The influence of intangible forms of capital on farms
Vliv nehmatatelných forem kapitálu na fungování zemědělských
podniků
M. LOŠŤÁK
Czech University of Agriculture, Prague, Czech Republic
Abstract: Intangible issues, which are often very difficult to be quantified become more and more the field of interest of
social sciences. There are many research works demonstrating that various types of knowledge, institutions, social ne-
tworks, and social relations have a great influence on human activities as for efficient achievement of the actors’ goals. This
paper relates expert knowledge (shaping professional qualification) to human capital and tacit knowledge (understood as
a broader, general, and contextual knowledge) to cultural capital. Both forms of capital exist in their primary form only in
concrete individual persons. Concerning collective persons (firm, community), cultural and human capitals are transfor-
med into intellectual capital. Work with specific knowledge, tacit knowledge and capitals corresponding to them shows
the role of social networks and social capital in their organization. Using the analysis of two farms based on natural experi-
ment, the paper demonstrates the role of tacit knowledge and cultural capital (opposing to the overestimated role of expert
knowledge and human capital). The conclusions outline social determination of both types of knowledge through social
networks and social capital needed for an efficient work of a farm.
Key words: social capital, cultural capital, human capital, intellectual capital, expert knowledge, tacit knowledge, social
networks
Abstrakt: Nehmatatelné a často obtížně kvantifikovatelné záležitosti se stále více stávají předmětem zájmu sociálních věd.
Jak ukázala řada výzkumů, znalosti, vědění, instituce, sítě a sociální vztahy obecně mají nezanedbatelný vliv na působení
různých aktérů ve sféře hospodářské či sociální a na efektivní dosahování jejich cílů. Tento článek vychází z propojení
znalostí (formujících profesionální kvalifikaci) s lidským kapitálem a vědění (chápané jako širší obecné a kontextuální vě-
domosti) s kulturním kapitálem. Obě formy kapitálu jsou ve své primární podobě přítomny pouze v konkrétních osobách.
U kolektivních osob (podnik, obec) jsou transformovány do kapitálu intelektuálního. Při práci se znalostmi a věděním
a odpovídajícími kapitály je ukázána také úloha sociálních sítí a sociálního kapitálu v jejich organizaci. Na základě analýzy
dvou zemědělských podniků za využití metody přirozeného experimentu je demonstrována úloha vědění a kulturního
kapitálu (oproti přeceňované úloze znalostí a lidského kapitálu). Závěr přibližuje sociální determinaci vědění a znalostí
prostřednictvím sociálních sítí a sociálního kapitálu a naznačuje možnosti jejich využití pro efektivní fungování zeměděl-
ského podniku.
Klíčová slova: sociální kapitál, kulturní kapitál, lidský kapitál, intelektuální kapitál, znalosti, vědění, sociální sítě
The contemporary world faces many processes, which to modern society. That is why some writers use also
shape it into a new form. Ambiguous influences of the term “post-modern society” (e.g. Bauman 1995)
globalization (e.g. Giddens 1998, 2000; Bauman 1999, to emphasize the essential nature of change into the
2002), growing risks which we are exposed to through new type of society in which modernity is replaced by
our own activities depending on the locally disem- post-modernity. Although not all authors accept and
bedded expert systems typical for so-called reflexive share this term and ideas about fundamental transition
modernity (Beck 2004; Giddens 1998), processes like of society (see Ritzer 1997: 143), there exists a general
ICTs development, cloning, discussed impacts of GMOs agreement that we experience deep changes of society
confirm this sentence. The result is the situation when we live in. The discussion is rather about the degree of
the entire society (incl. its rural segment) experiences how fundamental these changes are. Nevertheless, as
changes which are considered by some authors as being Bělohradský (Bělohradský 2002) points out, the para-
similar to the fundamental transition from traditional digm of modernity in the frame of which the scientists
AGRIC. ECON. – CZECH, 52, 2006 (6): 251–262 251
discover unchangeable laws of nature, engineers us- to be a scientific paper, it is necessary to bring new and
ing scientific achievements develop better and fairer non-trivial findings. It is obvious that tacit knowledge
world for everyone and order beats the chaos is already and expert knowledge are important in whatever type
over. In the contemporary world (called post-modern of activities and they are important for the work of
or not), other principles are valid. Order and chaos any farm. This fact is not necessary to explain in
are complementary, an observer sets up what s/he details again. Moreover, this issue has been already
observes through his/her observation, every value is deeply addressed and commented in this journal (see
limited in history, and discrepancies and contingency for example Tichá 2001; Hron 2004). The papers of
cannot be removed. Tichá and Hron also indicate that expert knowledge
It means that not any more the precise, concrete, and tacit knowledge are somehow bound (in a sense
clear, stable and tangible so-called objective elements they are formed and constrained by structures). It
based on the belief in the power of reason (Bacon’s means they are organized and coordinated in a cer-
“knowledge is power”) are considered the only crucial tain way. The reason is that expert knowledge and
factors for the work of the systems. On the contrary, tacit knowledge should have such features (order)
also the intangible factors which are difficult to be which enable successful activities of all participating
measured or visualized (they are “invisible”) are re- actors. It is because the power of expert knowledge
ferred as being important for the development. Just and tacit knowledge could be rationally exploited by
to mention North’s (North 1994: 754) efforts to set up any individual to achieve his/her goals, however, the
economic theory of dynamics showing that socially result of the activities of many such actors need not
constructed institutions and time are important to be always the benefit and welfare of all involved.
understand economic changes and to provide the back- The backgrounds of this paper are skeptical, similarly
ground for an economic policy aiming at improving as institutional economics is skeptical (see Mlčoch
economic efficiency. The nature of intangible factors 1996: 5) in the conviction that the competition of
is not of the traditional objective origin or being in- atomized individuals endowed with unlimited ra-
dependent on actors. It is because they are generated tionality (unbounded expert and tacit knowledge)
and constructed by actors in their activities, which results in itself in the best of the possible worlds.
are implemented in the field of other actors. This assumption is not real. Every expert and tacit
In such turbulent world, the production factors knowledge is bound (both by capacities of our brain
are not only labour, land and capital (more or less and by the societies and ties we live in – i.e. expert
tangible factors of production) but also technology and tacit knowledge are determined both biologi-
and organization (Swedberg 2003: 58). The last two cally and socially). It is why the Nobel Prize winner
elements take us close to flexible, relative, often in- in economics J. Stiglitz (2003: 23) insists we should
tangible products of social construction: technologies study people and economics as they are, not as we
to knowledge (because technologies are developed would like them to be. This challenge is in accordance
using knowledge) and to knowledge economics, and with the words of another Nobel Prize winner in eco-
organizations to social networks or social relations nomics R. Coase (1994: 721). When he got the prize,
(because organizations are established upon institu- he claimed to investigate the world with non-zero
tionalized social relations) and to network econom- transaction costs. He appealed to study of the real
ics. However, what is not evident yet are the links world (i.e. the world of transaction costs). If we are
between knowledge and networks (social relations). not investigating such a world, if we do not put the
This paper will address this topic. actors into the networks of social relations and into
institutions, which influence our knowledge, we are
in the unreal worlds of zero transaction costs.
OBJECTIVES OF THE PAPER AND METHODS The goal of this paper is to show how expert and
USED tacit knowledge are socially determined and how
important is this determination in the work of farms.
If this paper would not include the words “intan- Social determination influences the features of both
gible forms of capital” in its title, its objectives can types of knowledge and the ways of their use 1. In the
be worded in an easy way: to show the role of expert other words, the objective of this paper is to show the
knowledge and tacit knowledge in the farms. However, links between various types of knowledge and its social
1 To show biological determinants would require other approaches, other forum, and other journal. However, it is
expert and tacit knowledge that might serve as a bridge to join social and natural sciences. It can be an interesting
challenge for the scientists.
252 AGRIC. ECON. – CZECH, 52, 2006 (6): 251–262
context influencing in the form of social networks the is close to qualitative approaches is sociology (see
knowledge. It will contribute to demonstrating what Disman 1993; Majerová, Majer 1999) or to historical
issues create the order of expert and tacit knowledge and social methodological approaches in economics
in the way they are exploitable (not ill exploitable) (see Swedberg, Granovetter 1992: 3).
because various actors in the market have various The comparison of two farms will be used to achieve
(and imperfect) information (i.e. also various tacit the outlined objective of the paper. These farms oper-
and expert knowledge). Such information asymmetry ate in the same village. After 1989, their chances were
has deep impacts on the economics (Stiglitz 2003: 23). equal and they could be of the same legal type of busi-
Therefore, this text will show how a broader social ness, for instance. However, one was privatized from
context (not only biological and psychological capac- state farm into joint-stock company, which changed
ity of our brain) creates such features of knowledge, its institutional owners several times. The second
which can be utilized in economic activities. was transformed from the former United Agricultural
Because the paper is written in social sciences, it Cooperative into agricultural trading cooperative of
is not possible to comply fully with the sometime owners. Comparing these farms and analyzing the
required structure of the text (goals and methods- role of expert and tacit knowledge in their work, the
material-results-discussion-conclusion) which is paper will highlight the social determination of the
rooted in the writings originating in natural sciences. knowledge existing in investigated farms and will
Moreover, it is difficult to use some of the established show how the knowledge is used and exploited for
methods of natural sciences (and the mentioned the benefits of the farms and the community.
structure of the text responds to the methods used).
The appropriateness of using the quantitative oriented
directed experiment exploited by natural sciences THEORETICAL BACKGROUND (HUMAN,
can be doubted above all because experimenting CULTURAL, INTELLECTUAL AND SOCIAL
with people would be the evidence of use (better to CAPITAL)
say misuse) of unbounded reason as it was proved
in various totalitarian regimes. 2 However, what is The previous text used terms expert knowledge
possible to use, it is the natural experiment of a non- and tacit knowledge. Therefore, it is necessary to
quantitative nature. It is the experiment, which uses frame them into a certain context and outline their
certain situation when natural evolution resulted in differences.
bifurcation of investigated objects under the influ- Expert knowledge will be understood (according
ence of circumstances, which were not a generated to Bělohradský 2003: 5) as achieved results of the
by the researcher. Not an external involvement of specific education process, which are fragmented
the researcher but general social and economic de- into various areas of expertise. A person possesses
velopment resulted in the possibility to compare two expert knowledge as the specific form of knowledge.
various systems. Of course, it is necessary to analyze It shapes the nature of human qualification and forms
both compared settings in details, and a scientist human capital because such capital reflects technical
cannot intentionally intervene into these settings. On knowledge and skills (Lin 2001: 190) considered as
the other hand, no scientific work is immune from expertise acquired trough education. Human capital is
some degree of intervention into investigated objects; always tied to (embodied in) a concrete man/woman
therefore, the experimental nature of method used and represents the sum of immaterial wealth owned
is not under question. With the background in eth- by a man/woman and used by him/her to acquire
nomethodology (its contextuality) as it was outlined certain income from his/her activities. According to
by H. Garfinkel and J. Sacks (1990) and in heuristic G. Becker (Becker 1994: 732–734), who coined the
intervention investigation method (acknowledging concept of human capital, the individuals themselves
some degree of intervention into the investigated decide about the investments into this capital through
objects) as it was developed by J. Kabele (1999b), this qualification and medical care. The income of such
text will use the natural experiment of the qualita- a person depends on how much did s/he invested
tive type. It is because of the natural character of the into his/her human capital, and how high (valuable)
circumstances when specific and unique situations did s/he make this capital to be measured on labour
(which are difficult to be quantified using statistics) market. Human capital as the set of expert knowl-
are concerned. Such methodological background edge, skills and abilities which have ideal features
2 The question of impossibility to use directed experiments in economics (and also in other social sciences) is addressed
by J. Stiglitz (2003: 23)
AGRIC. ECON. – CZECH, 52, 2006 (6): 251–262 253
cannot be separated from (deprived from) a concrete the outcome of investments into people in the past,
man/woman as it can be done in the case of financial especially by their families. Therefore, their knowl-
or material wealth (Becker 2002). For instance, to edge does not depend only on the biologically given
separate the knowledge from a person, the knowledge capacities of a person developed through his/her
must be materialized. However, then it loses the na- investments in health or education but also on his/her
ture of human capital and becomes material wealth. social status rooted in family background. Acquired
Knowledge is something an individual uses to enter knowledge is therefore influenced by a wider social
labour market. It is his/her private good into which a context and therefore by another form of immate-
person invests to get certain return on labour market rial capital than the human one. It is why Bourdieu
in the form of certain income. (1983: 185-190) thinks about cultural capital with its
Opposing to expert knowledge, tacit knowledge three components:
will be understood as the sum of general achieved – embodied in an individual – embodied state of
results of the whole socialization (not only education) cultural capital (external wealth converted during
process that are in possession of a person. Comparing certain time into integral part of the person /habi-
with expert knowledge, tacit knowledge is rather a tus/ which cannot be transmitted instantaneously
public good because more than with qualification to other people because it is always joined with
and investments into the qualification (specialized its bearer);
education of a person) it is linked with socialization. – objectified – objectified state of cultural capi-
In the socialization process, sometimes seemingly tal (material objects and media which are already
useless and general skills are formed through various transmissible in their materiality; but to use them
agents (not only through schools but also, and above after transition, an individual needs to have the first
all, through family or peer groups). Referring to public element – embodied in him/her; simply speaking,
goods concept (Samuelson and Nordhaus 1992: 311; without skills to understand, which are available
developed by Bělohradský 2002), the typical features only to each person, it is not possible to read the
of tacit knowledge in its personal form are: book which includes the objectified cultural capital
– It cannot be delivered to individuals in a limited of other people);
amount according to the amount of payment (de- – institutionalized – institutionalized state of cultural
livered to one, it must be delivered to all, otherwise capital (objectifies embodied element of cultural
the system does not work). capital in the direction of relative autonomy of its
– None can be excluded (with eligible costs) from bearer; they are, for example, academic qualifica-
consuming tacit knowledge. tions /like human capital/ which enable to distin-
– Consumption of tacit knowledge by a person “A” guish the formally embodied element of cultural
does not decrease the possibility of the other people capital of an autodidact from those who passed
to consume the same good. Socialization generates the specialized education; this element influences
tacit knowledge (comparing to simple expert educa- social stratification).
tion, which generates expert knowledge).
Cultural capital therefore includes also human
Tacit knowledge means to think independently. It capital as P. Bourdieu (1998) documents it in the case
means (Bělohradský 2003: 5) to be skilled in process- of education. What economizing understanding of
ing the information using the categories as semantic human capital considers as talent or skills (self-interest
oppositions and to be skilled in distinguishing be- of an actor), can be much better understood as the
tween the specific contexts of information and their result of cultural function of “teaching” in the family.
general sense. Tacit knowledge understood in this The students from the “right family” are taught not in
way is more efficient to join with cultural capital. school but by their parents when they are fostered up
Such capital (according to Lin 2001: 43, 190) means to get “all they need” for the life in the society (this is
the resources acquired through social identification “the sense for the game” which forms the habitus of
and reciprocal recognition. A French sociologist P. acting individuals, as Bourdieu writes). The educa-
Bourdieu has developed cultural capital as a term. tion in schools depends more than on individuals and
Similarly like human capital, cultural capital is bound their free wills on cultural capital, which the family
to an individual. However, it differs from human capital invested into its children in the form of tacit knowledge
(based on the research of P. Bourdieu) in the way that about culture and its symbols in which s/he grows
knowledge which people acquire is not influenced up. That is why tacit knowledge should be included
only by what people invest into this knowledge but into cultural capital, which involves the dimension of
also by their origin – i.e. by certain capital which is family background. Not only direct investments but
254 AGRIC. ECON. – CZECH, 52, 2006 (6): 251–262
also the family background (defining what symbols acts in some way and therefore any of them can be
we learnt and were taught in the family) influences considered as actor. It is why during the research the
our chances in the society. In this case, the sources respondents refer to their farms as the actors with
acquired through social identification, identity and many attributes of human life. Many times the farms
reciprocal recognition and acknowledgment by other referred in the interviews are endowed with life (“our
(which is related to the theories of social status and farm lives”), thinking (“the farm found that”), emo-
social roles) are concerned. More than qualification tions (“the farm feels”), and the abilities to act (“the
it is general education, socialization and the skills to farm made, did”).
work with information, which are different in vari- When dealing with individual persons, we speak
ous cultures that are of the interest to understand about cultural and human capitals that are bound to a
the knowledge. concrete individual because in their ideal form these
Human and cultural capitals are composed of capitals are not transmittable. However, the question
sources, which are primary possessed by individu- arises: when speaking about a collective person, does
als (it is the wealth in “his/her head”). Persons can there exist any other form of capital, which would
dispose of these forms of capital in various ways (in correspond to this existing at individual persons?
the case of human capital the freedom in disposing Gradually it is established the concept of intellectual
is emphasized, in the case of cultural capital, which capital. It is also called knowledge capital (more about
includes also human capital, social determination of knowledge capital see Hron 2005: 21). This form of
disposing of this capital is emphasized). capital works with the objectified and materialized
Despite the outlined differences between cultural elements of human and cultural capital. They are the
and human capital, both types of capital have in objectified and institutionalized elements of cultural
common the fact they are closely bound to a concrete capital. Intellectual capital can be defined (see Tichá
person (they are embodied in an individual) and 2005) as the difference between market and accounting
without their objectification and institutionaliza- value of a company/farm. This difference is related
tion (e.g. in the form of materialization), they are to the intangible assets of the company/farm. These
not transmittable. Individuals in their activities use assets consist also of cultural and human capital of
cultural capital and its part – human capital. The the workers in the company/farm. The intellectual
materialization of these capitals is achieved through capital also includes customer capital (long-time
objectification and institutionalization, which are relations of the company/farm with its the most
later legitimized. These processes are described by important customers – i.e. the objectified form of
Berger and Luckman (1999: 51–127) and they are human capital known as the expert knowledge about
known as social construction of reality. the consumers and their needs which is materialized
Every human activity as the human externalization in the form of consumers studies etc.) and organi-
(humans cannot exist without any activity only to zational capital (e.g. patents, intellectual property,
be closed in themselves) requires from every man/ databases and cultural aspects – like the culture of
women the habitualization of his/her activities. sharing the knowledge – i.e. the materialized and
Habitualization results in the institutionalization objectified elements of cultural capital). The last ele-
of activities because the habitualization is the back- ment of intellectual capital (organizational capital)
ground of institutions that govern human activities is sometimes labeled as structural capital.
through the patterns of behaviour, which were set up Intellectual capital means the intangible and “in-
earlier (Berger, Luckman 1999: 58). This is the way visible” assets of collective persons (in the general
aiming us out of the individual persons. From this form of expert knowledge and tacit knowledge, or in
point of view, we can address the issues asking how the concrete form of science, innovation research,
to deal with the situation when we are considering programmes and others). Collective persons use this
the group of people, e.g. a social entity understood asset to achieve their goals. It means an intellectual
as a collective person for whom the concepts of cul- capital is used on the level of collective persons and
tural and human capital as strongly bounded to in- individual person uses cultural capital (which includes
dividuals cannot be applied 3. It is because a family, the human capital) when both types of persons act
community, region, the state, company or a farm (Figure 1). What is always necessary, it is the goals
3 The division into individual and collective persons is used by Kabele (1998: 177, 369) when he analyzes social changes
and shows that also such social entities as organizations, groups or societies can be understood as persons who move
with conscious and are also the actors, co-movers of the events. That is why collective persons become a significant
element of an order into which unclear events are figured during the situations of social changes.
AGRIC. ECON. – CZECH, 52, 2006 (6): 251–262 255
of action and the very action should bring the ben- own capitals – a sort of “credential” that entitles the
efits for those who are concerned and for those who group members to the credit in various sense of this
prepare these actions. Therefore, also various above word (trust, honesty etc.). The profits accruing from
discussed forms of capital necessitate their coordina- the membership in the group are the fundamental of
tion, moreover, if the collective persons are concerned. solidarity, which increases and multiplies these ben-
That is why for the efficient use of intellectual capital, efits. What is important, it is the fact these relations
which is based on cultural and human capitals, also can exist only in the situation of human activities. It
other conditions are needed. means social capital is available only when it is used
When asking what defines the use of human/cultural (Falk, Kilpatrick 2000: 103–104).
and intellectual capitals in society and the way in Social capital in Bourdieu’s understanding is not
which theses capitals become the assets of the whole reducible into economic or cultural capital but also it
society, then the answer is social capital. Although this is not independent fully on these capitals because it
term was probably used for the first time in 1916 by works as the multiplicator for economic and cultural
the supervisor of rural schools in West Virginia L.J. capital of an individual person. Social capital is for
Hanifan (quoted according to Putnam 2000: 19), it Bourdieu a rather private good because it brings the
was introduced into scientific discourse by the works profit mostly for the individuals (Sedláčková, Šafr
of P.F. Bourdieu. However, even in his works in the 2005: 5). In the same time it represents structural
1970s, this concept was residual category (Swain 2003: form of this capital (ibid: 5). It is because social capi-
188–189). What is interesting, it is the first Bourdieu’s tal is for Bourdieu above all about the achievement
work in which he precisely conceptualizes the concept of the higher position in diversified social struc-
of social capital was originally published in German. ture. Therefore, in Bourdieu’s understanding it has
Bourdieu (Bourdieu 1983: 190) defines social capital in the competitive nature (Lee, Árnason, Nightingale,
this work as the aggregate of the actual and potential Sucksmith, 2005: 270–271).
resources, which are linked to possession of a durable Comparing with Bourdieu who introduces the
network of more or less institutionalized relations of concept of social capital into the discourse in social
mutual acquaintance and recognition – or in other sciences and relates it to an individual and the competi-
words to membership in a group. Looking from the tion in social field, there is another understanding of
point of view of the groups (collective persons) such social capital. R. Putnam (Putnam 1993, 2000; Putnam,
capital gives, according to Bourdieu (ibid: 191), the Feldstein 2003) coins this second view. They were his
group members certain background in the collective thoughts about social capital published in the 1990s,
Scheme 1: Relations between human, cultural, and intellectual capitals
INDIVIDUAL (concrete person) possesses:
HUMAN CAPITAL: CULTURAL
Expert knowledge CAPITAL:
acquired in education tacit knowledge
acquired in
socialization
Influence action of
individual and
Both capitals are primarily embodied in man/woman
collective persons
Objectification and institutionalization (done in social
constructivism) of cultural (and its part human) capital take it
out of individuals and create the basis for:
INTELLECTUAL CAPITAL (the level of
COLLECTIVE PERSONS)
Figure 1. Relations between human, cultural, and intellectual capitals
256 AGRIC. ECON. – CZECH, 52, 2006 (6): 251–262
which significantly influenced the works dealing with has to be given. It is also necessary to accept the gift
regional, rural or community development. Finally, under these circumstances. The acceptance of the
developing Putnam’s views, social capital became gift makes the commitment that the gift has to be
one of the most important conditions, as stated by (under other or similar circumstances) returned (the
the World Bank, for the successful implementation commitment to return the gift in the future). Such
of the development of certain localities. 4 relations tie and glue the whole society (therefore
In Putnam’s work from 1993 “Making Democracy Mauss speaks about total commitment).5
Work”, social capital is a sort of “appendix” to in- In Putnam’s latter works “Bowling Alone” from
vestigate the role of citizenship and institutions 2000 and “Better Together” from 2003, the term of
in regional development. Putnam (1993: 163–185) social capital becomes central. Putnam develops here
outlines this concept at the end of his book when the concepts of bonding (exclusive) and bridging
he considers the reasons of various efficiency and (inclusive) social capital (Putnam 2000: 22–24; 2003:
performance of regions in Italy. The reason he sees 2–3, 279–282). Bonding social capital is oriented
in civic engagement. It is based on the cooperation into the groups. Its tendency is to support exclusiv-
of equal partners and traces the roots to the social ity and homogeneity of groups. It refers to the rela-
capital. Voluntary cooperation is (Putnam 1993: 167) tions of individuals or the groups, which have much
“easier in a community that has inherited a substan- in common. It can be used to explain the specific
tial stock of social capital, in the form of norms of reciprocity and mobilization of solidarity (here is the
reciprocity and networks of civic engagement. Social place especially for the dark sides of social capital
capital here refers to features of social organization, which Putnam finally acknowledges in the form of
such as trust, norms, and networks, that can improve bribery, nepotism etc.). On the other hand, bridg-
the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated ing social capital aims out of the groups. It refers
actions.” Spontaneous cooperation, which assumes to the relations of individuals. These relations link
equal partners, is facilitated by social capital. individuals or groups across greater social distances.
The most important norm, which increases the Bridging social capital is related to the generalized
amount of social capital and in this way lowers trans- reciprocity; it provides the links with external assets
action costs of collective action, is in Putnam’s view and information diffusion. Putnam (2000: 22–23)
(Putnam 1993: 171–173) the reciprocity. Similarly as writes in the illustrative way that while bonding so-
M. Shalins in his Stone Age Economics, he distinguish- cial capital is a sort of sociological super-glue which
es the balanced (specific) and diffused (generalized) ties and bounds all people together (it is a sort of
reciprocity. The first means “simultaneous exchange Durkheimian mechanical solidarity), bridging social
of items of equivalent value” (for example like the case capital is a sort of sociological WD-40. Those who
when office-mate before the Christmas exchange each are lay repair people know this spray stops jar, cleans
other their Christmas bakery). Generalized reciprocity and protects, eliminates moisture, and facilitates the
“refers to a continuing relationship of exchange that work of rusty mechanisms. Looking from the point of
is at any given time unrequited or imbalanced, but it view of social sciences, bridging social capitals is this
involves mutual expectations that a benefit granted type of capital which lowers transaction costs, facili-
now should be repaid in the future.” tates the coordination of actors in the field of other
The norm of generalized reciprocity is very similar actors who are not the members of the same group.
to Mauss’s (Mauss 1999: 12–14; 24–27) total com- Bonding social capital can (due to its background
mitment when he describes the gift. Under certain in the homogeneity group) facilitate the strategies
circumstances (in certain social context), the gift of linkages. However, if the society is based only on
4 According to the World Bank (The Initiative on Defining, Monitoring and Measuring Social Capital /Overview and
program description/ 1998) social capital includes institutions, relations, attitudes and values which govern the in-
teractions among people and contribute to social and economic development. Social capital is not simply the sum
of institutions that underpin the society but it is also the glue, which holds the society together. It includes shared
values and norms for social action, which exist in personal relations, trust, and general sense for civic engagement
and responsibility. All it makes the society to be more than the sum of individuals. Without certain sense of a com-
mon identification with the forms of governance, organization and coordination, without cultural norms and “rules
of game” it is difficult to imagine working and functional society.
5 It is interesting Putnam never mentions Mauss’s “Essay on Gift”, albeit Mauss has already in the 1920s described the
mechanism, which is much more latter re-discovered by Putnam as basic element of social capital in his understanding
(general reciprocity).
AGRIC. ECON. – CZECH, 52, 2006 (6): 251–262 257
this form of capital, it risks being similar like Bosna capital is the wealth of (assets in) our social relations
or Belfast (Putnam 2003: 279–280). That is why the (contacts). It is based both on (1) competitive nature
existence of bridging social capital is necessary. of social status (who are we in the social hierarchy
The paper has already noted that Bourdieu un- and how we enter from these hierarchical positions
derstands social capitals as a vertically hierarchical into the relations with others – it is also related to
private good bound to an individual person who tacit knowledge and expert knowledge), (2) and the
uses social capital to change his/her positions in the amount of mutual trust in the relations with other
social field (based on composition of economic and people, existing social norms, formal and informal
cultural capital because these capitals influence the social networks used to access resources or to solve
habitus /way of action/ of an individual). Such social the problems, which create social cohesion (how do
capital can be used for the analysis of what Durkheim we enter into equal relations with others, what is
considers organic solidarity as the tool organizing the also based on our tacit and expert knowledge). Social
collective action of people. Putnam’s understanding capital means the sources acquired through social
differs. His social capital is horizontally equal (based networks and social relations (it is the “wealth of
on reciprocity). It is closer to Durkheim’s understand- our relations”). The existence and the scope of social
ing of mechanical solidarity, which also establishes capital (for the possibilities of its measurement see for
the order of collective action (in different way than example Lošťák 2005, Putnam 1993, 2000, Sedláčková,
organic solidarity that is based on division of labour). Šafr 2005) influences the coordination of collective
Putnam’s social capital is rather a public good of the actions. Social capital is referred to when explained
collective person. More than in Bourdieu’s concept, succes of industrial clusters or addressing so-called
it is related to cognitive issues – it is derived from network economics (Swedberg 2003: 65–69). This
ideas retained by culture – such as internalized values, paper is founded upon the hypothesis that they are
norms, opinions, beliefs (Sedláčková, Šafr 2005: 5). social capital and social networks, which determine
Such social capital is more of the cooperative nature, our expert and tacit knowledge and it this way, they
which can, however, sometime results in its “dark create the order of the knowledge and influence the
side” (Putnam 2000: 350–363). This side relates to the way of its use in action.
closed social networks, corruption, mafia, nepotism This text has already indicated that social capital is
(especially if bonding social capital dominates without the wealth (assets) of both an individual and a collec-
balancing by the bridging social capital). tive entity (see Lin 2001, Hudečková, Lošťák 2003). It
The reason of this paper is not to provide the criti- means that the benefits from institutionalized social
cism of Putnam’s ideas. N. Swain (Swain 2003: 193–196) relations representing embedded resources can use
does it, for instance. He points out to a rather non- both an individual within the collective and the whole
historical use of some facts and certain romanticism collective. When speaking about collective persons
in ideas that the collective social capital of the whole (this view will be important because of the empiri-
communities will be the fundamental tool, which will cal analysis done in this text), social capital is a sort
undoubtedly result in their development. For instance of “aggregation of valued resources (e.g. economic,
in “Bowling Alone” Putnam (Putnam 2003: 402–414) political, cultural, or social, as in social connections)
abiding with his romantic ideas ends the book with of members interacting as a network or networks”
the suggestion how to remedy America where the (Lin 2001: 26). Social networks are understood as the
activities at the end of the 20 th century were strongly “channels of mutual influence” (Kabele 1999a: 49).
individualized (also bowling is not played together These channels are various because also the social
in teams but individually). Putnam sees the remedy networks penetrate in different ways, often irregu-
in the implementation of the programme, which will larly and in various degrees into different sectors of
create social capitalists who will save America (Swain economic life (Granovetter 1992: 61–62). This hetero-
2003: 196). Such programme could be based on the geneity is influenced also by the nature of relations in
experience form American Gilded Age (1870–1900) the networks. Mark Granovetter (cf. Swedberg 2003:
and the Progressive Era (1900–1915). 124–125) in his analysis of social mechanisms through
Into the field marked by the concepts of social capital which people get job distinguishes two types of social
developed by P. Bourdieu and R. Putnam considered ties. Strong ties are typical for people who know each
as two points of dichotomy, other understandings of other almost on an intimate level. These people have
social capital developed by authors like J. Coleman, the tendency to share the same types of information.
G. Becker, F. Fukuyama or A. Giddens can be placed. Therefore, they mostly cannot help their group-mates
Because the aim of this text is not outline social capital with new information or the advice where to get a
in details, there is the summary of this concept. Social new job because they share similar knowledge. Strong
258 AGRIC. ECON. – CZECH, 52, 2006 (6): 251–262
ties are close to Putnam’s bonding capital. On the we found the differences in the tacit knowledge related
other hand, the weak ties are typical for people who to the knowledge of the general context of what is
know each other rather casually. Thanks to these ties, going on. The differences in tacit knowledge brought
people have the access to different expert and tacit us to the concepts of cultural capital.
knowledge. It might be more useful for somebody who What were the issues? Because the paper is lim-
has just found out s/he needs to get answers for ques- ited in size, only one finding will be presented. The
tions or to get a job. Granovetter speaks here about interviewed people in the Agricultural cooperative
strong weak ties. The most important elements of had no information (in the sense of tacit knowledge)
weak ties are the bridges, which enable the transmis- about the operation of the limited liability company
sion of information generated on the basis of weak (composed of 3 Austrians and their Czech relative)
ties. The bridges are the people who span separated in investigated region. This company bargained with
worlds of strong ties (Kabele 1999a: 69). Here we are local owners about buying their fields. The Farm (joint
closer to Putnam’s bridging social capital. However, as stock company) has already had this information. Its
Granovetter demonstrates, people to get the jobs use director told us: “A half year ago we made measures
the networks of weak ties. It means they are also used to deal with the potential problems emerging from
in the competition within the Bourdieu’s social field situation when our renters sell their field to this com-
(in a sense of achieving higher social status) which pany.” The Farm started an intensive negotiation with
brings these ties close to the Bourdieu’s concept of the owners about the purchase of their field by the
social capital. Farm to secure the land ahead of the limited liability
company. The members of the top management also
started to purchase the state land as natural persons.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION This land they rented to the Farm they control as
shareholders. The Agricultural cooperative got the
As the paper has already outlined above, in inves- information about the limited liability company from
tigated community there are two farms. They will be the members of our research team. A coop chairper-
compared to achieve the goals of this paper. Their son told us: “It is very interesting, it is serious, and it
short characterization is outlined in Table 1. can bring us problems.” This situation generated the
During the research formed within the institutional research question. What accounts for the different
research “Efektivní integrace českého agrárního sek- tacit knowledge existing among the members of the
toru v rámci evropských struktur – předpoklad trvale farms in one community? Why the representatives
udržitelného rozvoje“ (Effective integration of the of one agricultural holding had the tacit knowledge
Czech agrarian sector into European structure – the necessary for developing future strategies of their
condition for sustainable development, funded by the business and another did not posses such tacit knowl-
Czech government), also the issues of availability of (in edge? What is even more paradoxical it is the fact,
the sense of the access to) information (information that tacit knowledge can be considered as public good
includes expert and tacit knowledge) and the use of but one agricultural holding was excluded from its
various information were investigated. use. The reason of the different ownership structure
The representatives (top management) of both coop (Cooperative vs. Joint Stock Company) was not fully
and the joint stock company farm were typified by a satisfactory to explain the questions.
very similar expert knowledge (in the sense of quali- Because the previous text suggested expert and tacit
fication related to human capital). It confirms similar knowledge are socially determined by social capital,
education structure in both farms and the structure of which is founded upon social networks, these issues
specialization of workers reflecting similar qualifica- started to be investigated in details in both agricultural
tion structure of both agricultural holdings. However, holdings. The outcome indicated the local Agricultural
Table 1. A short description in investigated farms in the community
Agricultural trading cooperative (Zemědělské obchodní družstvo): uses this name since November 1992; 1 478 ha of
land (18.5 ha/worker); animal and plant production, off-farm activities; in 2000 the coop top management retired and
a younger staff has been elected to manage the cooperative
Farm, joint stock company (Statek, a.s.): uses this name since November 1992; 2 850 ha of land (22 ha/worker); plant
and animal production, off-farm activities; in 1999 four members of top farm management bought the shares from the
previous owner – an investment company
AGRIC. ECON. – CZECH, 52, 2006 (6): 251–262 259
trading cooperative is still rather a sort of “extended purchasing the land by the limited liability company
family” which is closed and rotates around established could result in serious problems in its future strategy),
durable networks (understood as the Granovetter’s but only its part concentrated around the farming
strong ties or the Putnam’s bonding capital) of a group joint stock company. It is because social networks
of local protestants who were always important actors and social capital are used also for achieving certain
of local farming. The Farm, joint stock company, is a positions in the social field of competing actors.
group “of functionally depended people”. This group Social capital coordinates in such a case the use of
is open to the surrounding world and moves in chang- economic and cultural capital. Only in the moment
ing social relations. It responds to the Granovetter’s when such competitive individualism of actors pursu-
weak ties or the Putnam’s bridging social capital. ing their own goals turns into devastating features (all
It is important to note that there are no significant want to achieve the benefits but the result is all are
persons between the two agricultural holdings – the loosing), the power of the social capital outlined by
bridges. The researchers became such bridges during Putnam is more evident. This form of social capital
their investigation. Based on the network analysis of coordinates the action not structurally being bound
the coop they were the hubs, which established with to the individual but in a cognitive way being bound
the coop the weak ties that are important for the to the collective. That is why social capital has to be
transmission of knowledge form outside strong ties. seen not only as the mechanism facilitating collective
The fact that there are no bridges between the two action through the support of cooperation but also as
holdings suggests there is a competition between them mechanism used in competition. In the second case,
and they want to protect their intellectual capital. It the result of social capital use can be negative when
also means social capital is not used for the benefits all participants of action are losers at the end. Such
of the whole community (as Putnam would suggest) understanding of social capital is missing in Putnam’s
but for the benefits of one individual in the detriment work. He stresses only the collective dimension and
of others. Such situation is close to the Bourdieu’s it makes for him problems to deal with “dark side” of
understanding of social capital. social capital. These circumstances are often neglected
when social capital is considered as a sort of remedy
to help Czech farming not only on the practical level
CONCLUSIONS (various supports to producers group and collective
marketing initiatives) but also on the theoretical level
The analyzed case confirmed social determination (see Chloupková, Bjørnskov 2002).
of tacit knowledge. They are social networks, which The analyzed case also demonstrated that only the
influence the access to the information based on human capital concept is not enough for an efficient
tacit knowledge as for the information about broader work of farms. Not only expert knowledge, talent, pro-
context of activities. It is tacit knowledge, which is fessional skills are important but also social networks in
available in the social networks. The character of which we exist and through which we have an access to
the networks influences also the character of tacit the information (if the networks have features of weak
knowledge. If tacit knowledge is a sort of public good ties and if there are sufficient bridges) are significant.
then also the character of social networks and the The case showed that the concept of human capital is
character of social capital are very important as for very limited to explain all skills. That is why it is also
the access to this good. In this way, we should work useful to work with the concept of tacit knowledge
with weak networks as Granovetter suggests and with and its relation to cultural capital of persons in social
bridging social capital developed by Putnam. Weak networks and intellectual capital of collective persons
social networks and bridging social capital are even when doing economic analysis of the farms. Cultural
more important for the use of tacit knowledge, if an capital according to the findings of this text is not
actor should act in a very turbulent milieu where a rooted only in education in family and schools but can
person competes for higher social positions and uses be formed also by other social groups the individual is
social capital also in Bourdieu’s understanding. Social a member of and in which s/he multiplies what s/he
networks shape social capital both on collective level received in family and education.
(often related to R. Putnam) and on the level of an The case in the investigated community brings us
individual (often referred to P. Bourdieu). The analyzed also back to Granovetter’s (1992: 53–54; 57–63) con-
case indicated that compared with Putnam’s ideas, the cept of embeddedness. In this concept Granovetter
benefits from social networks (and even from bridging develops Karl Polanyi (1992) 6 . Our activities, in-
social capital) use not the whole community (for the cluding economic ones, are always in some way
agricultural cooperative the lack of information about embedded in some form of social structure. Social
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Arrived on 12th April 2006
Contact address:
Michal Lošťák, Czech University of Agriculture, Kamýcká 129, 165 21 Prague 6-Suchdol, Czech Republic
tel. +420 224 382 311, e-mail:
[email protected]
262 AGRIC. ECON. – CZECH, 52, 2006 (6): 251–262