miracle ofthe Heavy Stone, sinopia. Orange Cloister, Badia Fiorentina, scene IO.

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Plate 103. Anonymous Fiorentine Paintcr, St. Benedici Resurrects a Ymmg Monk, sinopia, Orange Cloister, scene 11.

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Plate 104. Anonymous fifteenth-century painter, The Deception o_{Totila, sinopia, Orange Cloister, scene 12.

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Platc 105. Anonymous fiftccnth-ccntury painter, Totila be/ore St. Be11etlict,sinopia, Orange Cloister, scene 13.

Plate 106. TaddeoGaddi,St. Benedictin Subiaco,fresco. Florence,Santa
Croce,refectory.

Plate 107. Giovannidel Biondo,St. BenedictFleesfor Subiaco,ca. 1366,temperaon
pane!,28x31.5cm, Florence,Acton Collection.

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Plate 108. Giovannidel Biondo,The Hennirageof Sr. Benediciin Subiaco,ca. 1366,
temperaon pane!,32x35.5 cm, Florence,ActonCollection.

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Plate 109. Giovannidel Biondo,The Resurrectionof a YomzgMonk, ca. 1366,
temperaon pane!,29x3l.7 cm, Toronto,Art Galleryof Ontario,no. 52.36.

Plate 110. Giovannidel Biondo,St. BenedictSees tlze WlzoleWorldin a Vision,ca.
1366,temperaon pane!,30.7x33.9cm, Toronto,Art Galleryof Ontario,no. 52.37.

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Plate 111. Giovannidel Biondo, TlzeDeatlzof St. Benedici,ca. 1366, temperaon
pane!,31.6x35.6cm, forrnerlyRome, Casa Colonna.

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Plate 112. Spinello Aretino, The Ltfe of St. Benedici, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy,
wall I.

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Plate 113. Spinello Aretino, The L({e of St. Be11edict, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, wall 2.

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Plate 114. Spinello Aretino, The Life of St. Be11edict, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, wall 3.

Plate 115. Spinello Aretino, The Life of St. Be11edict, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, wall 4.

Plate 116. SpinelloAretino,St. BenedictLeavesRome, 1387-88,fresco.
Florence,San Miniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall 1.

Plate 117. SpinelloAretino,The Miracleof the BrokenSieve, 1387-88,fresco.
Florence,San Miniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall l.

Plate 118. Spinello Aretino,St. Benedictin Subiaco, 1387-88,fresco.
Florence,San Miniato al Monte, sacristy,wall 2.

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Plate 119. SpinelloAretino,The Temptationof St. Benedict, 1387-88,fresco.
Florence,San Miniatoal Monte, sacristy,wall 3.

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Plate 120. SpinelloAretino,St. Benediciin Vicovaro,1387-88,fresco.
Florence,San Miniatoal Monte, sacristy,walls 3 and 4.

Plate 121. SpinelloAretino,The Exorcismof a YoungMonk, 1387-88,fresco.
Florence,San Miniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall 2.

Plate 122. SpinelloAretino,TheMiracleof the Lost Billlzook,1387-88,fresco.
Florence,San Miniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall 3.

Plate 123. SpinelloAretino,Maums SavesPlacidus, 1387-88,fresco.
Florence,San Miniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall 3.

Plate 124. SpinelloAretino,The Miracleof the HeavyStone, 1387-88,fresco.
Florence,San Miniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall 4.

Plate 126. SpinelloAretino,The Deceptiono/Totila, 1387-88,fresco.
Florence,San Miniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall 4.

Plate 127. SpinelloAretino,TotilaKneelsbeforeSt. Benedict, 1387-88,fresco.
Florence,San Miniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall 1.

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Plate 128. SpinelloAretino,TlzeDeat/zof St. Benedict, 1387-88,fresco.
Florence,San Miniatoal Monte,sacristy,wall 1.

Plate 129. Cennidi Ser Francesco,The Temptationof St. Benedict,fresco. Florence,
SantaTrinita.

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PIate 131. Lorenzo Monaco. A Y01mg Mcmk Tempted from Prayer ami St. Benedici Raises a Y01mg Monk. Vatican
City. Pinacoteca Vaticana.

Plate 132. LorenzoMonaco,The Death of St. Be11edict,temperaon
panel. London,NationalGallery.

Plate 136. Lorenzo Monaco, The Death of St. Be11edict, tempera on pancl. Florence, Galleria degli Uffizi.

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Plate 137. Sodoma,St. Benedict Confers rhe Rule o,i his Disciples, fresco.
MonteOlivetoMaggiore,ChiostroGrande.

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Plate 138. Maso di Banco, St. Sylvester Resurrects the Wise Men in the Forum. Florence, Santa Croce, Bardi di
Vernio Chapel.

Plate 139. LorenzoGhiberti,The Sacrificeof lsaac (CompetitionReliet),
bronze.Florence,Bargello.

Plate 140. TaddeoGaddi, The BaroncelliC/zapel,detail: Twofictive niclzesat
dado leve[,fresco. Florence,SantaCroce.

Plate 141a.AnonymousFiorentinePainter,St. BenediciArrives at Affile.
Detailof The Miracleof the BrokenSieve (scene2).

Plate 141b. AnonymousFiorentinePainter,St. BenediciDepartsfor Subiaco.
Detailof The Miracleof the BrokenSieve (scene2).

Plate 143. AnonyrnousFiorentinePainter,The Hennitage of St. Benedictin
Subiaco,detail (pi. 83).

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Platel46. AnonymousFiorentinePainters,TheResurrectionof a YoungMonk,detail
of sinopiasketch and painted mural(pls. 91, 103)

Platel47. AnonymousFiorentinePainter,TheResurrectio11
of a YowzgMonk,detail
(pl.91).

Platel48. AnonymousFiorentinePainter,Maums Saves Placidus,detail (pi.
88).

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Plate 150. AnonymousFiorentinePainter,detail of The Miracle of tlze
PoisonedWirze(pi. 85)

Plate 151.Fra Angelico,The Depositionfromthe Cross, Florence,Museodi San
Marco.

Plate 152. Fra Angelico,The DepositionfromtlzeCross,detail. Florence,
Museodi San Marco.
References (561)
O. Giovanni del Biondo, SI. Benedici Sees lhe Whole World in a Vision, ca. 1366, tempera on pane!, Toronto, National Art Gallery of Ontario, no. 52.37
Giovanni del Biondo, The Dealh of SI. Benedici, ca. 1366, tempera on pane!, formerly Rome, Casa Colonna
Spinello Aretino, The Life o/SI. Benedici, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, wall 1.
Spinello Aretino, The Life of SI. Benedici, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, wall 2.
Spinello Aretino, The Life of SI. Benedici, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, wall 3.
Spinello Aretino, The Life of SI. Benedici, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, wall 4.
Spinello Aretino, SI. Benedici leaves Rome, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, wall 1.
Spinello Aretino, The Miracle of the Broken Sieve, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, wall I.
Spinello Aretino, SI. Benedici in Subiaco, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, wall 2.
Spinello Aretino, The Temptatio11 of St. Benedici, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, wall 3.
Spinello Aretino, The Miracle of the Poisoned Wine, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, walls 3 and 4.
Spinello Aretino, The Exorcism of the Wayward Monk, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, wall 2.
Spinello Aretino, The Miracle of the lost Bil/hook, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, wall 3.
Spinello Aretino, !vfaurus saves Placidus, 1387-88, fresco. Florence, San Miniato al Monte, sacristy, wall 3.
Chiarini ("Di un maestro 'elusivo,"' 134) quoted Meiss, "Contributions to Two Elusive Masters," 57. 112 For more on the dating of the San Miniato cycle, see note 40.
Luciano Berti, "Miniature dell'Angelico (e altro)," Acropoli 2, no. 4 (1962): 299, 307, n. 55.
Badia" where he demonstrated his "originality in the treatment of architectural ornament ... in the articulation of each loggia --flattened arches with pilaster strips. " 50 Proof ofRossellino's authorship for such motifs was suggested to Heydenreich (as it had been to Mack and Sanpaolesi) by the cloister at San Francesco in Prato that was built by Domenico di Pino, one of Rossellino's assistants who also worked at the Orange Cloister. Heydenreich believed the Pratese cloister, which was built soon after the Orange Cloister was completed, to be "a copy, ~xact to the last detail," ofthat at the Badia. 51 While Heydenreich did discuss certain fifteenth-century projects as "anonymous," he preferred to attribute other projects like the Orange Cloister to "well- known" personalities like Bernardo Rossellino. 52 However, his descriptions of the 50 Ludwig H. Heydenreich and Wolfgang Lotz, Architecture in Italy, J.100- 1600, trans. Mary Hottinger, The Pelican History of Art, ed. Nikolaus Pevsner and Judy Nairn (Harmondsworth and Battimare: Penguin Books, 1974), 42, pi. 34. Heydenreich's section was republished as: Ludwig H. Heydenreich, Architecture in flaly, J.100-1500, rev. Paul Davies, Pelican History of Art (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1996), 49, pi. 49.
Heydenreich, 1974 ed., 338, n. 20; and idem, 1996 ed., 158, n. 20. Domenico di Pino was paid by the Badia on eight occasions from May to October 1436. Sanpaolesi transcribed five (ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fols. 22v, 23, 36v, 37v, 38v), giving one incorrect date: doc. 4, fol. 22v should be 26 May rather than 6 May. Additional payments to Domenico di Pino took piace on 25 August, l September, and 27 October 1436. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fols. 39, 40, 51 v. For references to the similarities between the Orange Cloister and that of S. Francesco in Prato, see also Sanpaolesi, "Costruzioni," 162, 165; and Mack, "Studies," 41, 58, n. 20.
Heydenreich, 1996 ed., 48.
Nikolaus Pevsner, "The Term 'Architect' in the Middle Ages," Speculum 17:4 (October, 1942): 549-62;
James S. Ackerman, "Architectural Practice in the Italian Renaissance," Journa/for the Society of Architectural Historians 13: 3 (October 1954): 3-1 l; Leopold D. Ettlinger, "The Emergence of the Architect during the Fifteenth Century," in The Architect: Chapters in the History of the Profession, ed. Spiro Kostof(New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), 96-123; Goldthwaite, 351- 96;
Hollingsworth, 385-406; and E. V. Lucas-Libor, "The Ospedale de San Matteo, 1385-1410" (Ph.D. Dissertation, University ofEssex, 1988), 299-302. choir of Prato Cathedral, with much more spent on materials, equipment, and assistants. 57 In 1455, Neri di Bicci received about 35 florins for one fresco painted in San Pancrazio, a third ofwhich was spent on expensive blue and gold. 58 In 1465 and 1466, Benozzo Gozzo li received l O florins for a fresco depicting The Martyrdom of St. Sebastian in the saint's chapel located in the Collegiata of San Gimignano. He received an additional 5 florins for the chapel' s painted piers and l O soldi for two painted coats of arms. 59 57 Borsook, "Fra Filippo Lippi," 46, 67; and idem, Mural Pailllers of Tuscany, 102. 58
Borsook, "Fra Filippo Lippi," 46. Anabel Thomas [The Pailller 's Practice in Renaissance Tuscany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 282] reported that Neri was to receive 149 lire for his fresco, a sum that she calculated to equa! 50 florins. According to Goldthwaite ( 430), in 1455, l florin was equa) to l 08 soldi, or
4 lire; thus, Neri's payment of l 49 lire would have equalled slightly less than 34 florins. Sputford (24), on the other hand, stated that in 1455, l florin was equai to 82 soldi, or 4.1 lire. This exchange rate would render Neri's payment to be a little over 36 florins. After 1441, exchange rates are known for two types of florin. The regular gold florin, or fiorino, weighed 3.54 grams, while a large florin, or fiorino largo, weighed 3.55. This large florin was struck between 1422 and 1432 to be on par with the Venetian ducat. After 1432, the florin was retumed to its traditional weight, resulting in two varieties of florin. Goldthwaite's valuation ofthe florin (429-30) is based on the work ofMario Bemocchi, and uses the values ofthe.fiorino largo, which are about 20% higher than those of the standard florin. Spufford offers exchange rates for the standard florin from 1252 to 1499 ( 1-25), the fiorino largo from 1441 to 1497 (26-31 ), and thefiorino largo d'oro in oro from 1481 to 1500 (32-33). The Badia accounts seem to be consistent in specifying which type of florin is being used, and I have thus relied on Sputford's exchange rates rather than Goldthwaite's.
a little more than 7 large florins (Goldthwaite, 430) or 1 O regular florins (Sputford, 24). The documents published by Ahi confirm these conversion rates. Diane Cole Ahi, "Due San Sebastiano di Benozzo Gozzoli a San Gimignano: un contributo al problema della pittura per la peste nel Quattrocento," Rivista d'Arte, 4th years (see below doc. 39). ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438: l, fol. 2. Published in part by Nunes, 258, n. 112.
lb. mccclxxviiii s. xiiii d. iiii Et deono dare lb. otto s. sedici per lib. 4 di vino ebbono per noi da Pagnino a suo conto al quaderno B + c. 171.. ............................................................................. .lb. viii s. xvi Et deono dare adì 28 di dicembre 1432 lb. quattro portò Giovanni contanti.. ......... lb. iiii Et deono dare adì 7 di febraio lb. una s. due portò Giovanni contanti ................. lb. i s. ii Et deono dare adì 14 di febraio s. dieci portò Giovanni detto .................................... s. x Et deono dare s. cinque s. sei per loro a ser Jachopo Andreozzi quando fu rogato del conpromesso faciamo in 'ficina ......................................................................... s. v d. vi Et deono dare adì 26 di marzo 1433 lb. sette per loro a Benedetto di Marcho fornaciaio a suo conto a c. 132 ............................................................................................. .lb. vii Messi a uscita a Giovanni detto a c. 98 ............................................ lb. mcccci s. vii d. x
1432. Debits to the account of Antonio di Giovanni del Riccho, a scarpellatore from Fiesole, including 4 lire for supplying a fireplace for the Abbot's bedroom --also posted to the building expense account (see below, doc. 17). ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 438: l, fol. 6. Unpublished. et quattrini .................................................................................................. lb. iiii Anno dato lb. quattro per uno chamino averno da lui per la chamera di Messer l'abate posto a spese di murare a c. 28 .............................................................................. lb. iiii 10. 1432, December 6 • 1433, July 4. List of debits to the account of Bartolomeo di Giovanni, master builder, for work at the monastery. Tota! 83 lire 5 soldi. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438: 1, fols. 6v. Cited by Nunes, 262, n. 163. + mccccxxxii Bartolomeo di giovanni maestro de'dare adì 6 di dicembre lb. sei s. dodici portò e' detto adì in grosso ........................................................................................ .lb. vi s. xii Et de' dare adì 24 di dicembre lb. otto s. cinque portò e' detto in grossi. ....... lb. viii s. v Et de' dare adì 10 di gienaio lb. otto portò e' detto a contanti .............................. lb. viii
Et de' dare adì 7 di febraio lb. sei portò e' detto contanti. ...................................... .lb. vi Et de' dare adì 21 di febraio lb. sei portò e' detto contanti. ..................................... lb. vi Et de' dare adì 10 di marzo lb. una s. due portò e' detto contanti... ................... .lb. i s. ii Et de' dare adì 22 di marzo lb. otto portò e' detto contanti... ................................ lb. viii
Et de' dare adì 2 di maggio lb. sei portò contanti.. .................................................. lb. vi Et de' dare adì 30 di maggio lb. dieci portò e' detto contanti .................................. lb. x Et de' dare adì 20 di giugno lb. una s. tredici portò e' detto contanti.. ............. lb. i s. xiii Et de' dare adì 27 di giugno ff. tre nuovi portò e' detto dissa per porra in sulmoca per sidota della figliuola ..................................................................................... lb. xiii s. vii Et de' dare adì 4 di luglio lb. tre s. sei per lui Antonio di archone fornaciaio a girare per una moggio di chalcina ................................................................................. .lb. iii s. vi Porto inanzi a c. 19 .................................................................................. lb. lxxxiii s. v 11. 1433, January-May. Excerpts from a list of debits to the building expense account. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 438: 1, fol. 9v. Unpublished.
fomaciaio ..................................................... .lb. iiii Et devono dare lb. quattrociento quaranta per opere 275 lavoro Antonio maestro et opere 260 lavoro Zanobi suo figliuolo a suo conto a c. 132 ............................ .lb. ccccxl Et devono dare lb. dugento quarantaquattro per lavorio [di Benedetto di Marcho fornaciaio] cioè mattoni e chalcina chome appare a suo conto c. 132 ............... lb. ccxliiii [ .... ] Et deono dare lb. quattro per uno uscio intachato si comperro da Francesco Bozolini a suo conto a c. 14 .................................................................................................. .lb. iii i [ .... ] Et deono dare lb. cinque s. tredici per hopera 14 di manovali a di fare le bottege ........................................................................................................ .lb. v s. xiiii Et deono dare adì 8 d'agosto lb. cinque s. quattro d. sei per 12 hopere di manovali adiffare le bottege .......................................................................................... lb. v s. iii Et devono dare lb. quattro pagamo a Rovigo di Giovanni fornaciaio per 500 mattoni ................................................................................................................. lb. iiii [ .... ] Et devono dare s. sedici pagamo a Mariotto fornaciaio per una soma di chalcina a suo conto al quaderno B a carta 168 ............................................................................ s. xvi Ponemo in questo a c. 25 debbino dare 1048. 16.6 ......................... .lb. mxlviii s. xvi d. vi 13. 1432-1433, May 6. List of debits totaling 337 lire 18 soldi to the account of Antonio di Domenico, here referred to as "maestro." These are part of the 440 lire debited above, doc. 12. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 438: 1, fol. 11 v. Cited by Nunes, 261, n. 154. 15 ......................................................................... lb. cclxv s. ii Et devono dare lb. quattro s. sedici per 300 tegoli vechi ebba di nostri posto a spese di murare abbino date a c. 9 ............................................................................ .lb. iiii s. xvi Et de' dare lb. quaranta quattro per st. 22 tra grano et farina avuta in fino adì 4 di dicembre 1432 a c. 131.. ................................................................................... .lb. xliiii Et de' dare adì 6 di maggio 1432 lb. ventiquattro per st. dodici di grano portò e' detto a ritratto di grano a c. 131.. .............................................................................. .lb. xxiii i Anno dato lb. trecientotrentasette s. diciotto posto abbi avuto in questo a c.
lb. cccxxxvii s. xviii 14. 1433, July-December. List of debits to the account of Bartolomeo di Giovanni, master builder, for work at monastery. Brought forward from account on fol. 6v (see above doc. 10), carrying debit balance of 83 lire 5 soldi to new total of 141 lire, 10 soldi, 6 denari. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438: l, fol. 19. Cited by Nunes, 262, n.
lb. lxxxiii s. v Et de' dare adì 28 di luglio lb. una s. due prto e detto ........................................ lb. i s. ii Et de' dare adì 31 di luglio lb. quattro portò contanti .......................................... .lb. iiii Et de' dare adì 27 d'agosto lb. due s. quattro portò contanti ........................... lb. ii s. iiii Et de' dare adì 19 di settenbre lb. otto portò e deto contanti.. ............................... lb. viii Et de' dare adì 29 d'ottobre lb. tre portò e' detto contanti per pagare chatasti. ...... .lb. iii Et de' dare adì 29 d'ottobre lb. tre s. sei portò e' detto contanti per fare sotterante la figliuola ......................................................................................................... lb. iii s. vi Et de' dare ff. quattordici per uno paio di pianelle ebbe per noi da Pazzino pianellaio a conto di detto Pazzino a libro B a c. [ .... ] .............................................................. s. xiiii Et de' dare adì 14 di novembre lb. tre s. sei portò e' detto .............................. .lb. iii s. vi Et de' dare adì 20 di novembre lb. due s. dieci per lui a Menaio di Giunta portò e' detto ................................................................................................................ .lb. ii s. x Et de' dare lb. una s. sette d. sei per lui a frate Lorenzo per inchamaiuolo ebbe da lui. ...................................................................................................... .lb. i s. vii d. vi Et de' dare lb. ventidue s. sedici per lui a Giovanni di Giuduccio detto Leprino per uno mogio di grano ebbe da lui posto leprino debbi avere in c. 136 ................... lb. xxii s. c. 136 ............................................................................................... lb. vi Posto in questo a sua ragione a c. 137 abbi avuto .................................. lb. cxli s. x d. vi 15. 1433. List of disbursements of grain totaling 48 stai (over 33 bushels) to Antonio di Domenico, here identified as "maestro." The value of the individuai disbursements listed here was left blank. The tota) value of the grain, 36 lire, was entered as a credit to Antonio's account (see below doc. 34), and this amount is part of his overall debit of 440 lire (see above doc. 12). ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 438: 1, fol. 20. Antonio di Domenicho maestro de' dare a di ..... d'agosto lb ...... per st. sei di grano[ .... ]
Et de' dare adì 5 di settenbre lb ...... s ...... per stai sei di grano Et de' dare adì ..... di genaio lb ...... s ...... per stai dodici di grano [ .... ]
Et de' dare per st. 24 di grano[ .... ] Anne dato st. quarantotto di grano posto abbia auto in questo a c. 140
1433, November 30. Debit to the account of Bartolomeo di Giovanni, master builder, for 169 lire, 3 soldi, and 6 denari. Excerpted from the building expense account. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 25. Cited by Nunes, 262, n. 163. . 137 .......................................... .lb. clxviiii s. iii d. vi 17. 1433, November 30 • 1434, February. Excerpt from the building expense account also posted to the account of Antonio di Giovanni del Riccho da Fiesole on fol. 6 (see above, doc. 10) for supplying the fireplace of the Abbot' s bedroom. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 438: l, fol. . 6 ................................... .lb. i iii 18. 1433/1434. Debit excerpted from the building expense account to Romolo di Michele for supplying worked stone doors and a basin for the bedroom and Iiving room of the Abbot's quarters. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438: l, fol. 35v. Unpublished. Spese di murare deono dare[ .... ] lb. ventuna s. dieci per concio, cioè per una porticcuola a bastoni, ii usci a bastoni tondi, uno aquaio avuti qui in Badia per la chamera e sala di messer l'abate, a Romolo di Michele a suo conto in questo a c.
Giovanni, master builder, totaling 26 lire, 10 soldi. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 438: 1, fol. 38. Cited by Nunes, 262, n. 163. Bartolomeo di Giovanni maestro de' dare lb. una s. due portò e' detto contanti ............................................................................................................ lb. 1 s. ii Et de' dare adì 20 di marzo 1433 ff. uno nuovo portò et detto ........................ lb. iiii s. x Et adì 27 di marzo lb. quattro s. undici portò contanti.. .................................. lb. iiii s. xi Et adì detto lb. una s. quattro per lui a Boldrino segatore ................................ .lb. i s. i iii Et de' dare lb. quattro per lui a Benedetto di Marcho fomaciao per chalcina ebbe da lui a suo conto a c. 35 ............................................................................................... .lb. iii i Et adì xxiii d'aprile 1434 lb. una s. due per lui a Matteo d'Antonio legnaiuolo portò ................................................................................................................ .lb. i s. ii Et de' dare lb. quattro s. cinque posto debba avere in questo a c. 139 ............ .lb. iiii s. v Et de' dare adì 22 di maggio lb. cinque s. quattordici portò et detto ............. .lb. v s. xii ii posto in questo a c. 44 debbi dare lb. xxvi s. viii
1434, Aprii 9 • July 17. Debits to the account of stonecutter Ambrogio di Giovanni da Fiesole, the last of which is specifically identifted as for stone doors and three stairs for the new dormi tory. His stone shipments were transported by Lorenzo de'Lombardazo, and some of his payments were received by his son Mariotto. These payments are followed by a list of payments to the stonecutter Francesco del Bozolino da Fiesole who also used Lorenzo de'Lombardazo as his carter. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr., 78,438: 1, fol. 40. Cited by Nunes, 246, n. 26 and 260, nn. 138 and 140. MCCCCXXXIIll Bruogio di Nanni da Fiesole de'dare adì viiii d'aprile s. diciotto per lui a Nencio di Nicholo dellonbardagio portò e' detto per tre some di pietre ............................ s. xviii Et adì xiii d'aprile s. dodici per lui a Nencio de' Lombardazo per vetturale di due some di priete d'usci ........................................................................................................ s. xii Et adì detto lb. quattro s. due d. sei portò e' detto contanti... ................. .lb. iiii s. ii d. vi Et adì xvi di detto lb. due s. quattro portò Mariotto suo figliuolo .................... lb. ii s. iiii Et adì detto lb. una s. quatro per lui a Nencio vetturale per vetturale di some quatro .............................................................................................................. lb. i s. iiii Et adì xxiiii di detto lb. tre portò e' detto ............................................................... lb. iii Et adì xxx di detto lb. due portò e' detto ................................................................. lb. ii Et adì xvii di luglio 1434 lb. quatro per lui alciane orafo portò Piero di Filippo ..... .lb. B + 99 ....................................... .lb. 2 s. 1 d. 6
Ane dato lb. quindici s. dicianove per quatro uscia di prieta et una opera a compere /et/ tre schaglioni a spese del dorrnentorio nuovo in questo c. 43 .................... .lb. xv s. xviiii Anne dato lb. ventitre s. cinque per opere 46 1/ l lavoro nel dormentorio nuovo a spese del detto dormentorio in questo a c. 43 ....................................................... .lb. xxiii s. v 22. 1434, Aprii 29. Debit to the account of Piero for two days worked on the new dormitory. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 438: l, fol. 41. Published by Nunes, 246, n.
MCCCCXXXIIll
Piero Grassini de' dare adì xxviiii d'aprile 1434 lb. una portò e' detto ..................... lb. l A spese del dormentorio nuovo a c. 53 sono per 2 opere lavoro in detto ................ .lb. l 23. 1434, 12 May. The brick-maker Piero di Giovanni, whose kiln was at S. Niccolò, received 14 lire, 10 soldi for two moggie of lime and 1,024 bricks to be used in the new dormitory. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438: l, fol. 42. Published by Nunes, 246, n. 25. MCCCCXXXIIII Piero di Giovanni fornaciaio a sto. Nicholo de' dare adì xii di maggio 1434 lb. quattordici s. dieci portò Andrea ................................................................... lb. xiiii s. x Ane dato lb. quatordici s. dieci per due moggi a di chalcina averno da lui et 1024 mattoni di 1/4 a spese del dormentorio nuovo in questo a c. 43 .................... .lb. xiii i s. x
1434, 23 May • 14 August. Debits to the account of Antonio di Domenico, here identified as "maestro di murare," totaling 64 lire 16 soldi. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438: l, fol. 42v. Cited by Nunes, 261, n. 154. figliuolo ................................................................. lb. xxv Et de' dare adì detto lb. quatro s. sedici per st. sei di grano portò Taddeo mugniaio alle mulina di san Gregorio a ritratto di questo a c. 146 ..................................... .lb. iiii s. xvi Et de' dare adì xii di giugnio 1434 lb. due portò Zanobi suo figliuolo ..................... .lb. ii Et deondare lb. ventitre s. cinque paghamo a Nencio di Iusto per xlvi opere et 1/1 lavoro in detto donnentorio a suo conto in questo a c. 40 ..........................c. 51 ........................... lb. viii i Posta innazi in questo a c. 53 debbi dare lb. clviii i s. 11
Giovanni, master builder, totaling 44 lire. Balance of 26 lire 8 soldi carried aver from fol. 38 (see above, doc. 19). ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 438: 1, fol. 44. Cited by Nunes, 262, n. 163. Bartolomeo di Giovanni maestro de' dare lb. ventisei s. otto chome apare in questo a c.
lb. xxvi s. viii Et de' dare adì x di giugnio 1434 lb. una portò e' detto ........................................... lb. l Et a di iii di luglio 1434 lb. quatro portò e' detto ................................................... lb. iii i Et a di xxiii i di settembre ebbe staia sei di grano a ritrato di grano a c. 146 in questo per s. 16 ........................................................................................................... lb. iii i s xvi Et a di xiiii d'ottobre 1434 lb. due s. quatro portò e' detto ............................. .lb. ii s. iiii Et a di viii di dicembre 1434 stai sette di grano vene peresso Berto di Giovanni sta chollui per s. 16 lo staio lb. cinque s. dodici a ritratto di grano in questo a c.
lb v s. xii messi a uscita q.o ba c. 100 al detto lb. xli iii 27. 1434, October. Debits to Antonio di Ciecchone called Moccione, a kilnsman, including one for three moggia of lime (about 50 bushels) for the new donnitory, here identified as built aver the refectory. Cross-referenced to the list of donnitory expenses on fol. 43 (see above doc. 25). ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 51 v. Unpublished. MCCCCXXXIIII
Antonio di Ciecchone detto Mocione fornaciaio a Girone de'dare adì viii d'ottobre lb. quatro s. dieci portò e' detto in ff. uno nuovo ................................................. lb. iiii s. x Et de' dare lb. quattro s dieci messe a conto del detto B a c. 99 ..................... 43 .......................................... lb. viiii 28. 1434. Debit to cxpense account of new dormi tory totaling 160 lire, 11 soldi, carried forward from page 43 of the Debitori and entered on page 53. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438: l, fol. 53. Cited by Nunes, 247, n. 28 and 266, n. 183. Spese fatte nel dormentorio nuovo deono dare lb. ciento cinquanta nove s. undici chome appare in questo a c. 43 .................................................................. lb. clviii i s. xi Et deon dare lb. una per loro a Piero Grassini per 2 opere a suo conto in questo a c.
1432-1434, Aprii 30. List of credits to the account of Antonio di Domenico, here identified as "maestro," from the Quademo Certi Debitori e Creditori, B. The credits total 440 lire, and a balance of 43 lire lO soldi is carried over to fol. 140. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 438: 1, fol. 132. c. 10 .................................. lb. ccccxl Anne avuto lb. treciento trentasette per diciotto lavorati di questo a c. 11 .......................................................................................... .lb. cccxxxvii s. xviii Anne avuto adì 29 d'aprile lb. sei portò Zanobi suo figliuolo ............................... .lb. vi Anne avuto adì 20 di maggio lb. nove per stai sei di grano a c. 134 .................... lb. viiii Anne avuto adì 4 di giugno ff. due nuovi per Domenicho suo figliuo!o .... lb. viii s. xviii Anne avuto adì 28 di giugno lb. nove per st. sei di grano ebbe Zanobi suo figluolo a ritratto di grano a c. 134 ................................................................................ .lb. xiiii Anne avuto adì 10 di gienaio 1433 ff. tre larghi portò Zanobi suo figliuolo lb. xiii s. xi iii Anne avuto adì 6 di febraio lb. quattro portò Zanobi.. ........................................ lb. iiii Anne avuto adì x d'aprile 1434 lb. due portò Zanobi suo figliuolo ......................... lb. ii Ane Avuto adì xvii d'aprile lb due portò Zanobi suo figliuolo ................................ lb. ii Ane avuto adì xxiiii da detto lb. due portò Zanobi suo figliuolo ............................. lb. ii Ane avuto adì xxx d'aprile detto portò Zanobi suo figliuolo .................................. lb. ii Ponemo in questo a c. 140 debbi avere lb. xliii s. x
1432 March 2 -1433, March 10. Excerpts from list of credits to the account of Benedetto di Marco, kilnsman, for supplying materials to the Badia from 2 March 1432 to 10 March 1433. During that year he sent 41 3/4 moggia of lime and over 8000 bricks to the Badia and the remainder to another project at the "casa Bolciano." ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 438: 1, fol. 132v. Unpublished. MCCCCXXXIII Benedetto di Marcho fornaciaio de' avere lb. dugiento quaranta quattro per lavorio et chalcina avuto da lui da dì 2 di marzo 1431 in sino adì 10 di marzo 1432, cioè moggia quarantanove et some una di chalcina, et migliaia otto et treciento tra mattoni et mezzane et quadrucci, della quale ando moggia 7 1/4 a chasa Bolciano et[ ... ]
cinaquanta mattoni, et resto in badia fatto d'achordo con Benedetto adì 2 d'aprile 1433 posto a spese di murare a c. 10 ...................................................................... .lb. ccxliiii Et de' avere lb. sette gli promettemo per Giovanni d'Antonio scharpellatore a suo conto a c. 2 ........................................................................................................... lb. vii [ .... ]
1433, December-1434, January. List of credits to the account of Bartolomeo di Giovanni. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438 fol. 137. Cited by Nunes, 262, n. 163. c. _ ................................................................................................. . c xv1111 s. iii d. vi Anne avuto lb. cientoquarantauna s. sieci d. sei levati da c. 19 ........... .lb. cxli s. x d. vi Anne avuto lb. adì 12 di dicembre lb. una s. tredici per lui a Antonio di Ciecchone fornaciaio a Girone portò e' detto ............................................................. .lb. l s. xiii Anne avuto adì di dicembre lb. tredici s. quattro portò e' detto .................. lb. xiii s. iiii Anne avuto adì ii di genaio 1433 lb. una s. seidici portò e' detto contanti... .. lb. i s. xvi Anne avuto s. dieci per lui alcipino per nostro di lb. sei s. dieci cheramo poste a suo conto lb. sei anno piu ............................................................................................ s. x Anne avuto adì 16 di giugno lb. tre s. sedici portò e' detto in d'oro a s. dieci per una fonna de chacio .......................................................................................... .lb. iiii s. xvi Anne avuto adii 30 di gienaio lb. due portò e' detto contanti. .................................. lb. ii Anne auto lb. quattro s. quatordici posto a c. 139 ........................................ lb. iiii s. xiiii 32. 1434, February • May. List of credits to the account of Bartolomeo di Giovanni, master builder. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438: l, fol. 139. Cited by Nunes, 262, n.
MCCCCXXXIII Bartolomeo di Giovanni maestro de'avere lb. quattro s. quattordici portò abbia auto in questo a c. 137 ............................................................................................ lb. iiii s. xiiii Et de' avere lb. quatro s. cinque portò debba dare in questo a c. 38 ................ .lb. iiii s. v Anne avuto adì 20 di febraio lb. una s. due portò e' detto ................................. .lb. i s. ii Anne avuto adì 6 di marzo lb. due portò e' detto .................................................... lb. ii Anne auto adì xvii d'aprile lb. una s. tredici portò e' detto .............................. .lb. i s. xiii Ane auto adì xxx di detto lb. due portò e' detto ..................................................... .lb. ii Ane auto adì v di maggio lb. una s. due portò e' detto contanti ......................... .lb. i s. ii Ane auto adì xv di maggio lb. una s. due per lui a Giuliano Ceffini portò e detto ................................................................................................................. lb. i s. ii 33. 1433. Excerpt from list of credits to the account of Romolo di Michele di Bongiani for various works including stonework provided for the abbot's quarters.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438: 1, fol. 139v. Published in part by Nunes, 251, n. 71. MCCCCXXXill Romolo di Michele di Bongiani de avere[ .... ] lb. ventuno s. dieci per un'uscia et una porticciuola et uno aquaio per la chamera e sala di messer l'abate a spese di murare in questo a c. 35 ................................................................................................ lb. xxi s. x 34. 1434, May. Credits to the account of Antonio di Domenico, referred to here as "maestro." ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 140v. Cited by Nunes, 261, n. 154. c. 132 ..................................................................................................... .lb. xliii S. X Anne auto adì viii di maggio 1434 lb. due portò Zanobi suo figliuolo ................... .lb. ii Anne auto lb. trentasei per st. quarantotto di grano avuto in piu volte l'anno 1433 chome appare in questo a c. 20 a ritratto di q.o a c. 137 ................................. lb. xxxvi Anne auto adì 15 di maggio lb. due portò Zanobi contanti... ................................. lb. ii Resta avere lb. tre s. dieci posto in questo a sua ragione a c. 42 ebbe dato .... .lb. iii s. x 42. 1436, February 1. Excerpts from daily transactions of Wednesday, l February 1436 related to the stonecutter Bernardo di Matteo, called Rossellino. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 2. a. Payment to Bernardo Rossellino, recorded in the Giomale, for an arched doorway for the donnitory carved by a second, unnamed master. First published, with a mistranscription of "arco de l'uscio" as "arco de'busti" by Fabriczy, "Ein Jugendwerk," 108. Published again with the same mistake by Sanpaolesi, "Costruzioni," 164, app. l, doc. l. Corrected by Nunes, 247.
Fabriczy, "Ein Jugendwerk," 108; Sanpaolesi, "Costruzioni," 164, app. l, doc. 2; and Nunes, 260, n. 135. 'uscio di dorrnitorio .................................................. lb. 4 [ .... ] Da Bernardo di Matteo lastraiuolo una prieta di camino cogli stipiti e 2 beccatelli per tutto braccia ................................................................................. l prieta di camino 43. 1436, February 6. Giovanni di ser Francesco, spenditore for the monastery, 11 takes 2 lire 9 soldi to buy nails for the roof, perhaps of the dormi tory. ASF, Corp. Rei.
Soppr., 78, l, fol. 3. Published by Sanpaolesi, "Costruzioni," 178, app. 6, doc. 2;
Tyszkiewicz, "Il Chiostro degli Aranci," 208; and Nunes, 247, n. 31. Tyszkiewicz suggested, incorrectly, that Giovanni was the son of ser Francesco di ser Ugolino, mistaking the name of ser Filippo di ser Ugolino Peruzzi. Creditori 1431-4 as "Giovanni di ser Francesco nostro spenditore." This identifies him as a type of agent for the monastery, spending money on their behalf for ali types of purchases from food to clothing to building materials. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,438: l, fol. 42. See also below, doc. 59g; and Nunes, 172.
1436, Aprii 20. Antonio di Domenico, here referred to as "capomaestro," received 20 lire taken away by his son Zanobi. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 15v. Published by Sanpaolesi, "Costruzioni," 172, app. 4, doc. 4; and Nunes, 262, n. 156. +venerdì adì xx daprile 1436
A Antonio di Domenico capomaestro lb. venti piccioli portò Zanobi suo figliuolo in quattrini. .............................................................................................................. lb. 20
1436, Aprii 21 and 26. Antonio di Domenico, here referred to as "capomaestro," received 9 lire taken away by his son Zanobi. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fols. 16 and 16v. Published by Sanpaolesi, "Costruzioni," 172, app. 4, docs. 5 and 6. +sabato adì xxi daprile 1436
A Antonio di Domenico chapomaestro lb. due piccioli portò Zanobi suo figluolo in quatttrini ................................................................................................................ .lb. 2 +giovedì adì xxvi daprile 1436
A Anto. di Domenico chapomaestro lb, sette piccioli portò e' detto Zanobi suo figliuolo in quattrini disse per comperare una fodera per una cioppa ........................ lb. 7
1436, May 2. Bernardo delivers various architectural details for the new dormi tory: four arched windows for the cells, an arched doorway, and another large window. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 18. Published by Fabriczy, "Ein Jugendwerk," 108-9;
Sanpaolesi, "Costruzioni," 165, app. 1, doc. 12; and Nunes, 248 and 260, nn. 131-3. +mercholedì adì ii di magio
Da Bernardo di Matteo lastraiuolo finestre quatro murate in dormentoro nuovo nelle cielle ........................................................................................... finestre 4 con archetto Da lui detto uno uscio di falda grossa murato in dormentoro nuovo con uno archo in di sopra .............................................................................................................. uscio uno Da lui detto una finestra grande la quale si debbe murare nel dormentorio in testa di detto per s ... .il bracio ................................................................................... finestra una 67. 1436, May S. Excerpts from list of Saturday payments. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 18 V. a. Giovanni d'Antonio delivers for two loads of cut stone. Published by
Sanpaolesi, "Costruzioni," 171, app. 3, doc. 10; cited by Nunes, 258, n. 118. b. Antonio di Domenico, here referred to simply as "maestro," is paid 6 lire taken away by his son Zanobi. Published by Sanpaolesi, "Costruzioni," 172, app. 4, doc. 7. Sabato adì 5 di magio
Da Giovanni d'Antonio lastraiuolo dua charettate di pietre choncie la quale gli mandamo per la charetta nostra ..................................................................... caretate 2 A Antonio di Domenico maestro lb. sei portò contanti Zanobi suo figliuolo ............. lb.
68. 1436, May 12. Antonio di Domenico, here referred to as "capomaestro," received 4 lire 11 soldi, taken away by his son Zanobi. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 19v. Published by Sanpaolesi, "Costruzioni," 173, app. 4, doc. 8; and Nunes, 262, n. 156. +sabato adì xii di maggio 1436
A Antonio di Domenico capomaestro lb. quattro s. xi piccioli portò Zanobi suo figliuolo in ff. uno largo ................................................................................. .lb. 4 s. 11
1436, May 16. Three deliveries by the kilnsman Bartolo di Marco, brother of Benedetto, of bricks and roofing tiles. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 20. Published in part by Nunes, 247, n. 34.
1436, August 20. Payment for 14 wooden door-bells for the new donnitory cells, thus suggesting their near completion by this date. Indeed, the cells could have been in use for some time prior to the delivery and reimbursement of these bells. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 38. Cited by Nunes, 248, n. 40. nuove ................................................ s. 8 d. 8 87. 1436, August 21. Bernardo Rossellino delivered a cardinaletto for an window installed underneath the infinnary. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 38. Published by Fabriczy, "Ein Jugendwerk," 109; Sanpaolesi, "Costruzioni," 166, app. l, doc. 22;
Nunes, 260, n. 135. + martedì adì 21 d' aghosto
Da Bernardo di Matteo lastraiuolo uno chardinaletto per una finestra ferrata sotto I' an f ermari a ......................................................................................................... card. l 88. 1436, August 25. Delivery of wooden planks for the new beds made for the dormitory cells. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 39. Cited by Nunes, 248 n. 39. + sabato adì 25 d'aghosto
Da Nardo di Spinello lengnaiuolo lib. 9 d'asse di 1/4 togliemo per le lette nuove si fanno per le cielle, rechò Pipo suo gharzone in pezi 4 .....................
1436, September 12. Delivery of astone cornice carved by Chimenti di Nanni for the door of the cloister. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 41 v. Cited by Nunes, 249, n. 51.
Firenze, 1442. 19
1442. Description of a cooper's shop (see also doc. 4) located next to the "principal" door of the monastery along Via del Proconsolo. The shop was bordered by the door, church, cemetery. The shop is currently a jewelry store, Orificeria "Il Bargello," Via del Proconsolo, l 7r. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 243, fol. 380. Unpublished. Cf. 1441/2 inventory, ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 386, fol. 8v, published by
Guidotti, "Vicende storico-artistiche della Badia Fiorentina," 177-8.
Mino bottaio, Una bottegha a uso atta di barlectaio /o/ vero bottaio posto sotto la chiesa di Sto. Stefano a Badia di Firenze luogo detto la via del palagio, alla quale da questo la detta via del palagio, da secondo la porta principale del monastero, da l/3 et il cimiterio di detta badia, da l/4 la chiesa di detto monastero il quale bottega tiene a pigione dal monastero Mino di Giovanni bottaio et alla per anni v cominciati adì primo di novembre 1441 et che fini vanno per tutto ottobre 1446 a ragione di ff. xii d'oro l'anno funne rogato ser Matteo di Ser Batista Boccianti et pello detto Mino stette mallovadore Domenico d'Antonio orafo popolo di Sto. Giorgio di Firenze del 8 di gennaio 1441.
1442. Record that there was an alleyway between the property of Tommaso Sacchetti and the monastery running from Via del Garbo (della Condotta) to Via S. Martino (Dante Alighieri), confirming that the alley was stili open at the beginning of the 1440s. Moreover, it indicates that the Sacchetti were stili in possession of their houses along Via del Garbo, which were later incorporated and used for the infirmary.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78,243, fol. 381 (33 o.s.). Unpublished. Cf. ASF, Corp. Rei. Pero di Dino cartolaio, Una bottega a uso cartolaio posto sotto la sagrestia del monastero et dirimpetto alla camera del comune, al quale da questo la via del palagio, da secondo et 1/3 et 1/4 e beni della detta badia / la quale tiene a pigione dal monstero Pero di Dino cartolaio et alla per anni.. .. cominciati adì.. .. et che finiranno per tutto di. ... , rogato per ser ........ mallevadore, per ff. x d'oro l'anno et una ocha 128. 1441/2. Description of a stationer's shop located next undemeath the dormitory along Via del Proconsolo. This shop was next to another stationer' s shop located undemeath the sacristy (see above, doc. 127), and is currently a souvenir shop, Via del Proconsolo, 3r. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 243, fol. 380. Unpublished. Cf. 1441/2 inventory, ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 386, fol. 9. Published by
Guidotti, "Vicende storico-artistiche della Badia Fiorentina," 178. Meo Tucci Cartolaio, Una bottega atta uso a cartolaio posto sotto il dormentorio del monastero dirimpetto alla camera del comune alla quale da questo via del palagio, da secondo et 1/3 et 1/4 e beni della detta badia la quale tiene a pigione dal monstero Meo d'Antonio Tucci cartolaio et alla per anni. ... cominciati adì.. .. et che finiranno per tutto di....conta per mano di ser ........ , per ff. 6 d'oro l'anno et una ocha / mallevadore.
1442. Record of farm rented to the master builder Antonio di Domenico, here referred to as "Antonio della Parte" in the left margin, and "maestro di murare" in the entry proper. Taken from inventory of property leased by the Badia. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 243, fol. 388v. Unpublished. Antonio della Parte, Uno podere con chasa [ .... ] posto presso a Santo Ciemagio et nello popolo di Santo Ciemagio sopradetto luogo detto a santo Ciemagio al quale da questo la via va a Maiano, da Secondo l'ospedale di Messer Bonifazio, et 1/3
Angniolo Gaddi, da 1/4 la chiesa di Santo Michele Bisdomini, da l/5 il fossatello et de per misura di staiora 56 acorda /o/ circha lo detto podere tiene afitto dal monastero Antonio di Domenicho maestro di murare e lavorale Chimenti di Lucha da Sto. Cernagio allo per charta detto Antonio per anni /5/ incominciati adì... .. di.. ... che finiranno per tutto ........ per lb. 100 piccioli l'anno carta per mano di ser ...........
1441/2. Excerpts from the inventory of the Badia Fiorentina included here for easy reference. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 386, fols. 2-47. Far transcription of the contents of the following rooms, see Guidotti, "Vicende storico-artistiche della Badia Fiorentina," 171-7.
fol. 4v] Chamera de'famigli: [ .... ] Luogho della celleria dove sta il celleraio apresso la porta: [ .... ] Cella del celleraio allato al Capitolo: [ .... ] Chamera di nostro Padre: [ .... ] In sala di nostro Padre: [ .... ] [fols. 5-5v] Nello scriptoio di nostro Padre: [ .... ] Foresteria; chamera a meza schala allato allo refectorio [ .... ] In sala della foresteria nuova: [ .... ] Camera prima della foresteria nuova: [ .... ] Chamera seconda della foresteria: [ .... ] Camera tertia: [ .... ] Et tutte le soprascripte cose sono a custodia del forestaio. In chucina: [ .... ] [fai. 6v] [ .... ] Inventario della infermeria; camera prima: [ .... ] Camera seconda: [ .... ] Camera tertia: [ .... ] In chucina della infermeria: [ .... ] [fol. 7) Inventario delle masseritie del forno: [ .... ] [fol. 7v] Inventario della spezieria: [ .... ] Inventario della vesteria: [ .... ] Inventario della barberia: [ .... ] Inventario di tutti i ferramenti del monasterio: [ .... ]
1441, 30 August. Opening protocol for the libro Debitori e Creditori, Biancho segnato C, 1441-1450. In this double-entry account ledger, debits are entered on the left side of the page with credits on the right, facing page. Consequently, page numbers are referred to as fol. 2 left and 2 right continuing through the last page, fol. 430 right. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 77, fol. l. Unpublished.
1441, September • 1444, November. List of debits to the stonecutting firm of Giovanni d'Antonio da Maiano from the libro Creditori e Debitori, Bianco C. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 77, fol. 166 left. Unpublished. lb ...................................................... lb. cxxi s. iii d. xi Et devono dare adì xx di settembre 1441 lb. xxvii s ..... sono per barili xii di vino ebbe per noi Attaviano d'Antonio suo fratello da Sandro di Bartolomeo del Bene nostro fittaiuolo a San Cervagio per s. 45 barili al quaderno s.o Ca c. 4 posto detto Sandro debbe avere in questo a carta 78 20 ..................................................................... lb. xxvii Et devono dare adì xxi d'ottobre 1441 per st. x di grano avuto di quello dal monastero portallo Attaviano suo fratello per s. 30 lo st. monte lb. quindici piccioli al quaderno s. Ca c. 7 ................................................................................................................ .lb. xv Et deon dare adì viiii d'ottobre 1443 lb. tredici s. 17 d. . 183 et al Gior. s.o Ca c. 48 ................... .lb. xiii s. xvii d. vi Et deon dare adì xxviiii di novembre 1443 lb. dodici piccioli portò Attaviano suo fratello cont. in quatt. a uscita s.o Ca c. 163 ...................................................... lb. xii Et adì xxviii di dicembre 1443 lb. s. 12 d. 6 sono per uno mezo barile di venniglio ebbe dal monastero di quello allato alorto portò e' detto cioè Attaviano per s. 25 piccioli il bar. d'arredo al Gio. s.o Ca c. 52 posto spese di poderi debbino aiu. in questo a c.
s. xii d. vi Somma deono dare come di sopra appare lb. 189.13.11. i quali sabbattono di f. 45
d'oro lb. 25 s. 8 piccioli debbano avere nella fama dirimpetto farto di f. lb. a lb. 4 s. 4 piccioli per f. restano avere come si vede lb. 24 s. 14 d. l piccioli per saldo facto d'arredo questo di xvii di luglio 1444 co. Attaviano d'Antonio lo fratello 20 Cancelled: 166.
Et adì primo d'ottobre 1448 lb. tre s. iiii piccioli portò e' detto o questo per resto di cas. a uscita s.o C a c. 242 ........................................................................ .lb. iii s. i iii [Credits:] Antonio di Domenico dalla parte maestro di murare de' avere adì xv di giugno 1446 lb. trenta sei s. x piccioli sono per opere xxxvi 1/1 lavoro tra qui et la campora cioè per tr. qui alla sagrestia et alla campora alla ci[s]tema per s. xx l'opera come appare al quaderno memoriale s.o Ba c. 127 pposto che spese di poderi debbino dare in questo a c. 337 ............................................................................................................... .lb. ii Et de' avere adì primo di luglio 1446 lb. due piccioli sono per due circhi grandi fece mettere nelletina del podere tenne piu tempo fa affito dal monastero posto che spese di podere debbino dare a questo a c. 337 ................................................................ lb. ii Et de' avere adì xi di maggio 1447 lb. settanta sette piccioli sono per opere lxxviii a lavorato qui nel monastero alle veste1ia et nello spedale come appare al quaderno memoriale s.o B a c. 138 da di 23 di giennaio 1446 per insino adì detto exclusive a s. xx l'opera posto che spese di murare debbi dare a questo a c. 378 ............... lb. lxxvii 136. 1446, July 1, August 20. Debit and credit to Antonio di Domenico "dalla Parte" excerpted from list of "spese di podere," or farm expenses, from the libro Creditori e Debitori, Bianco C. These balance with entries in Antonio's account on fol. 321. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 77, fols. 337 left and 337 right Unpublished. Et adì detto [primo di luglio 1446] lb. due pi per loro ad Antonio di Domenico maestro posto debbi avere in questo a c. 321 sono per due circhia fece mettere nella tina del podere tenne affitto dal monastero piu tempo fa d'accordo a lui.. ............................ lb. ii Et adì xx d'agosto 1446 lb. staio ................................................................ lb. iiii 137. 1591. Excerpts from a history of the Badia written from 1586 to 1591 by Abbot Girolamo da Perugia in which he describes, among other things, the construction of expanded. A simple ellipsis ( ... ) indicates blank areas left in the document, usually where full names were to be filled in at a later point but never were. An ellipsis in square brackets ([ ..
1429, August 5. Entry from the uscita of a Libro di emrata e uscita, 1426-1434. This expense record, is bound together with severa! other account books from Abbot Gomezio's reign and its pages, originally 1-100, are renumbered as as folios 183-256. See also app. 1, doc. 37. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 310, fol. 241 (89 o.s.).
A Giovanni Spangiuolo stava in chasa lb. due s. quindci piccioli levati dal quaderno chassa + a carta 31 et posti a libro segnato+ a carta 116 ................................ lb. ii s. xv
1435, January 28. Giovanni di Consalvo appears as a witness to a chapter meeting at S. Domenico in Fiesole. Also present are Zanobi Strozzi and Fra Angelico. Recorded in the notarial acts of Paolo di Pagno Bertini, previously indexed as B. 1545.
ASF, Notarile antecosimiano, 2559, fol. 70r. First published, with error of date, by
Orlandi, "Beato Angelico" Rivista d'Arte, 183, doc. C; idem, S. Amonino, 2: 137, doc. XXXVII; and Cardile, 391, doc. 11. Orlandi and Cardile transcribed the date as 20
January. Diane Cole correctly recognized the date as 28 January, which has been confirrned against the originai document. The transcription below is based on hers.
Cole, 601, doc. XVIII. mccc~•xxxiiii, lndictione xi die vero xxviii mensis Januarii.
1436, October 29. 6 pounds of gray cloth 12 received from Niccolo d'Andrea Charducci and company, cloth merchants, 13 as agreed to by Tubbia Ciefini (most likely don Tubbia, a Badian monk), for the price of 5 2 '3 florins for Giovanni the Spanish painter. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 52. Published with errors and ommissions by Nunes, 271.
Giovanni spangniuolo dipintore .............................................................................. lib. vi di bigio 27. 1436, Novemher 3. Giovanni the Spaniard is given l lire 16 soldi to pay for the sewing of a cloak, perhaps made with the gray cloth delivered on October 29, 1436.
ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, l, fol. 53. Published with incorrect date by Nunes, 271. +sabato adì 3 di novembre A spese straordinarie lb. una s. xvi demo a Giovanni spagnuolo per chucitura di uno mantello si gli fa fare ..................................................................................... lb. l s. 16
1436, November 10. Giovanni della Ria, a servant of the monastery (famiglia), is named as a debtor to the monastery for 5 2 / 3 florins for the cost of a new cloak bought for Giovanni the Spanish painter. Compare with the delivery of 6 braccia of gray 12 Bigio mamwri,zo can be defined as a "marbled" or "mixed" gray cloth. Bigio was a gray type of cloth especially favored by young nuns, and monnori,zo or mamwri,zo qualifies bigio in this case as a marbled or mixed shade of gray. Carole Collier Frick, "Dressing a Renaissance city: Society, economics, and gender in the clothing of Fifteenth-century Florence (ltaly)" (Ph.D. Dissertati on, University of California at Los Angeles, 1995), 480. I would like to thank Virginia Budny for this reference.
1440, January 14. Record of credits to the painter Niccolò di Ser Lapo, a tenant of the Badia who also received painting commissions from the monastery. 20 ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fol. 279. Published in part by Nunes, 251. mccccxxxviiii, giovedì adì 14 di gienaio [o.s.]
Vuolsi porre credittore Nicholo di Ser Lapo dipintore, nostro pigionale, di lb. 36 s. 2 'achordo con lui.. ..................................................................... lb. 3 s. 2 'achordo ff. 4 l/4 ............................................................................................ ff. 4
9 September and 30 November 1438. ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 1, fols. 184v, 206v; and ASF, Corp. Rei. Soppr., 78, 333, fols. 32v, 57v, 65. See Nunes, 257. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Van Marle, Raimond. The Developmellt ofthe ltafia,z Schools of Pai11ti,zg. Voi. 10. 19 vols. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1928.
Vasari, Giorgio. Le vite dei piu ecce/enti pittori, scultori e architetti. l classici Rizzoli. ed. Carlo L. Ragghianti ed. Milan: Rizzoli, 1942-49.
---. Le vite de' pili eccellellti pittori scultori e architettori. Edited by Paolo della Pergola, Luigi Grassi, and Giovanni Previtali. Milan: Edizioni per il Club del Libro, 1962.
---. Le vite de' più eccellellli pittori scultori e architettori ,zelle redazio,zi del 1550 e 1568. Text edited by Rosanna Bettarini. Commentary edited by Paola Barocchi. Florence: Sansoni, 1966.
---. Le vite dei pili eccellenti pittori, scultori e architetti. I classici Rizzoli, ed. Licia and Carlo L. Ragghianti. Voi. 2. Milan: Rizzoli, 1973.
Vertova, Luisa. "Restored Works of Art in Florence." Burlingto11 Magazine 114 (July 1972): 492-99.
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---, ed. Orsanmiclzele a Firenze. Modena: Franco Cosimo Panini, 1996.
Zupko, Ronald Edward. ltalian Weights and Measures /rom the Middle Ages to the Nineteemh Cemury. Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, 145. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1981. Plate 1. Aerial view of the Badia Fiorentina, north at top of page. ~~;~~~~i~~1~f:~~t_t_l;I~!1r:,••<~rg •• .. -.• Plate 10. Late fifteenth-century Fiorentine painter, The Buming <~{ Sawmarola in the Piazza della Signoria, tempera on pancl, Florence, Museo di San Marco. View looking cast, campanile of Badia visible at the left between the dome of thc cathedral and thc towcr of thc Palazzo del Podestà. Sant'Apollonia --1 10m Plate 22. Ground pian, Sant' Apollonia, Florence. IOm Plate 23. Ground pian, San Lorenzo, Florence. Plate 24. Façade, Rucellai Palace, Florence. Plate 25. Façade, Piccolomini Palace, Pienza. Plate 26. Façade, Palazzo della Misericordia, Arezzo.
I J 1-•,...111mlle della pi&nta della l'hleq e Mona,;tero della Badia nel ser. Xli. I. La prima Chiesa della Badia :!. La parrocchiale di S Stefano. :i . .!.rea del lfoaastero. ,. Mura del l O cerchio. ;;, Yia ,!cl narbo, oi:gi della Condotta.
!J Via Ilei ~ragazzini lU Porta ,lei Garbo Q elci :--ala111oni. 11, Postierla 1lell11 Badia. I:!. Ca!!e 1lella Badia 1:1. Fnssu dello Schcmgi;io.
H. Via Hicciar,la ogi,:i D .. \li;:hir1i.
Plate 28. Reconstruction of the Badia complex in the 1th century by A. Cirri showing lost chiasso (6). Plate 30. Torre della Castagna, northwest corner of Badia compound at corner of Via dei Magazzini and Via Dante Alighieri.
$1 Q • .• -->•-:- - ~ :;.::.f~:-:.;.: , • -~-. ~::-_:_~.v-~: :< • v-•._.,::_,;• ... • Plate 32. Benedetto da Rovezzano, eastern door to Badia Fiorentina, Via del Proconsolo. Plate 33. View of the western façade of the abbey church including a partial view of the Grange Cloister. Badia Fiorentina, Florence.
~-•~-------• I 'i ;l,1 i I .••1 ' I I ': '
I F "" ,.J,. i . ùu o :~-7~....;=;;;_ :-,.~~t-~~~-~-~-~ Plate 34. Reconstruction of the second abbey church, built after 1285, Badia Fiorentina, Florence. From Middeldorf and Paatz. Plate 35. Taddeo Gaddi, The Tra,zsfiguratio,z, fresco, before removal from the Capitolo Nuovo of the Badia Fiorentina. PI ate 36. PI aster patch indicating originai locati on of Taddeo Gaddi' s Transfiguration in the narthex (capitolo nuovo), Badia Fiorentina.
~!tt~••::7~,•~-:_: :_!>~?i•.: : 1 ~~~;J~ PI ate 37. Domenico Paris di Palmcrino San tinelli (?), reworkcd ca. 1722, Christ on the Cross Flanked by the Virgin Mary, a,u/ Ss. Jolm the Eva11gclist, Mmy Magdalene, Benedici, ami Sc/wlastica, fresco, capitolo nuovo. Plate 38. North entrance to the abbcy church (wallcd up), after 1285, Badia Fiorentina. CmTCnt church entrance visiblc at far lcft, campanile visible at right.
Plate 39. Giuseppe Zocchi, View of the Badia (left) and the Palazzo del Podestà (right) looking north down Via del Proconsolo from Piazza San Firenze, Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence. t1"\~ •~ ~~~~:}:.~_-_ Plate 42. View of old sacristy window (at right) and old dormi tory window (at left). Covoni family arms visible over sacristy window. Plate 43. Monte di Giovanni, Annunciation in an lnitial V, Florence, Archivio dell'Opera del di S. Maria del Fiore, Cod. S, n. 14, fol. 54. Piace 44. Doorway from Orange Cloister to abbey church nave, ground floor, north loggia, northeast corner bay.
'-::::::, -- ~!1;1{-"j ...... •• .. ,;, Plate 46. View down east loggiato chapter room façade and chapel door, ground floor, Orange Cloister, Badia Fiorentina. Plate 47. Doorway to cellarer's celi(?), east loggia, ground floor, Orange Cloister, Badia Fiorentina. .: :~\• -~; i:, .. , .... , ..
_,. . - - .+~11, ..... Plate 48. Double doorway to donnitory stairs, east loggia, ground floor, Orange Cloister, Badia Fiorentina.
~.,.~~~-~•:: ~~• ~~,~ • ~:._ :_ . ; Plate 49. Doorway to chapel (walled up), Grange Cloister, ground floor, south loggia, southeast corner bay. Badia Fiorentina, Florence. . ì:,-1 .1"4'~ ' ............
~ ••-,.
--,• ,,. ,•s.,:..-•-••- ._.,.}. •. Plate 50. Ground pian and cross-section of the Orange Cloister chapel, Badia Fiorentina, Florence. Surveyed by Piero Sanpaolesi ("Costruzioni").
/ . .. .. ,~-- Plate 51. Axonometric drawing of the Orange Cloister chapel, Badia Fiorentina. By Piero Sanpaolesi ("Costruzioni").
~ :-.~ :.• .,:~_, ... i}:_ Plate 52. View of chapel dome, Orange Cloister, ground floor, south loggia, southeast corner bay. Badia Fiorentina, Florence. ~~l :.
•• , : ~ r :.:::•:. ,.•., ),& Plate 56. Refectory vestibule door, west loggia, northwest corner bay, ground floor, Badia Fiorentina. Plate 57. Refectory door leading from vesti buie to refectory, Badia Fiorentina.
Plate 58. Doorway (walled up), second story, east loggia, southeast corner bay, Grange Cloister, Badia Fiorentina, Florence. Plate 59. Door to current donnitory, second story, south loggia, centrai bay, Orange Cloister, Badia Fiorentina, Florence. Plate 60. Door to current stair, second story, east loggia, second bay from north, Orange Cloister, Badia Fiorentina, Florence. '~•~~:1:: ,.. ....... ~.I /: ...... ~.:it~ -----•. !• Plate 61. Anonymous Fiorentine, The Miracle oftlze Poisoned Wine, mural, Orange Cloister, upper story, north loggia, bay 5, view with cloister door.
-__ ... Dormitory window, southern wing, view from Via della Condotta, Badia Fiorentina, Florence. Plate 62b. View southern dormitory from Via della Condotta, Badia Fiorentina, Aorence. Plate 63. Workshop of Fra Angelico(?), SI. Benedici Req11es1i11g Sile11ce, fresco, Soprintendenza per i beni artistici e storici Florence. Plate 64. Attributed to Fra Angelico, St. Benedici Req11esti11g Sile11ce, sinopia, Soprintendenza per i beni artistici e storici, Florence. Plate 66. Fra Angelico, St. Peter Martyr Req11esti11g Sile11ce. Fresco. Florence, Museo di San Marco. .. , i: :,~~;'/•-. -./Jt.~ '..l1!8t :.;~>• \f\'' ~--¾~ ,,,., ,., _ : '(_1.•• ~~~•) ~.•: ~'-\~~-i-;, ! :rfi:.:i•. •• :t •
~• •'=""".iii. ~tM-•-•:, ..--~ • :..t . . ~-......... ~, .
_., ..... niJ Plate 67. Fra Angelico, St. Peter Martyr Req11esti11g Si/e11ce. Sinopia, l08xl45cm. Florence, Museo di San Marco.
•-, .. ... .
•-~• .... .... . .. . ,i .... ., ;;~::: ii '!~•/t=~ •/rr,, .; .•; Plate 68. Fourteenth-century Fiorentine painter. Virgin and Cliild. Fresco. Florence, Santa Maria Novella, Chiostro Verde. Plate 70. Fra Angelico, Christ 011 the Cross, fresco. Fiesole, San Domenico. Plate 71. Fra Angelico, Crucifixion, detail of decorative border. Florence, San Marco, chapter room. Plate 72. Fra Angelico and Benozzo Gozzoli, Last Judgment, detail of prophets and decorative border, 1447-9. Orvieto, cathedral, cappella nuova, vault. Plate 76. Baccio Baldini, Mercury, detail showing a mural painter and his assistant, ca. 1460. (Hind A.ill.6a, Bartsch 2403.006) PI ate 77. Grange Cloister, Badia Fiorentina. View across second-story cloister from north loggia to west loggia. Plate 78a. Orange Cloister, Badia Fiorentina. View from ground-floor cloister, toward the north. I i Plate 78b. Orange Cloister, Badia Fiorentina. View from ground-floor cloister, toward the west. Plate 79. Orange Cloister, Badia Fiorentina. loggia from eastem loggia. Plate 80. Attributed to Agnolo Bronzino, San Bemardo, fresco. Orange Cloister, Badia Fiorentina, upper loggia.
Plate 81. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, St. Be,,edict Departs Rome, fresco, Orangc Cloister, upper story, north loggia, bay I. ., ', '
Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, The Hermitage of St. Be11edict i11 Subiaco, fresco, Orange Cloistcr, upper story, north loggia, bay 3. Plate 84. Agnolo Bronzino, The Temptatimz of St. Benedici, fresco, Orange Cloister, upper story, north loggia, bay 4. Plate 85. Anonymous Fiorentine Paintcr, The Miracle ofthe Poisoned Wine, fresco, Orange Cloister, upper story, north loggia, bay 5. Plate 86. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, The Emrcism ofthe Wayward Monk, fresco, Orange Cloister, uppcr story, west loggia, bay 6. ;:-~,:,,,J • ,j ~--~ I.~~ ' - ,t .,,~r-=( I . ~.r1• . .
--! 1_.1,~.,,,., \ •;,:, t/1'.-'•i' ;~t:.t\ r~(.1fi';. iJ(~ _, ~ : ' ,j;~~. t.'<,\ ::}J,t, ~,l'% ~[f;{;
Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, Maurw, Saves Placidus, fresco, Orange Cloister, upper story, west loggia, bay 8. \ Plate 89. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, Miracle ofthe Poisoned Bread, fresco, Orangc Cloister, upper story, west loggia, bay 9. :'T"!!:•., -.. , •• ; ... ~ (.-{,•; __ Platc 90. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, The Miracle ofthe Heavy Sto11e, fresco, Orange Cloister, upper story, west loggia, bay IO. Plate 91. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, St. Benedici Resurrects a You11g Monk, fresco, Orange Cloister, upper story, west loggia, bay 11.
Platc 92. Anonymous fifteenth-ccntury painter, The Deceptio11 o/Totila, fresco, Orange Cloister, upper story, south loggia, bay 12. Plate 93. Anonymous fifteenth-century painter, Totila before Sr. Be11edicr, fresco, Orange Cloister, upper story, west loggia, bay 13. .
~•..;,,,s Platc 94. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, St. Be11edict Departs Rome, sinopia, Orange Cloister, scene 1. Plate 96. Anonymous Fiorentine Painter, The Hermitage of St. Be11edict i11 Subiaco, sinopia, Orange Cloister, scene 3. ,, .
April 06, 2026
Anne Leader
University of Virginia, Post-Doc
Anne Leader is Visiting Fellow at the Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities (IATH) at UVA. She received her Ph.D. in the History of Art and Archaeology, with a specialization in Italian Renaissance Art, from the Institute of Fine Arts at New York University in 2000. She was Rush H. Kress Fellow at Villa I Tatti, The Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies in Florence from 2008 to 2009. She has held teaching positions at the University of New Hampshire, Kean University, The City College of New York, and the Savannah College of Art and Design (Atlanta).

Her research and publications explore a range of topics in Italian Renaissance art, architecture, urbanism, and religious tradition, including: Michelangelo’s final project for the Sistine chapel, Benedictine monasticism and artistic patronage, Renaissance workshop practices and artistic authorship, and, most recently, burial practices and tomb monuments including articles on the tomb of Leonardo da Vinci's father. She is especially interested in sacred art and architecture, specifically in how images and buildings were used by individuals and institutions for devotional practice, doctrinal instruction, and propaganda.

She has published articles and reviews in The Burlington Magazine, caa.reviews, Human Evolution, The Journal for the Society of Architectural Historians, The Renaissance Quarterly, Renaissance Studies, Speculum, Studies in Iconography, and the Visual Resources Association Bulletin. Her monograph was published by Indiana University Press in 2012. MQUP and MIP published her edited volumes in 2018. She inaugurated the Italian Art Society's IASblog in 2013 and served as editor until 2016. As an IATH Visiting Fellow, she is preparing her database of Florentine tombs (ca. 1250-1650) for publication online as an interactive website (http://sepoltuario.iath.virginia.edu/).

If you would like PDFs of any publications listed here, please contact Anne Leader via messages or email.
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Richard Kieckhefer, Review of The Badia of Florence: Art And Observance in a Renaissance Monastery
Anne Leader
Church History, 2013
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George Bent, Review of The Badia of Florence: Art and Observance in a Renaissance Monastery
Anne Leader
The Medieval Review, 2012
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In the Image of Elijah: The Artistic Foundations of Community in a Medieval Italian Monastery [Ph.D. diss., Yale U., 2009]
Alison L Perchuk
2009
The twelfth-century Basilica at Castel Sant’Elia (VT), Lazio, is an important example of Romanesque art in the vicinity of Rome, Italy. Built and decorated circa 1126 to meet the needs of a male monastic community living under the Benedictine Rule, the church largely retains its original architecture. It also preserves large segments of the wall paintings that once covered its transept and apse; the earliest extant Cosmati pavement, altar, and ciborium in northern Lazio; and numerous relief carvings and inscriptions, including several from the early medieval era. The richness of the Basilica’s material remains is paralleled by an almost complete loss of its textual apparatus. Scholarship has focused on the style and dating of its architecture, pavement, and frescoes, and on the iconographic affiliations of a rare narrative cycle of the Apocalypse. This dissertation takes a different approach. Inspired by recent work addressing the role of the arts in the generation and communication of medieval institutional identity, it asks how the monks responsible for the Basilica’s construction used its fabric to create, preserve, and promote the antiquity, history, and current social position of their monastic community. Liturgy, including chant, is seen as crucial to this process; the intersection of art and liturgy remains a theme throughout this study. Chapter one analyzes medieval and modern documents and examines the standing structure to isolate authentically medieval elements from Counter-Reformation and nineteenth-century modifications, including the work of Virginio Vespignani for Pope Pius IX. Chapter two considers how the monks used painting, epigraphy, architecture, and topography to link their monastery to the local saint Anastasius, discussed in the Dialogues of Gregory the Great. Chapter three looks at the use of early medieval spolia within the church. Chapter four examines the monastery’s dedication to Elijah the Prophet, identifying Elijah as an exemplar for monastic behavior. Chapter five probes the frescoes’ Roman iconography, especially a rendering of the Madonna della Clemenza, the icon from Santa Maria in Trastevere. Chapter six places the romanitas of the Basilica’s paintings, architecture, and furnishings within the context of the Gregorian Reform and the papacies of Callixtus II and Anacletus II.
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The murals of the Torre Abbaziale of San Zeno Maggiore in Verona: A representation of Frederick II in a monastic context
Harald Wolter-von dem Knesebeck
Gangemi, Francesco / Michalsky, Tanja (Ed.): Federico II e l’architettura sacra tra Regno e Impero, Cinisello Balsamo (Studi della Bibliotheca Hertziana Bd. 14), Roma, 2021
The lack of research in the field of profane mural painting is demonstrated by the fact that the murals discussed here, which have been known since the middle of the 19th century (figs. 2-6), of the Torre Abbaziale belonging to the Benedictine Abbey of San Zeno (fig. ) outside the gates of Verona (fig. ), did not receive greater interest until Zuliani linked them to the Staufer Emperor Frederick II in 1992. 1 Following a refined stylistic dating to the 2nd quarter of the 13th century, last confirmed by Pietropoli in 2004, Zuliani believed the enthroned figure in the large mural panel on the south wall of the hall (fig. ) to be Frederick II, who was being reverently approached by foreign peoples. 2 This interpretation referencing a great name was not only adopted 1 Fulvio Zuliani, "Gli affreschi duecenteschi del palazzo abbaziale di San Zeno: un allestimento cerimoniale per Federico II", in La Torre e il palazzo abbaziale di San Zeno. Il recupero degli spazi e degli affreschi, ed. Anna Zangarini, Verona 1992, pp. 11-42; on its restoration, in the same volume see Pierpaolo Cristiani, "Il restauro degli affreschi della sala del corteo", pp. 151-162. These murals were probably first mentioned by Eduard Freiherr von Sacken, "Die Kirche S. Zeno und ihre Kunstdenkmale",
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Monastic life, art, and technology - program of the conference, 16th-18th October 2014, Alba Iulia, Department of History, Archaeology, and Museology
Ileana Burnichioiu
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Decorating the House of Wisdom: Four Altarpieces from the Church of Santo Spirito in Florence (1485-1500)
Antonia Fondaras
2011
Title of dissertation: DECORATING THE HOUSE OF WISDOM: FOUR ALTARPIECES FROM THE CHURCH OF SANTO SPIRITO IN FLORENCE (1485-1500) Antonia Fondaras, Doctor of Philosophy, 2011 Dissertation directed by: Professor Meredith J. Gill Department of Art History and Archaeology This dissertation examines four altarpieces by different artists paint ed between 1485 and 1500 for Santo Spirito, the church of the Augustinian Hermits in Florence, in light of the Hermits’ influence on the paintings’ iconography. I argue that eac h of the altarpieces expresses a distinct set of Augustinian values and suggests a ppropri te modes of devotion and praxis. Together, the paintings represent an attempt on the part of the Florentine Hermits to convey their institutional and religious identity as hei r to Augustine’s spirituality. The first chapter reviews the history and thought of the Augustinian Hermits, t he history of the convent of Santo Spirito and the building and decoration of its church. The second ...
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The Monastic Architecture of the Order of the Poor Ladies — Later Called 'Poor Clares' — in Central Italy between 13 th and 14 th Centuries
Valeria Danesi
Actual Problems of Theory and History of Art: Collection of articles. Vol. 7. Ed. S. V. Mal’tseva, E. Iu. Staniukovich-Denisova, A. V. Zakharova. — St. Petersburg: St. Petersburg Univ. Press, 2017, pp. 336-344., 2017
At the dawn of the 13th century the male monasticism was living a new era, marked by the advent of St. Francis and St. Dominic and characterized by a return to the poorest and humble roots of Christianity as well as by greater openness towards the believers, more than the closed dimension of the monastery. A new female religious movement, known as ‘the Poor Ladies’, was born in Central Italy in the same years, under the guidance of St. Clare of Assisi. The movement did not join any of the existing monastic rules at the beginning, even though it was strictly bound to the Franciscan experience and had total poverty as its highest and exclusive aspiration. The Church of Rome saw a possible critical issue in the movement and in its lack of control. It tried to regulate it at the Council of Lateran IV in 1215, especially with the Cardinal Bishop of Ostia Ugolino dei Segni (the future Pope Gregory IX), an essential figure for the history and evolution of the female monasticism who imposed the cloistered life on all female monastic orders. The analysis of the architecture of the so-called ‘PoorLadies’ is, therefore, fundamental in order to understand the consequences of this imposition. New liturgical spaces for females only, in fact, started to be created in both the existing convents and in the newly built ones with the aim of protecting the daily life of the nuns. The arrangement of the preexisting spaces in St. Damianoin Assisi — the cradle of the order of St. Clare — was purely random but led anyway to the creation of proper architectural models, later exported in other convents of the same order. The nuns’ choir in St. Damiano, infact, is located outside the ecclesiastical perimeter in order to preserve the cloistered dimension. However, this peculiar position of the choir made it quite difficult for the nuns to assist to the liturgical functions from the beginning, but the issue was solved only during the 14th century with the ‘migration’ of this liturgical space to a new position, after a series of different solutions.
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Artistic manifestations as a means of connection to the world outside the cloister: mural paintings in the Monastery of São Bento de Cástris
Antónia Fialho Conde
e-conservation Journal, 2015
S. Bento de Cástris Monastery was the first extramural monastic community in the town of Évora and the first Cistercian female community in southern Portugal. In the 16 th century, as in other monasteries, its regular life underwent an intense reformation, because one of the main goals of the Ecumenical Council of Trent-held between 1545 and 1563-was the regularization of monastic communities. Together with a spiritual renovation, influences of the Counter-reformation and of the Baroque culture were felt in the monastery artistic production (e.g. gilded woodwork, tiles, liturgical furniture, vestments, and frescoes). Mural paintings were particularly present in the cloistered spaces that were only accessible to the nuns (Refectory, High Choir, and Infirmary). Even today these spaces are not easely accessible for security reasons. The aim of this paper is to provide an insight view of the paintings and of the religious and cultural context on which they were produced.
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Uniting Faith and Image: The Collective Visual Identity of the Congregation of Secular Canons and its Expression in the Artistic Commissions at San Giorgio in Braida, Verona (1441-1668)
Heather Nolin
2011
This dissertation examines the art and architecture commissioned for the religious complex of San Giorgio in Braida in Verona between 1441 and 1668 and demonstrates that it embodied the visual corporate identity formulated by the Congregation of Secular Canons at San Giorgio in Alga, their mother church in Venice. The Congregation was a major player in the pre-Tridentine reform movements of northern Italy and its iconographic program was part of its strategy to reform the clergy and monastic life in general. Using new archival findings and San Giorgio in Braida’s artistic patrimony as primary evidence, I unravel and explain the Secular Canons’ considered identity. I then demonstrate that the Congregation adapted it as it matured and reacted to major religious, political and artistic changes that rippled across the Veneto between the Congregation’s founding in 1402 and its suppression in 1668. This dissertation also examines the modes of patronage used by the Canons at San Giorgio in Braida, and by extension, the system of patronage used by the Congregation as a whole. Eventually every commission at all eleven of its religious houses was underpinned by this iconographic program, which had the effect of binding the Canons and their surroundings both spiritually and visually. Though some of the Canons’ churches have been the focus of specific research, this is the first to investigate the whole Congregation as a single, thoughtful commissioner of art.
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The Franciscans and Art Patronage in Late Medieval Italy
Louise Bourdua
Cambridge University Press, 2004
In this book, Louise Bourdua examines how Franciscan church decoration developed between 1250 and 1400. Focusing on three important churches - San Fermo Maggiore, Verona, San Lorenzo, Vicenza and Sant'Antonio, Padua - she argues that local Franciscan friars were more interested in their own conception of how artistic programs should work than merely following models for decoration issued from the mother church at Assisi. In addition, lay patrons also had considerable input into the decoration programs. These case studies serve as a multiform model of patronage, which is tested against other commissions of the Trecento.
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